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Notes

 
[*]

I am grateful to Bruce Redford and David L. Vander Meulen for inviting me to contribute an essay to this volume and to the Huntington Library for an Andrew W. Mellon Fund Fellowship to allow me time to write it. David has read several drafts of this essay and it is better for his wise counsel. David Fleeman also graciously commented on a draft. Special thanks to Huidi Tang for assistance in tracking down several obscure matters. Heartfelt gratitude must also be expressed to friends and librarians who make this kind of bibliographical scholarship possible. Friends have generously shared their bibliographical expertise: Michael J. Crump, John Dussinger, Donald D. Eddy, Frank Felsenstein, C. Y. Ferdinand, Gwin Kolb, Vincent Giroud, Stephen Parks, Alvaro Ribeiro, and William B. Todd. Several librarians kindly supplied information: John Ahouse, Kathryn L. Beam, John Bertram, Michele Fagan, Diane Gatscher, James Green, Alan Michelson, Margaret M. Sherry.

[1]

The history of the reception of the Essay on Man is concisely told by Maynard Mack in his Twickenham Edition of the poem (1950; xv-xxvi). The quoted phrase appears on p. xvi. The four epistles were published successively on 20 February, 29 March, 8 May 1733, and 24 January 1734 (p. 3).

[2]

Essai sur l'homme. Par M. Pope. Traduit de l'Anglois en François, par M. D. S.****. N.p. M.DCC.XXXVI. The first edition is no. 14 in E. Audra, Les traductions Françaises de Pope (1717-1825) (1931).

[3]

Les principes de la morale et du goût, en deux poëmes, traduits de l'Anglois de M. Pope, par M. Du Resnel, Abbé de Sept-Fontaines, de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres. A Paris, chez Briasson Libraire, rue Saint-Jacques, à la Science. M.DCC.XXXVII. The first edition is no. 22 in Audra. Du Resnel explains how and why he changed Pope's Essay on Man in his Preface, included by Johnson in his translation of the Commentaire. In the same preface Du Resnel identifies the faults of Silhouette's French prose translation: "those who are in the same Degree Masters of the English and French say, in plain Terms, that there is nothing of Mr. Pope to be found in them [Essai sur l'homme and Essai sur la critique], and that if they sometimes discover the Philosopher, the Poet is always lost" (324). Crousaz responded in the Commentary: "I do not understand English, and how loudly soever I might declare my Approbation of the judicious Comparison of the Poetry of the two Nations made by Mr du Resnel, my Suffrage ought to be made no account of, being given upon a Subject I do not understand" (3).

[4]

See Michael Treadwell, "London Trade Publishers 1675-1750," Library 6th ser., 4 (1982): 123-124. More precisely, the title page of the 1739 issue of the Commentary has "M.DCC.XXiX."

[5]

See the "Notes" to no. 39.10CP/1, the first edition, first issue of Johnson's Commentary.

[6]

Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson, ed. G. B. Hill, rev. and enl. by L. F. Powell (1934-50, 1964), 5:67. L. F. Powell suggests that since this sentence does not appear in the manuscript of the Tour Boswell may have taken it from his journal of 3 June 1781. In perusing this journal Boswell may have been reminded that Johnson had first mentioned the six sheets of French translation while in St. Andrews.

[7]

James Boswell, Laird of Auchinleck 1778-1782, ed. Joseph W. Reed and Frederick A. Pottle (1977), 375.

[8]

A. D. Barker suggests that translating two sheets or forty-eight duodecimo pages, about fourteen percent of the work, in one day would be "quite a feat" and "is probably right" ("Edward Cave, Samuel Johnson, and the Gentleman's Magazine" [D.Phil. thesis, Oxford University, 1981], 316). Perhaps Johnson thought he remembered translating forty-eight pages. If he also remembered that the book was in quarto, a little arithmetic, of which he was very fond, would have given him six sheets to make forty-eight pages, instead of two to make the same number in duodecimo. I am assuming that "sheets" refer to printed sheets. Johnson, as a commercial writer, who was also "bred a Bookseller," certainly knew that translators were paid by the printed sheet (The Letters of Samuel Johnson, ed. Bruce Redford [1992-94], 3:159). Johnson, of course, may have been talking loosely or he may have been misunderstood by his auditors. David L. Vander Meulen has suggested that Johnson may be remembering the amount of paper on which he wrote the translation. The Sallust translation, for example, is written on sheets folded into a quarto format. Each Sallust manuscript page contains about 140 words and each Crousaz printed page about 300 words, if completely in prose (although many pages have varying amounts of poetry). At this ratio forty-eight manuscript pages would fill a little over twenty-two printed pages, or slightly less than one sheet. Poetry would make Johnson's task easier as a manuscript page would fill faster. If, in fact, Johnson is referring to printed sheets, which seems most likely, perhaps the number of sheets grew with the years. One of Johnson's harmless vanities was his pride in the speed with which he could compose and reports of his Herculean labors should be viewed with skepticism. See, for example, William Cooke, The Life of Samuel Johnson, LL.D. (1785) in The Early Biographies of Samuel Johnson, ed. O M Brack, Jr., and Robert E. Kelley (1974), 131-132, and Sir John Hawkins, Life of Samuel Johnson, LL.D., 2d ed. (1787), 381-382 n.

[9]

Life, 1:137-138. Letters, 1:20-21. James L. Clifford suggests that this letter might be dated 21 or 22 November 1738 (Young Sam Johnson [1955], 346 n.19). Since the letter is in response to Edmund Curll's announcement in the Daily Advertiser for 21 November of the publication of a translation of the Commentaire and the advertisement for the Examen suggested by Johnson appears in the Daily Advertiser for 23 November, Clifford is surely right in his dating of the letter. See below.

[10]

The Correspondence of James Boswell with David Garrick, Edmund Burke, and Edmond Malone, ed. George M. Kahrl, Rachel McClellan, Thomas W. Copeland, James M. Osborn, and Peter S. Baker (1987), 299.

[11]

Life, 1:138. "I have now perused your translation of Crousaz's Examination; and admire the great propriety and elegance of the style in a subject attended with so much difficulty." (Translation from Montagu Pennington, Memoirs of the Life of Mrs. Elizabeth Carter, 2d ed. [1808], 1:45.)

[12]

Life, 1:138. William Seward (1747-99), man of letters, and friend of Johnson, the Thrales, and other members of the circle.

[13]

Lives of the English Poets, ed. George Birkbeck Hill (1905), 3:164, par. 181. See Hawkins's indebtedness to this passage in the quotation from his Life given below. Whitwell Elwin, who splices together Johnson's discussions of the Essay on Man from the Life of Pope in his introduction to the poem, adds a footnote to this passage: "The first treatise of Crousaz was translated by Miss Carter, and published in 1738 [1739], under the title of An Examination of Mr. Pope's Essay on Man. The second treatise was translated by Johnson himself, and published in 1742, with the title, A Commentary on Mr. Pope's Principles of Morality." See The Works of Alexander Pope, vol. 2, ed. Whitwell Elwin (1871), 264 n.2.

[14]

Arthur Murphy, having had the opportunity of consulting Boswell's Life when writing his An Essay on the Life and Genius of Samuel Johnson, LL.D. (1792), knew that Elizabeth Carter had translated the Examination but observes that "This translation has been generally thought a production of Johnson's pen." He mentions the Commentary, perhaps using Hawkins as his source, but makes no suggestion that Johnson may have translated it. See Johnsonian Miscellanies, ed. George Birkbeck Hill (1897), 1:374, 480.

[15]

Early Biographies, 301-302. Dr. Richard Brocklesby in a letter to Boswell, 13 December 1784, reports hearing that Steevens had taken away the Catalogue of Johnson's works, which seems to have served as the basis of this "Account." See The Correspondence and other Papers of James Boswell Relating to the Making of the Life of Johnson, ed. Marshall Waingrow (1969), 26 and n.6, 146 n.1.

[16]

The first installment of the essay has no title; it appears as a letter to the editor, "Mr. Urban," in the Gentleman's Magazine for March and November 1743 (13:152, 587-588). The entry in the index reads "Crousaz M. Specimens of his Sentiments 587." G. B. Hill in the 1887 Life observes, "It is not easy to believe that Boswell read this essay, for there is nothing metaphysical in what Johnson wrote. Two-thirds of the paper is a translation from Crousaz. Boswell does not seem to have distinguished between Crousaz's writings and Johnson's" (1:157 n.4). Some unintended irony is here as Hill, like Boswell, did not know that the translation was taken from a work by Johnson. The best discussion of the essay is in Thomas Kaminski, The Early Career of Samuel Johnson (1987), 157-158.

[17]

Warburton began his defence in December 1738 in the History of the Works of the Learned. Four more letters appeared in January, February, March, and April 1739. These five letters, with the addition of a sixth, were published as A Vindication of Mr. Pope's Essay on Man, from the Misrepresentations of Mr. Crousaz 15 November 1739. Then a seventh letter was published separately 13 June 1740, with a final revision incorporating all of the letters, entitled A Critical and Philosophical Commentary on Mr. Pope's Essay on Man, published 10 August 1742. See Mack, Twickenham Pope, xxi n.3.

[18]

Hawkins, Life, 70, 351. Boswell could also have found the essay in the 1787 Works (9:364-368).

[19]

Works of Pope, 2:307. See n.13 above. Elwin cites Johnson's Commentary (page references in parentheses) in the following footnotes to the Essay on Man: 2:358 n.4 (47), 360 n.1 (55), 361 n.6 (57), 381 n.6 (99), and 433 n.3 (223).

[20]

The Works of Alexander Pope (1889), 5:327. Courthope draws on Johnson's letter of 21 or 22 November, although he misdates it September 1738, citing Croker's edition of the Life as his source. The index to the Works appears in vol. 5; under "Johnson, Dr.," under the subheading "An Essay on Man," is an entry: "translated a treatise of Crousaz on."

[21]

Life, 4:494-496. The Commentary has now been attributed to Johnson once in each century (1785, 1871, 1934). To prevent the work from having to be attributed to Johnson anew in the twenty-first century the author of this essay is completing an edition to be published as the next volume in the Yale Edition of the Works of Samuel Johnson.

[22]

TLS, p. 704; "First Editions of Samuel Johnson, An Important Exhibition and a Discovery," YULG 10 (1936): 45-51.

[23]

The announcement in the Daily Advertiser for 9 September reads: "In the Press, and speedily will be publish'd, Printed for A. Dodd, AN Examination. . . . Translated from the French of Monsieur De Crusar. . . . With Remarks by the Translator." Except for the Daily Advertiser in the Beinecke Library, Yale University, kindly searched for me by John Bertram, I have used the Burney Collection of Eighteenth-Century Newspapers available on microfilm.

[24]

Quoted in Barker, p. 274, citing the introduction to Gwen Hampshire, "Elizabeth Carter's Unpublished Correspondence" (B.Litt. thesis, Oxford University, 1971), xii. There would be a similar delay in publishing Carter's translation of Francesco Algarotti's Il Newtonianisimo per le Dame. On 13 December 1738 in the Daily Advertiser Cave announced it as "In the Press," and announced its publication as 10 May 1739, although Thomas Birch's copy with his signature has an inscription dated 31 May 1739, probably a more accurate date of publication as Birch, patron of the translation from the beginning and one of its reviewers, must have received an early copy. See Edward Ruhe, "Birch, Johnson, and Elizabeth Carter: An Episode of 1738-39," PMLA 73 (1958): 496. As Kaminski observes, Cave frequently had difficulty publishing a work in a timely fashion. See, for example, his discussion of Cave's edition of Jean Baptiste Du Halde's Description of China (pp. 66-67).

[25]

This announcement in the Daily Advertiser was repeated on 22 and 23 November. Forman's name does not appear on the title page or elsewhere in the work. The "Monthly Catalogue" in the November 1738 issue of the London Magazine has the following entry: "21. A Commentary upon Mr. Pope's Essay on Man. Part I. By M. de Crousaz. Translated by Ch. Forman, Esq; Printed for E. Curll, price 1s. 6d." The item immediately above reads: "20. An Examination of Mr. Pope's Essay on Man. By M. Crousaz. Printed for A. Dodd, price 1s. 6d." (7:582).

[26]

Publication of the Examination was also announced in the General Evening Post for 21-23 November, London Evening Post for 23-25 and 25-28 November, and the Daily Gazetteer for 28 November, where we are told it is "Translated from the French of M. CROUSNER." It appears prominently displayed as the first item in the "Register of Books for November, 1738" in the Gentleman's Magazine with a large numeral "1" and an initial "A" five lines high: "An Examination of Mr POPE's Essay on Man. By Mons. Crousaz, Professor of Philosophy and Mathematicks at Lausanne. Printed for A. Dodd. Price 2 s." (8:608). At the bottom of the right-hand column at the end of the "Register of Books for December, 1738" appears an additional advertisement. Beginning "This Month was publish'd," it repeats the announcement as it appears in the Daily Advertiser for 23 November but only for the Examination (8:664).

[27]

Edward Heawood, Watermarks Mainly of the 17th and 18th Centuries (1950).

[28]

On page 66 (cancel leaf G3) the "y" in "They", the first word of the first line of verse in the footnote, is corrected in some copies, by what appears to be the same hand, to "n".

[29]

The letter appeared in the 21 October 1738 issue of the Daily Advertiser above Cave's signature but it is certainly by Johnson.

[30]

The announcement in the London Evening Post of 23-25 November has the note in a slightly different form: "N.B. The Commentary advertis'd by Mr. Curll, price Six-pence, takes in no more than the first Epistle of the Essay on Man." It is repeated 25-28 November.

[31]

In this 25 November version of the advertisement, Curll has omitted all of the booksellers and publishers except himself.

[32]

To keep the Examination before the public Cave advertised it on 23, 24, 27 November and after in the Daily Advertiser so the announcements are not a reliable record of the actual publication date. Announcements also appeared in the London Evening Post for 23-25 and 25-28 November. See n.26 above. Cave's letter to Birch of 28 November 1738, reporting Johnson's advice that Carter translate Boethius, suggests that the Examination had just been published and it was time to look for a new project. An advertisement for the Examination appears on the verso of the final leaf of the first volume of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy Explain'd For the Use of the Ladies published by Cave in late May 1739. The Examination is also advertised, along with the Algarotti, in "BOOKS lately printed and sold by EDWARD CAVE, at St JOHN's GATE, LONDON", which appears on the verso of the final leaf of January 1740 issue of the Gentleman's Magazine (10:40). The Examination, Commentary, and Algarotti appear in a four-leaf advertisement with a similar heading tipped into some copies of the 1742 Commentary. Of the twenty-four items on the list, none seems to have been published after the Parliamentary Register in May 1741. Carter is mentioned as translator of Algarotti, but not of Crousaz.

[33]

Gentleman's Magazine 9 (May 1739): 272. For an account of Forman's career, see Georges A. Bonnard, "Note on the English Translations of Crousaz' Two Books on Pope's 'Essay on Man,'" in Recueil de Travaux à l'occasion du quatrième centenaire de la fondation de l'Université (Lausanne, 1937), 178-181.

[34]

J. V. Guerinot, Pamphlet Attacks on Alexander Pope, 1711-1744 (1969), 274-275.

[35]

John Nichols says that the Commentary "was kept back until November 1741." See Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century (1812), 5:550. J. D. Fleeman in his bibliography of the writings of Johnson concurs. See no. 39.10CP/1a. The CtY copy of the 1739 Commentary has an inscription in Elizabeth Carter's hand: "E Libris Elizæ Carter."

[36]

Fleeman, bibliography, no. 39.10CP/1b.

[37]

The work appears as item XXII, immediately below the listing of the Examination, in an undated advertisement, "Books Printed for E. Cave at St. John's Gate," bound at the end of A General Index to the First Twenty Volumes of the Gentleman's Magazine (1753) in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Although the advertisement is a separately printed gathering, it could not have been printed earlier than 1753, as it advertises the third edition of The Entire Works of Dr. Thomas Sydenham, to which Johnson's life was prefixed, published that year. The advertisement reproduces all of the information on the title page except Crousaz's credentials and, of course, the imprint. Underneath Cave adds a comment: "The two foregoing proper to be bound with Mr. Warburton's defence of the Essay on Man."

[38]

I follow E. Audra in attributing the Preface to Curll. See L'Influence Française dans l'oeuvre de Pope (1931), 93. The Preface, unlike the notes, is hostile to Pope, calling the Commentary "a Critical Satire on the Essay on Man" and challenging Pope for "his Honour" to reply "to the heavy Charge brought against him by a Frenchman" (viii-ix). Curll has adapted a portion of his Preface for the advertisement in the Daily Advertiser for 21 November and later.

[39]

Johnson makes a similar, but more expansive, observation later: "In this Place the Translator has, with great Fidelity and Judgment, entirely omitted a Paragraph of Twenty-two Verses, from the Fifty-third to the Seventy-fourth" (166).

[40]

In this instance Johnson is taking issue with Forman as well as Du Resnel. Two notes later, Johnson, like Forman, praises Du Resnel's translation (78). Johnson is referring to ll. 207-222 of Pope but the passage in French is only twenty-three lines, as Forman says.

[41]

"Mr Crousaz seems to impose upon his Readers, or at least upon himself, by the equivocal and variable Import of the Word End, [or Destinee] which signifies either the Period of our Being, or intentional End for which we are sent into the World. So that his Argument against Mr Pope seems to stand thus: Heaven, says the Author, conceals from all earthly Beings their End, or Time of their Dissolution. Heaven, says the Commentator, discovers clearly to Man his End, or the Intention for which he was created" (32).

[42]

The Poems of Samuel Johnson, ed. David Nichol Smith and Edward L. McAdam, 2d ed., rev. J. D. Fleeman (1974), 57, 82-83.

[43]

I am not suggesting that the two men had the same motive. Johnson was married and "seems to have had just the kind of warm, friendly, gallant, but limited interest in Eliza that he later showed to . . . other pretty and talented younger women." Birch appears to have been courting Carter with a view to marriage. See Ruhe, 495.

[44]

Quoted in Ruhe, 495; Life, 1:139.

[45]

This is only an overview. Elizabeth Carter's literary career—poet, prose writer, translator—deserves an in-depth study.

[46]

See A Series of Letters between Mrs. Elizabeth Carter and Miss Catherine Talbot, ed. Montagu Pennington, 3rd ed. (1819), 2:82. For the history of the composition of the translation of Epictetus, which began in 1749 and was published in April 1758, see A Series of Letters, 2:24, 71, 75-76, 82-83, 96 and Pennington, Memoirs, 1:159-212. Thomas Secker (1693-1768) was at this time bishop of Oxford and in 1758 became archbishop of Canterbury; Catherine Talbot (1721-1770), the bulk of whose literary works were published posthumously by Carter, resided with her mother in Secker's house until his death in 1768; and James Harris (1709-80) was the author of Hermes. The footnotes draw numerous parallels between Epictetus and the New Testament. In addition to correcting Carter's Greek and reading proofs, Secker may have given some assistance on these notes. For Harris's assistance on Upton's edition of Arrian's Epictetus, see Clive T. Probyn, The Sociable Humanist, The Life and Works of James Harris 1709-1780 (1991), 70-71. Harris's role in assisting Carter is made clear from a manuscript of 26 January 1754 quoted by Probyn (343-344). Carter, in a footnote to All the Works of Epictetus (1758), says "The Translator is obliged for this Note, as well as many other valuable Hints, to Mr. HARRIS; so well known for many Works of Literature and Genius" (112). See also pp. xxxiii, 183. At the end of her Introduction Carter says, "I have been much indebted to Mr. Upton's Edition: by which, many Passages, unintelligible before, are cleared up. His Emendations have often assisted me in the Text; and his References furnished me with Materials for the historical Notes" (xxxiv).

[47]

Hawkins, Life, 209. Birch contributed 618 lives to A General Dictionary, Historical and Critical, 10 vols. (1734-41). Two footnotes on Aristotle, one on p. 24 and the other on p. 25 of volume one of Algarotti, which fill three-quarters of each page, are particularly reminiscent of the General Dictionary. In fact, the reader is told at the end of the first footnote to "See Bayle's Life of Aristotle in the General Dictionary, Vol. II. [265-275]." Birch contributed the life of Galileo to the General Dictionary (5:372-374), and two footnotes for the Algarotti are taken directly from it (1:x, 28). Another footnote is taken from his life of Roger Cotes (4:441-445), where Robert Green's Principles of Natural Philosophy is also mentioned (Algarotti, 1:141-142). Birch's life of Epimenides (5:61-64) supplies another footnote (Algarotti, 1:157-158). John Donne's anecdote on Francesco Guiccardini (Algarotti, 1:2), although not included in Birch's life of Donne (4:631-637), may have been discovered in the course of his reading for it. Neither Birch or Carter needed to be familiar with the Os Lusiadas as all the comments on it in a footnote (1:183-184) are taken directly from Pierre Bayle's Life of Luíz de Camoes ("Camoens (Luis de)"; 4:81, n.[X], col. b.). Undoubtedly information for other footnotes is to be found in the General Dictionary, but there is no index. Some footnotes may also have been supplied from Birch's extensive reading for the project. See James Marshall Osborn, "Thomas Birch and the General Dictionary," Modern Philology 36 (1938): 25-46, and Ruhe, 495-496.

[48]

Birch corrected the translation from the Italian but exactly what it owes to him is difficult to tell. Algarotti introduces numerous literary allusions, including a number of passages of poetry in Italian, even if originally written in another language, such as English or Latin. The poetry is usually omitted or turned into prose unless an English text is available. Milton and Pope's verse, no surprise, are substituted for the Italian but Edward Fairfax's translation of Tasso and Thomas Creech's translation of Lucretius are used, suggesting, perhaps, a sense of discomfort with Italian verse translation. At one point eight lines of Italian poetry are not translated but have appended a curious footnote: "As Seignor Algarotti does not mention where he had these Verses, I would not venture to translate them from the Italian, since I am not certain, whether they were not originally in English" (1:72). English "Ladies" who do not read Italian still need to know what the verses say. Is the "I" Carter, or is this, as perhaps was the introduction of Fairfax and Creech, more Birch pedantry? In fairness to Birch it must be said that Carter is often timorous. A similar although not identical situation occurs in Epictetus in chapter 26: "The Text is so very corrupt in some Parts of this Chapter, that the Translation must have been wholly conjectural; and therefore is omitted" (87). Also, when Carter has passages from Homer in Epictetus, she uses Pope's translation. See pp. 301, 303, 312, and 417, for example.

[49]

Birch too may have assisted Carter in some way on the Examination. It is likely that he had known Carter for several years through their association with Cave. In letters to Cave of 24 June and 31 July 1738 Carter sends "compliments to . . . Mr Birch & Mr Johnson," but it is only on 8 August 1738 that she is deemed of sufficient importance to be first entered in his diary. At this time Carter must have been translating the Examen. If Birch gave her any assistance, other than encouragement, it could only have been with the French translation, as the footnotes are in Johnson's style. Judging by Birch's assistance on the Algarotti, had he annotated Crousaz we might have expected footnotes on Homer and the wrath of Achilles (5), Leibnitz (16), the minister in Scotland who assassinated his son (27), Mr. Collins's Essay on Liberty (38), etc. See Barker, 264, 275; Ruhe, 499. The two letters are included in Hampshire, "Carter's Unpublished Letters."

[50]

As in the case of Examination, Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy Explain'd for the Use of the Ladies does not have Elizabeth Carter's name, or a mention of remarks or notes by the translator, on the title page. The title page of All the Works of Epictetus reads: "Translated from the Original Greek. By ELIZABETH CARTER. WITH An Introduction, and Notes, by the Translator."

[51]

The title page to the Commentary reads, "Some Annotations by the Translator." The announcement for the Commentary in the Daily Advertiser for 23 November and on the verso of the last leaf of the Examination say, "some cursory Observations by the Translator."

[52]

"Of these men it may be said that they were miners in literature, they worked, though not in darkness, under ground; their motive was gain; their labor silent and incessant" (Hawkins, Life, 219). See Kaminksi, Chapter 3 ("A Miner in Literature"), for an excellent account of Johnson's activities during this period. Johnson mentions his involvement in a variety of editorial activities in a letter to Cave of late August (Letters, 1:18-20).

[53]

The footnotes occur on p. 115 (L4r), p. 121 (M1r), p. 143 (N6r), p. 153 (O5r), p. 165 (P5r), p. 168 (P6v), p. 192 (R6v), p. 206 (T1v), and p. 211 (T4r).

[54]

The first of these footnotes is on p. 218 (U1v) and the second is on p. 138 (N3v).

[55]

The footnotes without commentary are on p. 66 (G3v), p. 72 (G6v), p. 98 (K1v), and p. 99 (K2r).

[56]

The first two footnotes occur on p. 7 (B4r) and the others on p. 10 (B5v), p. 29 (D3r), and p. 71 (G6r).

[57]

The footnote is on p. 41 (E3r).

[58]

"Homme présomptueux, prétens-tu découvrir la raison d'où vient que tu as été formé si foible, si petit, si aveugle?" See Essais sur la critique et sur l'homme (A Londres, 1737), 104. This is no. 19 in Audra. According to Audra this is the second London edition and the first to have Pope's verse facing the French prose translation. For convenience of the reader, quotations from the Essay on Man are taken from the Twickenham Edition.

[59]

"Nos erreurs ont leur source dans les raisonnemens de l'orgueil. On sort de sa sphere & l'on s'élance vers les Cieux. L'orgueil a toûjours en vue les demeures célestes: les hommes voudroient être des Anges, & les Anges des Dieux. Si les Anges qui ont aspiré à être Dieux sont tombés, les hommes qui aspirent à être Anges, se rendent coupables de rebellion. Qui ose seulement souhaiter de renverser les loix de l'ordre, peche contre la cause éternelle" (Essais, 111).

[60]

See the Commentary, pp. iv, 25, 82, 124, 137, 157, 169, 192, 223, 244, 272, 310, 315, 317; Commentaire (Geneve, 1738), pp. 5, 29, 130, 181, 196, 217, 229, 251, 285, 309, 340; Du Resnel, Les Principes de la morale et du goût, "Discours preliminaire du traducteur" (Paris, 1737), pp. xxi, xxxiii, xxxviii. Footnotes do not follow these forms in Algarotti's Il Newtonianisimo per le Dame, translated and edited about the same time. The annotations to Epictetus were written much later and present special problems as they incorporate material from several contributors.

[61]

O M Brack, Jr., "Samuel Johnson Edits for the Booksellers: Sir Thomas Browne's 'Christian Morals' (1756) and 'The English Works of Roger Ascham' (1761)," University of Texas Library Chronicle 21 (1991): 13-39.

[62]

Pope's first paragraph of epistle three says,

Here then we rest: "The Universal Cause
"Acts to one end, but acts by various laws."
In all the madness of superfluous health,
The trim of pride, the impudence of wealth,
Let this great truth be present night and day;
But most be present, if we preach or pray.
Silhouette says, "C'est donc à ce principe que nous nous arrêtons; 'la Cause Universelle n'agit que pour Une Fin, mais elle agit par différentes loix.' Dans toute la folie que peut inspirer la santé la plus vigoureuse, dans toute la pompe de l'orgueil & l'impudence des richesses, que cette grand vérité nous soit présente jour & nuit; qu'elle nous le soit sur tout dans le tems consacré à instruire ou à prier" (143).

[63]

Barker, Appendix K; A. D. Barker, "The Printing and Publishing of Johnson's Marmor Norfolciense (1739) and London (1738 and 1739)," Library 6th ser., 3 (1981): 287-304.

[64]

A look at some of the works printed by Samuel Richardson points out the difficulty of trying to establish printing-house practice. Epictetus, printed by Richardson, uses lowercase italic letters for footnotes which he also uses, for example, in the third edition of Clarissa (1751). But the second volume of John Leland's A View of the Principal Deistical Writers (1755) has footnotes designated by asterisks, obelisks, etc. It might be argued that since Richardson "put out" to another printer the first volume, published in 1754 with these figures for footnotes, he wished to be consistent. But the second edition of Leland's Reflections on the Late Lord Bolingbrokes's Letters on the Study and Use of History (1753), printed by Richardson, also uses these figures, and he had himself printed the first edition. The first volume of The Modern Part of an Universal History (1759), also printed by Richardson, has marginal notes with no sigla and footnotes designated in the following ways: sources used in the text have superscript lowercase roman letters, commentary by the compiler has roman capitals enclosed in parentheses, and sources used in the commentary have small arabic numerals enclosed in parentheses. See William M. Sale, Jr., Samuel Richardson: Master Printer (1950), 103, 184, 247-248.

[65]

The following passages from epistle one are added: on G3v, ll. 69-72; on G6r, ll. 91-98; on G6v, ll. 99-102. See Forman, 21, 33-34. For a discussion of the passages from Pope on G6 of the Examination and their appearance in Forman and in Johnson's Commentary, see above.

[66]

For example, cancel leaf G3 in the Vander Meulen copy has the crown.

[67]

Page 73 (H1r), l. 7: "absur'd" [absurd]; 75 (H2r), l. 11: "enter'd" [apostrophe wrong font]; 82 (H5v), l. 15: "whon" [when]; 83 (H6r), ll. 5-6: pre∧|sided [no line-end hyphen]; 83 (H6r), l. 26: "Perfection, Knowledge" [no space after comma]; 84 (H6v), l. 20: "ver∧ 123.that" [no period after "ver" and no space after period].

[68]

The compositor continued to have difficulties. The catchword on T5 verso is "for" but the first word on T6 recto is given incorrectly as "or" and on the third line a "to" has been omitted: "to come [to] pass."

[69]

"Johnson (as her father expressed it) 'gave it his suffrage free from bias' before it was printed." See Pennington, Memoirs, 45; Barker, 274.

[70]

Barker, Appendix K. In September Cave printed Mark Akenside's Voice of Liberty; or A British Philippic, Dr Waterland Imitated, Proposals for Moses Browne's Poems on Various Subjects, the September Gentleman's Magazine; in October Andrew Burrell's Hebrew Tongue, Proposals for Johnson's edition of the History of the Council of Trent, and the October Gentleman's Magazine.