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Chapter 11
The Final Years: 1826-1828
Documentary History of the Construction of the Buildings at the University
of Virginia, 1817-1828 |  |
Chapter 11
The Final Years: 1826-1828
Jefferson's life.
—Lewis Mumford[741]
Drainage
When the Board of Visitors met shortly after Jefferson's eighty-third birthday the only
resolutions it passed pertaining to construction were those requiring the executive
committee "to provide for lighting the University if it can be effectually done at a reasonable
expense" and directing the proctor "to keep the drains in the grounds of the University
always free from obstruction, and to instruct such others as the Executive committee may
direct."[742] The subject of the first resolution is an example of one of the many incidentals
still awaiting completion at the site in the months before Jefferson's death, but the latter was
more necessary for the proper functioning of the site. Two days after the visitors' meeting
professor John Patton Emmet wrote the proctor: "As Mr Jefferson is Anxious that the
Botanic Garden should be Commenced immediatley I have to request that you will furnish
me with hands And one Cart or Waggon at least—The ground is at present so irregular that
the mere levelling & clearing away impediments such as the two brick Kilns &c will
steadily occupy as many as 5 or 6 hands—Drains must also be cut to clear the low ground &
the hills must be terraced—As all these operations will require great labour, the Sooner I get
the hands at work, the better."[743] The following week John Hartwell Cocke told Jefferson,
his aged partner on the committee of superintendence:
situation of the Eastern Range of Hotels & Dormitories—where it was decided
to be necessary, to construct two paved or brick-laid gutters in the rear of two
Sections of the Dormitories, with a graduated fall sufficient to take off rapidly,
all the falling water:—and, to enlarge a drain passing under the Street, giving it
more fall, as well as greater capacity, which in its present State, was thought
insufficient for its intended purposes, at Spottswood's Hotel.—This was all the
drainage thought necessary at present. I will here suggest, as a precautionary
measure against the injurious accumulation of filth in the back yards of the
Hotels, that small depots be constructed to receive all their Sweepings, &
Kitchen, & wash room offal—to be removed weekly—without some such
arrangement of police, as this, I think, there are appearances enough to excite
fear for the health of the plan in the course of the Summer.[744]
The matter of an efficient drainage system remained a problem in late summer when
Professor Dunglison wrote to the proctor to "beg of You to have proper drains constituted as
soon as possible to prevent Sickness in the dormitories which we formerly inspected."[745]
743. Emmet to Brockenbrough, 9 April 1826, ViU:PP. Jefferson wrote to Emmet on 27
April 1826 to discuss the details of building the botanical garden, including "our 1st. opern
the selection of a piece of ground, of proper soil & site, suppose of about 6. a[cre]s. . . . 2d.
opern. inclose the ground with a serpentine brick wall 7 f high this wd. take abt 80 M bricks
& cost 800 D . . . 3d. opern. form all the hill sides into level terrasses curving with the hills
of conven[ien]t. breadth & the level ground into beds & allies 4th. make out a list of the
plants thought necessary & sfft for botanical purposes and of the trees we propose to
introduce" (ViU:TJ; see also Lipscomb and Bergh, Writings of Thomas Jefferson,
16:163-67). Emmet apparently was hesitant in beginning the project (see TJ to Emmet, 28
April 1826, in DLC:TJ), and on 3 May Jefferson drafted a letter to James Madison
complaining that "I have percieved in some of our Professors a disinclination to the
preparing themselves for entering on the branches of science with which they are charged
additionally to their principal one" (DLC:TJ).
The Dome Leaks
The struggle to overcome an inadequate drainage system probably was exacerbated by the
spring rains of 1826, which not only brought water levels back up enough so that the marble
bases and capitals could be shipped from Richmond to the university but also revealed leaks
in the Rotunda's roof. After visiting the university on 4 May ("my ride yesterday has
worsted me so much that I cannot repeat it"), Jefferson determined to confer with John
Hartwell Cocke about the best way in which to "remedy" the problem, created he thought,
by the "ignorance" of Richmond tinworker Anthony Bargamin, whose permanent absence,
of course, made him an easy target for receiving blame. "my own opinion," Jefferson wrote,
"is in favor of another cover of tin laid on the old one without disturbing that. but Broke
must be employed. we ought not to trust to people of whose skill we know nothing. the
ignorance of the Frenchman is what costs us a new roof. As soon as this is done we must
cover the ill appearance of the plaistering by a whitewash, either of lime or Spanish
white."[746] A figure of $250 was charged against the university in late May for "Additonal
Covering for Dome of the Rotunda,"[747] and Daniel Warwick on 12 June shipped "10.
Boxes Tin plates IX @ $15" by wagoner Christian to the university for the building.[748] A.
H. Brooks wrote Brockenbrough from Staunton on 13 June to let the proctor know that "I
received a few lines from you requsting me to let you heare if I Could Come over to doo a
Job for you and what I would Charge for it, as to the price of Such work I Can Say nothing
becuase I never have done any work of the kind and Could not Say till I See what is to be
done. my tooles is nearly 200 miles from this place and I expect a Job at that place in a
Short time. but Sopose you have Some if So let me know by next mail by which time I
expect to heare from my tooles, I Should think the old Covering must Come off but would
be better able to Judg if I Could See it."[749]
747. See John Hartwell Cocke and Alexander Garrett's Demands of the Resources of the
University, 31 May 1826, in DLC:TJ.
748. Warwick to Brockenbrough, 12 June 1826, ViU:PP. D. W. & C. Warwick and Co.
shipped six boxes of tin plate and one bundle of sheet iron to the university by wagoner
William Estes on 28 April, and Daniel Warwick sent four more boxes of tin plate on 31 July
(see Daniel Warwick to Brockenbrough, 28 October 1826, in ViU:PP). The total cost for the
metal was $300.08.
749. Brooks to Brockenbrough, 13 June 1826, ViU:PP. Brooks wrote the proctor again on 19
June to say that "the ill health of my Step Son Compells me to Start to Lewisburg [now West
Virginia] to morrow on my return I will either write or Come over" (ViU:PP). Jefferson
must have been particularly chagrined when he recieved a letter from his grandson Francis
Wayles Eppes, written at Poplar Forest of 23 June: "Knowing that all of your pavilions at
the university have tin coverings, I write to learn whether they have ever leaked, and if so
what method of prevention had been used. Our roof here was perfectly close until about mid
winter. It then began to leak not in one but a hundred places: and from that time I have
endeavoured to discover the cause without effect. For some time I thought that the water
found its way, between the sheeting and the bottom of the platform, just where the gutters
vent their water, but after removing the tin and making the sheeting perfectly tight, I found
myself mistaken. A subsequent examination immediately after a hard rain, showed me, on
the lowest side of every sheet of tin, spots of water on the sheeting plank. This water must
have been drawn upwards, as there were no traces above: and that a few drops could be so
drawn up, I could readily conceive; but the quantity is really incridible. The plaistering of
the parlour is so entirely wet every rain, that I begin to fear it will fall in. Large buckets of
water pass through it. Your room is nearly as bad and the others leak more and more every
rain. The hall is in fact, the only dry room in the house. I have been so completely baffled in
every attempt to stop the leaking, that I really feel quite at a loss; we have had here, in the
last four weeks three of the most destructive rains ever known in this neighbourhood. The
tobacco hills on flat land were entirely swept off" (Betts and Bear, Family Letters of Thomas
Jefferson, 478-79).
Memorandum and Instructions
The unfinished state of the buildings clearly disappointed Jefferson, whose health was
failing fast. On 20 May he expressed to John Hartwell Cocke his extreme dissatisfaction
with the progress of the work: if it "were it not for my great confidence in the integrity of
those we employ, I should be unable to resist the suspicion of a willingness in them to make
the job last for life. I am at present suffering under a relapse so serious as to put it out my
power to go there as frequently as is requisite." He made a list of notes for "their joint efforts
and consultations as soon as your own affairs will permit your coming to us. altho' always
injured by the ride there I should be able to accompany you & endeavor to apply a spur to
those needing it."[750] The memorandum gives us an idea of the work still being done at the
university:
-
Notes. the Dome leaks so that not a book can be trusted in it until remedied. this
is from the ignorance of the workman employed. how shall it be remedied? my
opinion is by a new tin cover put on the present, to be done by Broke of
Staunton whose competence to it we know. this will cost us 8. or 900. Dollars. I
know nothing else which experience will justify. -
2. the wells and water fail there and at Charlottesville; and they are proposing to
send our pipe borer, mr Ziegler to the North to learn the art of boring, now in
practice there, & then to return and bore for us. but why not in this, as in other
cases, employ a man already taught and exercised in his trade? a borer can be
had from thence as easily as a bricklayer or carpenter. besides this however the
pipes which bring water to our cisterns must be repaired. they have rotted from
too shallow covering originally. no log should lie less than 3. feet deep. this will
cost more than I should be willing to risk on my own opinion. yet I believe
must be done, and immediately.[751] -
3. the Faculty recommend strongly Gas lights instead of oil lamps on account of
economy and brilliancy. I suspend therefore the former until we can consult
together on the subject.[752] -
4. Congress have remitted the duties on our marbles. we are now to take
measures as to the clock. -
5. Dr. Emmett and myself think we have found a piece of ground for the
Botanical garden far superior to any other spot we possess. this work should be
begun immediately; but I should request your advice in it. -
6. but a stimulus must be applied, and very earnestly applied, or consultations
and orders are nugatory. come then, dear Sir, to our aid, as soon as possible. our
books are in a dangerous state. they cannot be opened until the presses are
ready, nor they be got ready, till the Domeroom is rendered dry.
-
Around this same time the impatient Jefferson made another, more detailed
memorandum of the work he hoped to see finished soon:
- Instructions to mr Brockenbrough.
-
1. Engage mr Broke to come immediately & put another cover of tin on the
Dome-room of the Rotunda, without disturbing the old one. - 2. the inside plaistering will then be to be coloured uniform with Whiting.
-
3. the finishing the Dome room to be pushed by every possible exertion, as also
the Anatomical building by employing all the hands which can be got. - 4. Repair the water-pipes from the mountain, & let their ditch be 4. f. deep.
-
5. ascertain, by a very exact level, the point nearest to the Precincts to which
Maury's spring can be brought, leaving the trace pins firmly fixed -
6. I shall write to the North to know the terms of boring for water; and to know
if a skilful workman can be engaged there. -
7. I shall also write to Boston to engage a clock and bell. but I must be
furnished immediately with very exact measures of the dimensions of the
tympanum of the portico of the Rotunda, that is to say of it's base and
perpendicular, to wit the lines a.b. & c.d. also the diameter & depth of the well,
for the descent of the weights.[753] - [drawing]
-
8. have 200. wooden guns made, with real locks, half barrels of tin and ram
rods. -
9. a copy of the enactments is to be given to every student now there, and to
every one coming hereafter, at his entrance. -
10. go on McAdamising in preference to any hauling which can be dispensed
with. -
11. the botanical garden, after being laid off under the direction of Dr. Emmet,
is to be pursued at all spare times. -
12. Dr. Emmet will provide the chemical substances necessary to be used in a
chemical course, their amount to be paid for by the University. -
1[3]. he is to make enquires as to Gas lights. in the mean time suspend makg.
the lantherns.[754]
750. TJ to John Hartwell Cocke, 20 May 1826, ViU:JHC; see also O'Neal, Jefferson's
Buildings at the University of Virginia: The Rotunda, 47.
751. Jefferson wrote to his grandson-in-law Joseph Coolidge, Jr., on 4 June 1826 to inquire
about the matter of a pipe borer from the north: "The art of boring for water to immense
depths, we know is practised very much in the salt springs of the Western country. and I
have understood that it is habitually practised in the Northern states generally for ordinary
water. we have occasion for such an artist at our University, and myself and many
individuals round about us would gladly employ one. if they abound with you, I presume we
could get one to come on and engage in the same line here. I believe he would find abundant
employment. but should it be otherwise, or not to his mind, we could by paying his
expences coming and returning and placing him at home as we found him, save him from
any loss by the experiment. will you be so good as to make enquiry for such a person, to
know the terms of his work, and communicate them to me, so that we may form a general
idea of the cost of this method of supply. I could then give him immediate information of the
probabilities & prospects there. I am anxious myself on behalf of the University, as well as
the convenience it will afford to myself" (ViU:TJ; see also Lipscomb and Bergh, Writings of
Thomas Jefferson, 18:354-57). Jefferson died before Coolidge had time to inquire into the
matter, however (see Coolidge to TJ, 15 June 1826, ViU:TJ), and seven weeks later, on 20
August 1826, Brockenbrough wrote John Hartwell Cocke asking him to follow up on the
matter of additional water for the university: "Some additional water works are absolutely
necessary--whether it shall be by pumps or otherwise I am at a loss to determine--If Water
from the Mountain could be gotten in sufficient quantity I should prefer it, the stream is
weak, and would hardly justify the expence--if brought from the Mountain the best way
would be to have a large cistern in my yard (being the highest situation near the University,)
the water from thence to be conveyed in pipes to every part of the University the works to
be so constructed to let off any quantity at a given time that may be required for the supply
of the buildings or in case of fire--This requires money tho' of which we have very little"
(ViU:JHC). In December 1826 Brockenbrough estimated the "Probable cost of an additional
& adequate supply of water" to be $1,000 (Brockenbrough's Statement of the Debts and
Resources of the University as of 1 October 1826, in his letter to the Rector and Board of
Visitors, 11 December 1826, ViU:PP).
752. Perhaps Edgar Allan Poe was remembering back to an evening spent in a room in a
professor's pavilion or in the Rotunda when in an essay he wrote favorably about Argand
lamps at the expense of gas lamps: "We are violently enamored of gas and of glass. The
former is totally inadmissible within doors. Its harsh and unsteady light offends. No one
having both brains and eyes will use it. A mild, or what artists term a cool, light, with its
consequent warm shadows, will do wonders for even an ill-furnished apartment. Never was
a more lovely thought than that of the astral lamp. We mean, of course, the astral lamp
proper--the lamp of Argand, with its original plain ground-glass shade, and its tempered and
uniform moonlight rays. . . . an Argand lamp, with a plain crimson-tinted ground-glass
shade, which depends from the lofty vaulted ceiling by a single slender gold chain, and
throws a tranquil but magical radiance over all" ("Philosophy of Furniture," in The Complete
Tales and Poems of Edgar Allan Poe, 462-66).
753. Shortly after requesting these dimensions Jefferson prepared the south elevation and
partial first floor plan of the Rotunda, which is located in the Williard Homestead in Grafton,
Massachusetts (see Guinness & Sadler, Mr. Jefferson, Architect, 135, and #17-11 in Lasala,
"Thomas Jefferson's Designs for the University of Virginia"). Jefferson apparently enclosed
the drawing in his letter to Joseph Coolidge, Jr., of 4 June 1826 (ViU:TJ; see also Lipscomb
and Bergh, Writings of Thomas Jefferson, 18:354-57).
Death of Jefferson
None of the foregoing work would be finished before Jefferson's death, however. In
mid-February, six weeks before his painful ride to the university in early May, Jefferson had
complained of "a paroxysm of pain, rendering impossible all attention of the mind to any
thing but aggravated suffering."[755] In early March he wistfully invited Robert Mills to
return to Virginia: "I wish your travels should some day lead you this way, where from
Monto. as your head quarters, you could visit and revist our Univty. 4. miles distant only the
plan has the two advantages of exhibiting a specimen of every fine model of every order of
Architecture purely correct, and yet presenting a whole entirely new and unique."[756]
Throughout the spring his decline was rapid, and he died on 4 July 1826. University bursar
Alexander Garrett was at Monticello at the time, and he described the scene in a letter
written to his wife Evelina Bolling Garrett several hours after Jefferson's death:
My Dear Wife Mr. Jefferson is no more, he breathed his last 10 minutes before
1 Oclock today allmost without a struggle.[757] no one here but Col. Carr &
myself, both of us ignorant of shrouding, neither ever having done it, ourselves
or seen it done, we have done the best we could, and I hope all is right. his
remains will be buried tomorrow at 5 oclock PM, no visitations will be given,
all comeing will be welcome at the grave. I understand Mrs. R: bears the loss as
well as could be expected, perhaps better, she has not as yet shed a tear, could
she do so it would go better with her, the rest of the family are much distressed
I learn, all however is silence about the house.[758]
755. TJ to Joseph Carrington Cabell, 14 February 1826, ViU:TJ; see also Cabell, Early
History of the University of Virginia, 373-74.
756. TJ to Robert Mills, 3 March 1826, DLC:TJ. The letter was printed in the Washington,
D.C., Daily National Intelligencer, 25 October 1826, under the heading "Extracts of a letter
from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Robert Mills, of South Carolina" (see appendix I).
757. Thomas Jefferson Randolph gives the following account of his grandfather's death:
"Died 50 minutes after 12. July the 4th. Thomas Jefferson in the 84th year of his age. his
health had been impaired by an indiscreet use of the Hot spring bath in 1818[.] this
indisposition had steadily increased untill the last six months when it attained a troublesome
& alarming violence giving him certain indications of a gradual decay of health[.] The
consequences of which he early foresaw. early in June he observed to a friend that he
doubted his weathering the ensueing summer[.] on the 24th of June his disorder & weakness
having attained an alarming extent, he yielded to the entreaties of his family and called in a
Phiscian (Dr Dunglison of the University)[.] on this occasion a friend having private
business with him he warned 'there was no time to be lost['] and expressed the believe that
he could not hold out to the fourth. that he had called in a Phisician and for the comfort of
his family would follow his prescriptions (which he literally did) but that it was unavailing
the machine had worn out and could go on no longer. He retained during his illness and to
death the same serene dicisive & cheerfull temper which had marked his life. speaking upon
various topics with his usual spirit & animation. upon the university hoping that the state
would not now abandon it: of the changes he feared would be made: of his probably
sucessor as rector. of the services he had rended his native state. &c. speaking with
earnestness to his executor of steps to be taken upon his demise. advising as to the
arrangement & disposition of his hopes. &c. Upon being unusually ill for a short time he
observed with a smile 'well Dr a few hours more and the struggle with be over' When the Dr
entered the room his usuall expression was well Dr. you see I am here yet. When his
disorder was arrested and a friend observed to him he hoped he would mend his reply was
that the power of nature were too much exhausted to be rallied. a member of his family
expressing a believe that he was better and that the Dr thought so. after listening with
impatience he replyed do not imagine for a moment that I feel the smallest solicitude as to
the result. on giving directions as to his funeral. forbidding all pomp & parade. he was
answered with hope that it might long ere occasion would riquire their fulfilment. he asked
with a smile 'do you imagine I fear to die.['] He expressed himself pleased with the course
of his phisician. gratified by the affectionate attentions of his family & servants. he uttered
no thought he expressed no feeling--unworthy of the vigor of his body or mind. Death stole
not upon him in the Dark. he came not unexpected. he saw his approaches & smiled at his
terrors, Thus died Thomas Jefferson" (Thomas Jefferson Randolph, Account of TJ's Last
Illness and Death, ca July 1826, ViU:TJ; see also Randolph's revised account in Randolph,
Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson, 419-32). For several newspaper accounts of TJ's death,
see the clippings from the Norfolk Hearld, 10 July 1826, in DLC:TJ.
For some of the eulogies delivered in the honor of Jefferson and John Adams, who died at
his home in Massachusetts on the same day, see the Washington, D.C., Daily National
Intelligencer, 14, 19 August, and 1 September 1826. A interesting related news item
appeared in the Daily National Intelligencer on 25 August 1826, reads: "The last Darien
Gazette records the following singular circumstance: 'A circumstance occurred in this city,
which, for its singularity, may not be deemed unworthy of notice, in the transactions of the
day. A Gun, which had been dubbed Thomas Jefferson, on the 4th inst. was brought out to
perform the funeral salute, in commemoration of the departed great. This sturdy 'Bull Dog,'
as if proud of the honor conferred on him, allowed himself to be disgorged of 82 thundering
loads, without complaint; but, the match was no sooner applied for the 83d, and last, for the
age of Mr. Jefferson, than he expired, as a Gun! That is, he burst, as if determined, after
performing the last duty to the memory of him after whom he was named, to quit the world
forever. We are happy to state that no person was injured by the accident.'"
758. Alexander Garrett to Evelina Bolling Garrett, 4 July 1826, ViU: Garret Papers. Four
days after TJ's funeral Frank Carr wrote to John Hartwell Cocke on 9 July proposing
William Cabell Rives "as a proper son to occupy the vacancy produced by the death of Mr.
Jefferson. His talents, and his attainments, together with his convenient residence to the
University, point him out, especially considering his religious character, as the fittest person
that could be selected. It is not for me however to urge his claims upon you. It is highly
probable that your own reflections have turned to him--and if your preference be for him, I
have no doubt that any influence you may have with the executive will be exerted to place
him in your body" (ViU:JHC).
Workmen Unruly
Immediately upon Jefferson's death the construction workers at the university began to exert
their independence in ways that they would not have dared as long as Jefferson lived. A few
days after Jefferson's death John Hartwell Cocke sent one of his slaves, Jesse, to deliver a
message to Brockenbrough concerning Jefferson's "faithful Servant" Burwell, "said to be a
good painter—I wish you to offer him any job in his line at the University, that he would
undertake."[759] Unfortunately Cocke, now the sole member of the committee of
superintendence, at the same time felt constrained to include an ultimatum in the letter
concerning another favorite of Jefferson, stonemason John Gorman: "If Gorman does not
keep sober & otherwise deport himself well, discharge him promptly—for I am sure, You &
Zeigler will do better without than with him while drunk or refractory."[760] Unruly behavior
among other workmen seemed to intensify with the summer's heat and at the end of August
John Patton Emmet, now the secretary of the faculty, sent John Hartwell Cocke a faculty
"Preamble and Resolution" respecting Jefferson's long-pampered master craftsmen, James
Dinsmore and John Neilson:
having, on several occasions, behaved in an extremely offensive manner to
them; and, in as much as Whenever it has been necessary for the Faculty, or any
of the Professors, to request particular portions of the work to be forwarded,
they have met with an opposition from the Individuals in question, and, usually
in the most disrespectful manner:—that, on the 28th. of August, Mr. Dinsmore,
having been Civilly directed to remove one of the Workmen from the
immediate neighbourhood of a Lecture room, where the noise of working
prevented the Lecture from being heard, most grossly insulted one of the
Professors in the presence of his Class, threatening, with an Oath, to turn the
benches out of the room, and, asserting that the Faculty had no business within
the Building.—It was therefore Resolved, That it be expressed to the Executive
Committee, that the Faculty, whilst they are aware that the Workmen are in no
way under their Charge, feel that their authority in the Institution will be greatly
lowered if those Workmen are permitted to insult them in this manner, with
impunity:—That the Committee be requested to take such steps as may prevent
the recurrence of Similar Offences; and, particularly, that the persons in
question, may not be employed farther than the nature of their Contracts renders
necessary, of which Contracts, in Consequence of the absence of the Proctor,
the Faculty have no Knowledge.[761]
A few days later professor Robley Dunglison complained to the proctor about Neilson's
"want of all spirit of Accommodation" in finishing the upper lecture room at the Anatomical
Hall.[762] Cocke diplomatically reconciled the faculty members to the more crass ways of
the workmen, and the more rapid progress of the latter throughout the rest of the summer
helped placate the professors' wounded feelings.
759. Cocke to Brockenbrough, 17 July 1826, ViU:PP. Edmund Bacon said in 1862 that
Jefferson's slave Burwell "was a fine painter. He painted the carriage and always kept the
house painted. He painted a good deal at the University" (Bear, Jefferson at Monticello,
102).
762. Dunglison to Brockenbrough, 8 September 1826, ViU:PP. A news report in the 25
August 1826 issue of the Washington, D.C., Daily National Intelligencer, reprinted from the
Richmond Enquirer, says: The University of Virginia has at present about 170 students
within its walls . . . The architects are going on with the Anatomical Hall and Rotundo. Of
the latter, the Library and the Portico are rapidly advancing. The Italian capitals to the
columns of the Portico are of the purest marble and of the most beautiful workmanship."
The Visitors Meet without Jefferson
On 7 October 1826 the Board of Visitors prepared its annual report to the president and
directors of the Literary Fund of the recent progress of the work and what remained to be
done:
put into it. Two rooms for the Professors of natural Philosophy and Chemistry,
and one large lecture room have also been fitted for use. The work of the
Anatomical Hall is so far advanced that it may be used early in the next session.
The Portico of the Rotunda has been finished, with the exception of the flight of
steps and the laying of the marble flags, which have been received and paid for.
The work remaining to be done, is the finishing of one large oval room, one
small one, and the entrance Hall of the Rotunda with the unfinished parts of the
Portico and about one fourth of the Anatomical Hall. Some small additions are
also necessary for the better accomodations of the Professors in their Pavilions,
and of the students in their Dormitories, and for a few other minor objects.[763]
Although the books were placed in their cases in the season following the meeting of the
visitors, faculty secretary William Wertenbaker on 15 January 1828 sent a faculty resolution
of the day previous to the proctor asking him to inform the executive committee that "the
Books in the Library especially those in the Gallery are now materially suffering from
damp, and that it is impossible for any person to remain in the Library with comfort during
the Winter season . . . do also suggest to the Executive Committee to have the lecture rooms
furnished with Stoves, the fire places having been found insufficient for warming and drying
the apartments, hence they are exceedingly disagreeable and unwholesome especially in the
morning."[764]
763. Annual Report to the President and Board of Directors of the Literary Fund, 7 October
1826, ViU:TJ. At the end of the year the proctor estimated the "Supposed Amt due to D &
Neilson after finishing the Rotunda & anatomical Hall" to be $10,000, not counting $1,500
for the "finishing of the Steps of the Portico," $1,000 for "All other work after D & Neilsons
work is completed on the Rotunda," and $1,000 for the anatomical Hall exclusive of D &
Ns. bill"; add the venetian blinds, smokehouses, and water supply, and the "Supposed sum
to meet all the demands against the University of Va and complete the unfinished buildgs"
totaled $23,473.72 (Brockenbrough's Statement of the Debts and Resources of the
University as of 1 October 1826, in his letter to the Rector and Board of Visitors, 11
December 1826, ViU:PP).
764. William Wertenbaker to Brockenbrough, 15 January 1828, ViU:PP. William
Wertenbaker was the son of Christian Wertenbacher, who moved from Baltimore to Milton
following the Revolutionary War (see Wust, Virginia Germans, 100). Wertenbaker often was
involved in transmitting the visitors' resolutions to Brockenbrough (see appendix U). In the
first quarter of the 19th century, cast-iron Franklin and "six-plate box" stoves were typically
for warming parlors and sitting rooms. "Beginning in 1816," writes Nylander in Our Own
Snug Fireside, "stove manufacturers patented a variety of innovations, such as smoke
domes, which increased the radiating surface of a stove or improved combustion efficiency;
but it was not until the 1830s that these were produced in very large numbers. Once these
technologically improved stoves were readily available, 'Franklin Stoves, of Old patterns'
were advertised for sale at 'reduced prices.' The installation of cast-iron stoves in parlors,
sitting rooms, and even some bedchambers in the years after 1820 resulted in a more
efficeint and reliable source of evenly distributed heat than had been possible with open
fireplaces" (99-100). Incidentally, until William T. James of Troy, New York, patented the
first successful cookstove in America in April 1815, Count Rumford's cast-iron roasters and
boilers were the best ovens available for cooking. By 1823 the Troy firm of James & Cornell
had sold 5,000 of James' distinctively ornamented ovens, at a cost of $15 to $50 each, and
by mid-century another 550 patents had been issued for cookstoves (ibid., 213-18).
Repairs Necessary
Over the next few months, progress toward the final completion of the construction at the
university nearly halted, owing in part to another Virginia winter and in part to the fact that
maintenance of the finished work competed with the priorities of completing that remaining
to be done. Brockenbrough's letter to Dinsmore & Neilson, written in the spring of 1827, is
a good example of how the workmen were called upon to perform repairs on one building
while still engaged in the unfinished work at another. "I am anxious," wrote the proctor, "to
have the roof of the Gimnasium put on a proper state to carry off the Water—the longer it
remains in its present state the greater the damage and as I look to you to make it good the
sooner you attend to it the better—the crackd gutters too in the roof of the Anatomical Hall
must be attended to & if necessary other gutters put in their places[765]—no payments for
those items can be made untill they are put in the order they should be."[766]
765. Nothing more about this roofwork has been identified although on 4 January 1828 John
Mahanes received $16 for his delivery of 4,000 wooden shingles to the university (loose
receipts for 1828 in ViU:PP).
766. Brockenbrough to Dinsmore & Neilson, 23 April 1827, ViU:PP. On 5 June ASB gave
Dinsmore & Neilson a draft on the Bursar for $1,000 "on acct of the work executed by
Dinsmore & Neilson." Dinsmore previously had received on 13 February a draft for $98
from ASB "on acct. of work by Dinsmore & Neilson," and on 4 September and 1 October
1827, Rice W. Wood received for Thomas Darrett $173.40 and $15 "in part of Dinsmore &
Neilsons Draft on the Proctor for $580.43½ on acct of Lumber for the University of Va." A
draft on the bursar for $2,000 was paid to Dinsmore & Neilson on 13 November, and on 15
December 1827 Nelson Barksdale gave ASB a receipt for $50 "on acct. of Lumber
furnished for the Rotunda, it being in part payment of the Dft of Dinsmore & Neilson." On
15 September 1827 Hugh Chisholm received $20 "on account of the P[l]astering of the
Anat: Hall." These receipts are in the loose receipts for 1827 in ViU:PP. Dinsmore &
Neilson's receipt of 21 February 1828 for a draft on the bursar for $1,000, in the loose
receipts for 1828 in ViU:PP, is specifically for "work on the Rotunda & Anat: Hall." Rice W.
Wood performed legal work against the university for carpenter James Oldham (see
Grizzard, "To Exercise a
Sound Discretion"), and in July 1822, Wood purchased from Archibald Stuart a tract of
unimproved land totaling 880 acres in northern Augusta County on the south branch of
Naked Creek, just west of the Valley Turnpike to the southwest of Burketown. Wood died
young, survived by his wife, Sarah W. Wood, and their four infant daughters, Anne,
Cornelia, Mary, and Antoinette (see C. E. May, My Augusta: A Spot of Earth, Not a Woman,
302-3).
Variety of Small Jobs
With the coming of spring the pace of work once again picked up, however. The proctor,
aiming to "finish the little stone work about the Rotunda exclusive of the Front steps,"
negotiated with John Hartwell Cocke for the hire of one of the latter's "good Stone cutters,"
at that time working for Alexander Garrett in Charlottesville, and for some men to quarry
the stone for the portico steps in case the Board of Visitors sought a contemplated $25,000
loan.[767] Brockenbrough also presented Cocke with "Another matter for consideration and
advise," the placement of a privy for the students residing in the "North Eastern Dormitories
near Pav: 2." The proctor complained that "there was one put on the alley (just within Dr
Blaettermans garden) leading down by Richesons Hotel but Dr B would not let it be
used—at present they are put to much inconvenience." Brockenbrough preferred to
dismantle the existing privy and reerect it "at the lower end of garden wall just upon the
outside . . . so constructed that no inconvenience can be felt by its location in the dormitories
below—I propose constructing so that it may be thoroughly cleansed every day."[768] Cocke
left the difficulty to the proctor's "own discretion," and Brockenbrough presumably followed
his own inclinations.[769]
Also in the spring of 1827, the proctor received word from Jefferson's grandson-in-law,
Joseph Coolidge, Jr., informing him that the clock and dial plate intended for the Rotunda at
long last was finished but still needed to be tested, packed, and shipped to Richmond, where
its maker Simon Willard would go to oversee its removal from the vessel.[770] Coolidge
wrote the proctor again on the last day of March saying that the clock and dial had been
placed on board the schooner Magnolia and that Willard was scheduled to leave on 3
April.[771] Bernard Peyton notified the proctor on 21 April that the Magnolia was in the
James River at Richmond,[772] and four days later Peyton wrote saying that wagoner John
Keyser would deliver to the university all the "boxes Containing Clocks &c &c & two (iron
bound) buckets"[773] except for the dial plate which, because of its size, "shall go by first
Trusty Boat, to Milton or Shadwell Mills."[774] Months would pass before the proctor asked
Coolidge to procure the accompanying bell for the mechanism, however,[775] and it was
November before the bell was shipped from Boston to Richmond onboard the Levant. The
maker, "Mr Holbrook, of Medway," assured Coolidge that its metal "cast is good, and the
tine excellent," and warranted the bell for "one year from delivery."[776]
Work on other jobs continued throughout the summer. By August, large "circular tables"
designed for the library had been built and set up, and the Rotunda's interior "iron work"
was nearly finished. Brockenbrough predicted that the building's unfinished plaster work
would be completed before the end of the summer vacation (July to September); and the
Anatomical Hall, the proctor also suggested, would be "in readiness" soon. The "Brick
making business" had stalled, however, "for the want of boys" to make them.[777] (Several
thousands of bricks were necessary for the building of cisterns.)[778] The arrival of slate
required to finish some small job was delayed too.[779] About this time Professor Charles
Bonnycastle designed a water fountain 16 feet in diameter for the lawn, a 5-feet-deep "brick
basin neatly covered with Packer's Cement, & with a stone curb . . . From the height of the
headspring the water would be thrown many feet high."[780]
767. Brockenbrough to Cocke, 24 May 1827, ViU:JHC. Cocke had sought a "trust-worthy
hirer of my Stone cutters" in a letter to Brockenbrough of 3 April 1827 before leaving "on
an absence of 4 or 5 weeks" (ViU:PP; see also Cocke to Brockenbrough, 31 May, and 13
June, in ViU:PP, and Brockenbrough to Cocke, 1 June 1827, in ViU:JHC). Cocke engaged
his gang of six slave stonemasons in the building of a "large dwelling" in Charlottesville
during the previous winter (Coyner, "John Hartwell Cocke of Bremo," 119). This gang
included his best masons, Cato and Peyton, whom Cocke had apprenticed to Thomas
Whitelaw and James Currie, two white artisans who worked at the Bremo plantations from
1812 to 1821. On 23 December of this year Peyton made his mark on a receipt located in the
loose receipts for 1827 in ViU:PP, written by Brockenbrough and witnessed by G. W. Wood,
for a $25 draft on the Bursar "for Stone cut for the Anatomical Hall." For a discussion of
Cocke's slave stonemasons, see ibid., 101-8, 146-48.
768. Brockenbrough to Cocke, 24 May 1827, ViU:JHC. George Blaettermann, a
German-born law graduate of Göttingen University (who came from Oxford) is described as
an "irascible but gifted man" by Wust in The Virginia Germans, 100.
771. See Coolidge to Brockenbrough, 31 March 1827, in ViU:PP. For Willard's
compensation for his work, see Coolidge to Brockenbrough, 3 April, 6 June, 19 July 1827,
and John Brockenbrough to Brockenbrough, 29 May 1827, in ViU:PP.
775. Coolidge wrote to Brockenbrough on 16 August 1827 to inform him that he had
recieved the proctor's letter of 28 July requesting Coolidge to order a bell. Coolidge thus
ordered "a bell to be cast, of purest metal, to weigh about 450 lbs . . . The bell will be ready
in three weeks; I shall have it provided with a wheel &c in the best and cheapest manner,
and forward it, immediately, to Richmond to Care of Bernard Peyton" (ViU:PP; see also
Brockenbrough to John Hartwell Cocke, 8 August 1827, in ViU:JHC). This actually was the
third bell ordered by the university in 1827. On 8 May 1827 Joseph F. White of 213 Water
Street, New York, had written to Brockenbrough about a "Bell Made of 168 lbs. Open at the
bottom, bent flatways, and gives a noble, pleasant Sound" (ViU:PP), and on 11 July 1827
John Van Lew & Co. wrote to the proctor to inform him that "We have this day Shipped (pr
John Fly) to Mr Jos F. White, the Cast Steel Bell receivd from you last week" (ViU:PP),
apparently to replace another steel cast bell that had been shipped to the university in
January of this year. See Thomas Brockenbrough to ASB, 2 December 1826, and White to
Brockenbrough, 19 July 1827, in ViU:PP.
776. Coolidge to Brockenbrough, 9 November 1827, ViU:PP. A tine is the tongue or clapper
that strikes the inside of a bell, causing it to sound. Coolidge wrote the proctor again on 22
November to send "the warrantee of its maker Mr Holbrook, who desires me to Say that it
will much improve by use; if it does not, or any flaw or defect is discovered, he will recast
it, free of expense, if delivered to his Agent in Boston" (ViU:PP). The total cost of the bell
was $159.25, which the proctor reimbursed Coolidge for in February 1828 (see Coolidge to
Brockenbrough, 18 February 1828, ViU:PP).
777. Brockenbrough to John Hartwell Cocke, 8 August 1827, ViU:JHC. Keziah Davis
received $2 from the proctor on 16 November 1827 "for Making Table covers for the
Library room" (loose receipts for 1827 in ViU:PP). The Rotunda's interior "iron work" was
an "iron Railing forming the Lobby at the head of the Stair Cases. ... effectual against
unauthorised intrusions into the Library" (Cocke to Brockenbrough, 10 November 1827,
ViU:PP). The "Doors on the Stair Cases" were to be removed after the completion of the
iron railing. For the summer vacation period, see Brockenbrough's Subjects for
Consideration, ca 1828, in ViU:JHC.
779. Edward W. Sims wrote to an unidentified person on 23 August 1827: "It affords me no
little uneasiness to hear of the situation of the buildings at the University--Before the recipt
of your letter I had expected as much--and wrote to the Proctor upon the subject--Early last
week I sent two Boxes with Slate, but they could not, after waiting near a week at Columbia,
ascend the Rivana--and consequently had to unload at that place, from whence they reach'd
home on yesterday--Were it possible I would have the Slate taken over by land. Waggons
could not be had at any price--You may rest assured that I shall the moment I can, send the
Slate up--and I will take it an especial favor of you to write to the Proctor upon the subject"
(ViU:PP). Edward W. Sims was married to Margaret Caroline Towles, a daughter of an
officer of the War of 1812, Col. Oliver Towles of Campbell County, and Agatha Lewis
Towles (1774-1843), the daughter of Col. William Lewis of Sweet Springs. Sims often did
business with Board of Visitor member John Hartwell Cocke of Bremo.
780. Charles Bonnycastle, Plan for a Fountain, ca August 1827, ViU:PP. The cisterns were
lined with White's Patent Hydraulic Cement, purchased from the New York firm of Peter
Remsen & Co. See Benjamin Wright to John Hartwell Cocke, 18 August 1827, John C. and
George Newton to Brockenbrough, 12 September 1827, and John Van Lew & Co. to
Brockenbrough, 30 December 1827, all in ViU:PP, and Peter Remsen & Co.'s one-page
circular for White's cement, in the undated material for 1828 in ViU:PP.
Exterior Railings
With the fall season approaching, Board of Visitors secretary Nicholas P. W. Trist informed
Brockenbrough that he had overlooked reporting to him resolutions passed by the visitors
earlier in the summer that directed the proctor to "cause a neat iron railing to be placed on
the right & left of the Rotunda & adjacent to the same, so as to exclude access for the
purpose of walking over the gymnasia."[781] "With regard to the iron railing," Trist wrote, "I
would suggest the propriety of conferring with the executive committee, before you place it.
Dr Emmet, wishes such a portion only of the gymnasium terrace cut off, as would Shorten
the walk by the width of his portico."[782] On 7 October the proctor inquired of John
Hartwell Cocke whether the railings were "intended to be of wrought or cast iron? and how
near to the Portico?"[783] After Brockenbrough mentioned the subject again in another letter,
Cocke replied that the railings were designed "to prevent too near an approach to the
Pavilions contiguous to the terraces of the Rotunda—so as to intrude upon the privacy of the
Professors families inhabiting them—if Cast iron railing is cheapest, that ought to be
preferr'd as to its position I do not recollect whether it was decided to place it nearest to the
Rotunda or the Pavilions—but this difficulty will be solved probably by the record in Mr.
Trists possession."[784] The question of where to place the railings remained unresolved
until November, when, after Brockenbrough brought up the subject once again,[785] Cocke
directed him to place them on the Rotunda terrace "as near to the Pavilions as will be
consistent with the object for which they are to be erected viz. to secure the privacy of these
Buildings."[786]
781. An extract of this resolution, passed on 18 or 19 July, is in ViU:TJ and printed in
O'Neal, Jefferson's Buildings at the University of Virginia: The Rotunda, 49.
784. Cocke to Brockenbrough, 22 October 1827, ViU:PP. Cocke replied to the proctor after
receiving another letter from Brockenbrough, which has not been found, written on 13
October.
786. Cocke to Brockenbrough, 10 November 1827, ViU:PP. On 14 November 1827 John M.
Perry received $121.42 "for Lumber for the Rotunda" (loose receipts for 1827 in ViU:PP).
Discontentment of Professor Emmet
On an early fall day of 1827, the proctor received what must have been a meddlesome letter
from Professor John Patton Emmet concerning the unfinished state of Pavilion I and the
workmen's indifferent attitude toward finishing the work at the house:
since you and he were together about it—You must be aware that I have no
room in my house, except the dining, to receive friends; and I assure you the
delay has occasioned the greatest disappointment to the family—The unfinished
& filthy state of my Pavilion at the time when I took possession of it, being then
occupied by two Societies & some students, has frequently been noticed by me;
it has even been stated to the Visitors at their last meeting when applying for
permission to make sundry additions to the House, & in Consequence of the
Communication money was actually appropriated for the purpose of finishing
the Pavilions. I am now prevented from becoming settled from the unfinished &
dirty state of my House as well as the indifference of the workmen—Mr.
Crawford first admits & then denies that he has any thing to do with the
job—Mr. Antrim then Calls with you & apparently undertakes it, and it is not
until after a week or two of very inconvenient delay that I learn that he does not
intend doing the work—Every thing in the mean time lies in Confusion—I have
written to beg for the last time, that steps may be taken to finish my House and
the Cornice in particular—If the figures Cannot be made, let all the others be
taken down & the plain Cornice painted &c by doing so you will much
oblige.[787]
The poor proctor, forced to attend to the work himself, tried to rob the finished cornice of
Pavilion VII of its ornaments in a desperate attempt to pacify Emmet. When he attempted to
take down the ornaments, however, the proctor discovered that it could not be done without
"breaking them all to pieces as they are not only nailed but stuck on with putty or White
lead." Rather than disfiguring the cornice at Pavilion I by taking down the ornaments
already fastened in place—as Emmet suggested—Brockenbrough decided to paint those
ornaments and to have enough cast in lead to finish out the cornice. "tomorrow I shall
procure lead if to [be] had in Charlottesville, to try & get them cast—The other part of your
drawing room, that is injured by the cracking of the Wall I directed Brand to repair
yesterday, I know of no other finishing that your house wants except the painting of the
Portico ceiling which will be done when Mr Vowles can procure paints."[788] These efforts
placated Emmet only until the following summer, however, when he took it upon himself to
engage a bricklayer to begin adding a room to the pavilion without informing the
proctor.[789]
787. Emmet to Brockenbrough, 20 September 1827, ViU:PP. Receipts in the loose receipts
for 1827 in ViU:PP indicate that Joseph Antrim was busy with plaster work at the university
around this time. Antrim was paid $30 on 1 September for plaster work on an unidentified
building, and on 15 September he drew an additional payment of $75 "on account of the
Plastering of the Rotunda." Antrim signed a receipt on 12 December for $160 "on account
of & in full of the Plastereing done by me at the University of Va." No receipts for payments
for plaster work on Emmet's pavilion have been identified, however. Michael F. Crawford
apparently still was engaged in making shutters for the buildings' doors and windows at this
time.
788. Brockenbrough to Emmet, 23 September 1827, ViU:PP. The proctor apparently found
the lead in Richmond because a receipt in the loose receipts for 1827 in ViU:PP shows that
on 15 November Thomas Brockenbrough received $18.80 from his brother as payment "in
full for a large Ledger and some Sheet Lead furnished for the Virginia University as per Bill
in Septr. last." On 17 November Thomas Brockenbrough also wrote receipts, which can be
found in the same location, for Brockenbrough & Harvie for $153.54 for Brockenbrough's
payment "in full of our Acct. against the University of Virga," and for $38.52 "in full of amt
Recd. due the late Firm John Van Lew & Co." Thomas Brockenbrough was agent for the
defunct firm. Burwell Colburn's receipt of 17 November 1827 in ViU:PP for $20 "on
account of Painting at the University of Va." may include the repairs and painting of
Emmet's pavilion.
789. See Emmet to Brockenbrough, 9 August 1828, and John Hartwell Cocke to
Brockenbrough, 23 August 1828, both in ViU:PP, Brockenbrough to Cocke, 27 August
1828, in ViU:JHC, and Cocke to Brockenbrough, 3 September 1828, in ViU:PP.
Water Works and Fire Protection
One matter of consequence remaining to be finished at the university was the introduction to
the site of the "water works &c &c"—a water supply system consisting of cisterns, springs,
"dry wells," pipes, and engines (see appendix T).[790] At the beginning of June
Brockenbrough boasted that the water pipes had been laid to the "neighbourhood of my
stable within a few yards—all the logs we have will be down in two or three days";[791] five
weeks later the proctor's workers had prepared another "14 or 1,500 feet of logs" for A.
Zigler "the pump man" to install. Brockenbrough's own plan, he informed John Hartwell
Cocke, was to place a large cistern "at or near" the proctor's house at a spot considered the
"most advantageous situation for it, the situation is higher, by having it 12 or 14 ft deep one
half above the present level with a mound around it every drop of water might be drawn
from it by the pipes where it might be wanted, whereas if you place it in the Lawn even 10
or 12 feet deep it can only be drawn out by a pump." By keeping the cistern and its
connecting pipes "constantly full," Brockenbrough asserted, smaller "cisterns or reservoirs"
and pumps would have ready access to water. Fire engines could be linked to the source
(i.e., the cistern) in minutes by hoses connected to uprights with "brass swivel" screws
strategically located along the water supply route.[792] Cocke recognized the sensibleness of
Brockenbrough's scheme but rejected it on the basis that it did not conform to a plan
previously approved by the Board of Visitors, "decided so fully upon having the large
Cistern on the Lawn, at the place I pointed out to you . . . It was at the same time decided
that it should be cover'd and not elevated above the surface, with a pump Stock in the
center." Cocke concurred with the proctor that the pipes should be "so brought over the hill
near your House as to admit of a Cistern there also should it be approved upon future
consideration."[793]
This was not the end of the water matter, however. In the same letter, Brockenbrough told
Cocke that he had written to Philadelphia to inquire of "Mr Sellers about a fire Engine." In a
reply to the proctor of 11 August 1827, the firm of Sellers & Pennock recommended the
"Hydraulion of 16 Man Power as preferable to any other form of Engine within our
knowledge it being the most simple Eficient and Economical Araingment of the forcing
pump now in use, having a Reel capable of carrying from 800 to 1,000 feet of hose, and
costing but 450 Dollars It will deliver as much water with as good an efect as the Double
Chamber Engine which Costs 650 to 700 Dollars." The firm annexed a list of prices and a
circular engraving and description of "that Class Hyraulion, with the manner of opperation"
(see appendix), and informed Brockenbrough that it was building "One large Hyraulion for
the City of Richmond, and two do. for Alexandria in Virginia with 3 to 4,000. feet of hose
&c &c—also One 16 man power Hyl. for Washington City . . . owing to the engagements
now on hand it is doubtfull wether we could execute an order before the Coming
Winter."[794] The proctor estimated that a suitable fire apparatus for the university would
cost $570, $450 for the engine and $120 for 200 feet of hose,[795] and placed an order for
the hydraulion.[796] Coleman Sellers traveled south to Virginia in January 1828 in
anticipation of the arrival of the hydraulion and its hose in Richmond, where he waited more
than a month for the schooner Naomi, apparently detained by heavy fogs.[797] The fire
engine and apparatus finally arrived at the university in March 1828.[798] Upon its arrival,
Brockenbrough, after making a "trial of it," informed John Hartwell Cocke that he thought
the system "will answer our purposes extremely well, if you can only get a sufficient supply
of Water—I plac'd it by the cistern at Mr Longs, and carried the hose on the terras half way
between my office & Mr Tuckers from that it projected water to the top of Mr Tuckers house
& over the Office . . . I found one pump entirely inadequate to The supply of it, I shall fix a
trap door to the cistern that buckets may be used in aid of the pump." Brockenbrough also
renewed his plea to locate a cistern on the higher ground near his house, and this time his
opinions were reinforced "by a practical & experianced man (C. Sellars)." "the first and
most important consideration is a sufficient supply of Water, I have formed my opinion upon
that subject, and I yield to The superior wisdom of the visitors reluctantly."[799]
793. Cocke to Brockenbrough, 10 August 1827, ViU:PP. On this date Thomas Draffin gave
ASB a receipt for a draft for $28 "on acct of the Waggonage of logs from Carrs for the
U.Va." An undated one-page account with the university indicates that on 24 April Draffin
had charged the university $12 for "3 days hauling pipes for Water at $4." On 18 May, 3
September, 22 September, and 26 November 1827, A. Zigler gave receipts for $8.06, $60,
$15, and $50 and $250, respectively, "on acct of my work on pipe logs &c" and "on account
of waterworks." These receipts and Draffin's account are in the loose receipts for 1827 in
ViU:PP. John Smith made a cistern for the chemical laboratory earlier this year, as
evidenced by a receipt for $2.50 that Reuben Maury signed for Smith on 27 February 1827,
which is in the loose receipts for 1827 in ViU:PP. A pump-stock is the body of a pump.
794. Sellers & Pennock to Brockenbrough, 11 August 1827, ViU:PP. Sellers & Pennock
apparently furnished the city of Richmond with fire fighting equipment as well: "I never saw
so much anxiety to have a good fire Apparatus as the Citizens of this place display--(they
have had some bad fires,) and will be greatly benefited by the Hose & Hydraulion[.] it will
add greatly to the security of all the lower town, which is as thickly built over as the closest
built part of Philada. frame and brick mixed through each other--they will be great
customers to us should the Hydrauler Arrive[.] the hose they are delighted with--and will no
doubt want as much more as soon as they see the effect [of] the system, Mr. Taylor is a
Compleat fireman and enters fully into the spirit of it" (Coleman Sellers to Coleman Sellers,
Sr., 16 January 1828, in PPAmP:Patterson Letters). In ViU:PP there is also a copy of a
circular for a fire engine manufactured by the American Hydraulic Company of Windsor,
Vermont, dated 8 December 1828 (see appendix).
796. On 8 September 1827 Sellers & Pennock wrote Brockenbrough: "Yours concerning the
Hydraulion and hose, would have received earlier attention but for the sickness of one of the
firm, as it is we are not certain that it will be in our power to Complete your Order by the
first of Decr. next, we shall however put it in hand and Use our best endevours to that
effect--you will before that time advise us of the Quantity of hose that may be
required.--The Son in Law of our mutual friend Genl. Cocke spent a few days with us, with
his amiable partner--by whom we learnt that you are about to take from our City as a
professor of Natural Phylosophy Docr. Thos. P. Jones, a better man for that department
probably is not to be found in Our State--Should you succeed in his appointment, you will
not want a person to "keep the Clock, locks of the Institution, and phylosophical Apparatus
in Order" as he is a first rate Mechanic and workman, and exceedingly Obliging and
Accomodating in his dispo[si]tion" (ViU:PP).
797. See Coleman Sellers to Coleman Sellers, Sr., 16 January 1828, in PPAmP:Patterson
Letters. Coleman Sellers wrote John Hartwell Cocke on 19 January 1828 to inform Cocke
that he had "examined with much care the proposed plan for Supplying the University with
water, offered by A S. Brockenbrough Esqr. and do highly approve of the same" (ViU:PP).
798. The hydraulion arrived safely in Richmond and was shipped to Milton by water during
the winter. On 7 March Nuckols Johnson received $1.45 from Brockenbrough "For the
freight of a box of Hose & pipe for the U.Va.," and on 18 March Jesse B. Garth received
$1.75 from the proctor "for the transportation of Fire engine from Milton" (Loose Receipts
for 1828 in ViU:PP).
799. Brockenbrough to John Hartwell Cocke, 23-24 March 1828, ViU:JHC. On 23
November 1827 Brockenbrough wrote to Cocke: "We have water in the two cisterns by Mr
Longs & Mr Tuckers--the first is very tight entirely full the other good about half way--I had
rather depend on the roman cement than the N. York cement--the first is only used to coat
them inside the last to lay the bricks with" (ViU:JHC). The Board of Visitors finally relented
in its opposition to the proctor's desire to build a cistern near his house on 24 July 1828,
when it passed a resolution directing the executive committe to oversee its execution "so far
as it may be practicable & consistent with other resolutions adopted by the Board"
(PPAmP:UVA Minutes), and the following month Brockenbrough informed Cocke that
"Zigler has been Sick so that we have done but little in laying Water pipes, we have them
through the alley and on the lawn a few feet" (Brockenbrough to Cocke, 27 August 1828,
ViU:JHC). Cocke was glad to hear of even that progress in laying pipes, however (see
Cocke to Brockenbrough, 3 September 1828, in ViU:PP).
Steps for the Rotunda
Although the emphasis of the work soon would shift entirely toward maintenance and minor
innovations, the proctor still had his hands full overseeing uncompleted construction tasks at
the site. Anxious to complete the "Steps of the Portico" at the Rotunda, he wrote to
Philadelphia in search of a contractor, who, it turned out, wanted "rather more" than the
proctor was willing to give; Brockenbrough then sought workmen in Richmond.[800] The
firm of William Mountjoy & Co., "having so much to do we Could not leave here with any
sort of Convenience," offered to furnish the stone ("greatly superior quality, to the
Albemarle stone"), cut the "moulded or plain Square steps" in Richmond "agreeably to yr
directions," and to "deliver them on the spot & put them up in the best manner for the price
hereafter to be agreed on."[801] The proctor rejected this offer too, and the Rotunda steps
remained unfinished for several more years.[802]
802. On 4 March 1828 Brockenbrough informed John Hartwell Cocke that he had calculated
the "cost of getting the Stone for Steps of the Rotunda--it will take about 700 feet running
measure--the stone in the rough State will be about 18 inches wide & 8½ Thick--which is
about equal to a cubic foot not less than six feet long--for getting & loading agreeable to the
aforesaid dimentions 40 cents per foot lineal will be given or 45 cents for it delivered at the
university--I take it four loads a day can be made from your quarry each load about 20 feet
which will be equal to $4.00 per day for waggon & Teams--The stone must be agreeable to
this size to be given--There will be some smaller stuff wanted--but not much which may be
at the same rate--he getting this quantity of Steps, there will be a considerable quantity of
smaller stuff--which will answer for other Steps or building Stone & which will more Than
pay for what stone will be requir'd for the Rotunda Steps" (ViU:JHC). Brockenbrough did
not contract with anyone for the quarrying of the stone at that time, however (see
Brockenbrough to Cocke, 23-24 March 1828, in ViU:JHC).
Smoking Chimneys
The Rotunda's chimneys were causing problems too, to such an extent that "the Rooms on
the Western side of the Edifice" were rendered useless.[803] Some of the visitors took a look
at the tops of the chimneys while at the university for the board's 1827 fall meeting, but,
according to Brockenbrough, the visitors "came to no decisive determination what should be
done to prevent their smoking."[804] John Hartwell Cocke recalled the visitors' decision
differently, however, saying that the board had decided to "make the Experiment of a Sheet
iron Funnel" after Dr. Emmet mentioned "a late improvement in the Construction of these
Funnels."[805] Brockenbrough still was trying to fix the smoking chimneys a full year later,
when he reminded the Board of Visitors of the problem.[806] The visitors then asked
Professor Bonnycastle to draw up a plan to solve the problem (see appendix S), and Cocke
asked the proctor to consider the viability of Bonnycastle's plan "& make an Estimate of the
cost—with the view to trying it—should the result of your calculation recommend it—If we
can prevent the smoking—I should like to deferr the disfiguring the Building by running up
Chimnie Shafts—and take the risk of guarding against fire, by keeping them clear of
Soot."[807] Meanwhile, Benjamin Blackford of Isabella Furnace furnished "2 Largest Oval
Stoves" and 1 Large Phila. Ditto" to the university.[808]
805. Cocke to Brockenbrough, 10 November 1827, ViU:PP. There are wagoners' receipts of
9 November 1827 in the loose receipts for 1827 in ViU:PP for 82¢ "for the freight of a
bundle of sheet iron" and for $4.68 "for the freight of Lead, Bellows &c from Richd
for the University Va."
807. Cocke to Brockenbrough, 5 October 1828, ViU:PP. Cocke enclosed with his letter
Charles Bonnycastle's Plan for Curing Smoking Chimneys, ca 5 October 1828, ViU:PP.
Smoke and fire matters relative to the Rotunda were still being worked on at the end of
1828, as the excerpts from the following letters show. On 13 December 1828 Cocke wrote to
Brockenbrough: "It has escaped me of late to remind you of the Sheet lead protection
against fire, it was thought would be prudent to have recourse to, in the rooms of the
Rotunda this Winter--if it has not been attended to, be so good as to let it have your prompt
attention" (ViU:PP). On 18 December 1828, the proctor wrote to Cocke: "I procured sheet
lead & put it in place for a protection against fire (before the receipt of your letter) to the
two fire-places in the Library--the lecture rooms are so frequently used I thought it
unnecessary to put lead in them, but ordered & am in daily expectation of receiving rolled
iron to Make fenders for all the fire places of the Rotunda" (ViU:JHC).
808. Blackford to Brockenbrough, 30 November 1827, ViU:PP. The oval stoves cost $24
each, and the Philadelphia stove cost $15.50; and Blackford also sent $19.40 worth of
stovepipe and elbows with the stoves. Wagoner Jack Wilks delivered the stoves to the
university.
New Buildings Contemplated
The professors also made demands of Brockenbrough. Charles Bonnycastle, anxious to
move into Thomas H. Key's pavilion, wanted the interior of the building painted
throughout.[809] Bonnycastle also designed a small building for his "astronomical purposes
an octagon of 14 ft in diameter," estimated by the proctor to require 5 to 6,000 bricks and to
cost $100 to $150, or perhaps less, if built of bricks that had already been made at the
university.[810] William Leitch and Samuel Campbell built the observatory the next
spring,[811] with the help of plasterers and painters, Lewis S. Carter and John Kennedy.[812]
It contained a 97-square-feet "spherical roof" made out of sheet iron, "cheaper," the proctor
said, "than I could have it done in wood & tin cover."[813] John Patton Emmet handed in a
plan for a more substantial building, a "Chemical Lecture room & Laboratory 40 by 60
feet." The proctor did not even bother to calculate the cost of the second structure,
"presuming it will not be put up untill after a Meeting of the Visitors."[814] Some alterations
were made to Emmet's existing laboratory the next year, however, which "tolerably well
pleased" him.[815]
809. See Brockenbrough to John Hartwell Cocke, 7 October 1827, in ViU:JHC.
Brockenbrough said that "I gave [Bonnycastle] to understand it was an expense I could not
undertake without the approbration of the Executive Committee--The Walls of the Stair way
are very dusty, and whitewashing would not stick on them, I should recommend painting in
the place of it, What think you of it?" Cocke approved of painting the stairway, "or doing
what else may be necessary to render the tenement decent & comfortable--but the state of
the funds will not admit of doing more" (Cocke to Brockenbrough, 22 October 1827,
ViU:PP).
812. Lewis S. Carter's Account, 22 June-13 September 1828, ViU:PP. The account shows
that Carter and Kennedy were credited with $8.67 on 22 June for "6½ days work self &
Kennedy at the observatory" and $14.67 on 14 July for "11 Days plastering at the
observatory." The two men also were credited $67.33 for 50½ days plastering and
whitewashing at the university, including work at Pavilions III, V, and X, and Hotels D and
F. Kennedy also did some of the plaster work at the cisterns (see Loose Receipt, 6
November 1828, in ViU:PP).
813. Brockenbrough to John Hartwelll Cocke, 4 March 1828, ViU:JHC. Brockenbrough
continued: "The windows tho' are not be dispensed with, &c the expence of them rather
increased by putting sashes & Glass in the North & South window. where as at first he only
required Shutters--The work shall be executed as cheap as possible, as for instance 8 by 10
glass & battoned or ledged Shutters--I hope with the Subscriptions I shall be receiving and
the timber that will come off the land it will in our power to pay for it without making a
draft on the loan or annuity--" Battened or ledged shutters are made by fastening horizontal
strips of wood on the rear of parallel vertical boards to hold them together and give the
whole strength. They are generally of a plain and simple nature.
Emphasis Shifts to Maintenance
Aside from the tasks such as those related to the lingering details of finishing the Rotunda
and the waterworks and satisfying professors, the proctor saw more and more of his time
and efforts spent on maintenance and repairs at the site. Two examples will suffice. First, a
defect in the skylight of the Rotunda was discovered during the winter of 1827-1828 and
counsel was sought from Philadelphian Coleman Sellers, who suggested taking off "all the
glass, and have them well cleaned, and Rubed with whiting so as to Remove any grease that
might get on by handling &c then take white lead putty, (made with drying Oil and Tapan)
and bed each Glass well into it—so as to Cement their edges together—or Rather the
surfaces when they over lap each other."[816] As well founded as Sellers' advice was, it
proved only a temporarily solution to a perennially vexing problem. Finally, in July 1828 the
Board of Visitors authorized the executive committee to tear off part of the "exterior
covering from the lower range of dormitories" and appropriated $225 for the purpose.[817]
John Hartwell Cocke informed Brockenbrough that the board wanted "to make the
Experiment of exposing the rooflets in part on one of blocks of one of the lower Ranges,
with the view to ascertain by Comparison, the practical effect of the external plank Covering
on the rooflets:—You will therefore proceed forthwith, to take off about half the upper plank
covering from one of blocks of Dormitories in Either of the Lower Ranges—Such of the
plank as is found to be sound may be used for the Repairs order'd in the residue of this
Covering & will consequently diminish the Expence of this item."[818] The proctor, after a
two week excurision to Warm Springs, told Cocke that he would proceed to carry out the
experiment on "one of the blocks of Dormitories on the East Street and use the plank for the
repairs else where—The gutters I think had best be covered by laying a narrow board length
ways, to Keep them clear in case of a Sudden Thaw, but not so close as to prevent the rain
Water from passing freely in."[819] Cocke considered the proctor's plan to lay a plank over
the gutters of the uncovered roofs of the dormitories "essential where the gutters are lined
with metal—and even where there is no metal, it may be useful in the way you mention, in
case of a sudden thaw."[820]
818. Cocke to Brockenbrough, 6 August 1828, ViU:PP. Little information concerning plank
for 1828 has been identified, although the loose receipts for 1828 in ViU:PP show that Elijah
Battles received $10 on 8 March and for "getting timber," and $10 on 25 March, $23.24 on 1
April, and $5 on 22 September for "Hughing & Sawing" timber for the university. Thomas
Durrett received a draft for $50 on 6 November for a lumber delivery. On 30 August Samuel
Mahains received $10 "by Draft on Mr C. Spencer in part payment for shingles for the
University of Va." This experiment with rooflets also may have utilized some of the 4,000
wooden shingles delivered to the university by John Mahanes on 4 January at a cost of $4
per thousand. The payment to Spencer was for furnishing bacon to Mahains on that date (see
C. Spencer's account with ASB of 28 July-1 September 1828 in the loose receipts for 1828
in ViU:PP).
819. Brockenbrough to Cocke, 27 August 1828, ViU:JHC. "For the benefit of my health and
with the advice of Dr Dunglison," the proctor told Cocke, "I left home on the 10th for the
Mountains got as far as the warm Springs and arrived here on the evening of the 25th (this
excursion tho' short has done me some service)." Brockenbrough also added that the
dormitories "are all whitewashed & Venetians will be put up . . . I will have The place
Thoroughly cleaned."
|
Chapter 11
The Final Years: 1826-1828
Documentary History of the Construction of the Buildings at the University
of Virginia, 1817-1828 | |