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Notes

 
[1]

Pope's role was first noted by Mack in 'Some Annotations in the Second Earl of Oxford's Copies of Pope's Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot and Sober Advice from Horace', Review of English Studies, n.s. 8 (1957), 416-420. I am deeply indebted to Professor Mack's work, not least to his transcription of Pope's note on Atticus; I shall dispute one of his three ascriptions to Pope while adding another. Harley's notes are referred to in the Twickenham Edition of the Poems of Alexander Pope, 11 vols (1939-69), III, ii, 48, 103; IV, 84-85; VI, 370; and in Margaret Smith and Alexander Lindsay, Index of Literary Manuscripts, III (1700-1800), Part 3 (1992), pp. 9-10, PoA 11, PoA 83, PoA 306.

[2]

The best account of the library, on which I have drawn freely, is the introduction to The Diary of Humfrey Wanley 1715-1726, ed. C. E. Wright and Ruth C. Wright, 2 vols (London, 1966), which supersedes the brief accounts in Edward Edwards, Lives of the Founders of the British Museum (1870) and William Younger Fletcher, English Book Collectors (1902). The manuscripts were acquired for the nation for £10,000.

[3]

See Maynard Mack, Alexander Pope: A Life (1985), p. 881. Mack suggests The First Satire of the Second Book of Horace may have been written there. Pope gave a Persian manuscript to the library (Diary of Humfrey Wanley, II, 247 [13]).

[4]

The Correspondence of Alexander Pope, ed. George Sherburn, 5 vols (1956), III, 26-27, 27 March [1729]. See also the account of this episode in David Foxon, Pope and the Early Eighteenth-Century Book Trade (1991), 108-114.

[5]

See Sherburn's account of the publication of Pope's letters (Correspondence, I, xi-xviii), and the suggestion that An Essay on Man may have been transcribed in the library (Correspondence, III, 193). Papers from the Harleian library have been important in establishing Pope's text; see Twickenham IV, xlii, and VI passim, and Index of Literary Manuscripts, III, iii, 9.

[6]

A good short account of Rawlinson is provided by Ian Philip, The Bodleian Library in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (1983), 82-84, 93-98. A splendidly detailed account, on which Philip draws, is provided by B. J. Enright, 'Richard Rawlinson: Collector, Antiquary, and Topographer', unpublished D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford, 1956. Richard Rawlinson: A Tercentenary Memorial, by Georgian R. Tashjian, David R. Tashjian, and Brian Enright (Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1990) gives information on other aspects of his career.

[7]

Bodley MS Ballard 2, f. 113, 24 June 1742. I suspect Enright is wrong in saying Rawlinson thought Harley 'dog in the manger'; that applies to Mr. West.

[8]

He complains in Bodley MS Ballard 2, f. 119 ([23 October] 1742), MS Ballard 2, f. 123 (24 March 1743), and MS Ballard 2, f. 161 (16 October 1744); sees the books in MS Ballard 2, 129 (18 May 1743), and buys some 'not incurious' in MS Ballard 2, f. 146 (25 October 1743). I have not found the volume that is now M 3.19 Art listed in Catalogus Bibliothecae Harleianae, 5 vols (1743), though that may be because of the complex ordering of the catalogue. The Bodleian has Rawlinson's copy with some items marked (8° Rawl. 66-70), and I have noted these Pope items, without claiming to have made an adequate check: I, 4864, 4893, 4916; III, 3618, 6158, 6164; V, 1128.

[9]

See Twickenham, V, ed. James Sutherland, pp. 303-304, and David Foxon, Pope and the Early Eighteenth-Century Book Trade, pp. 248-249.

[10]

See Boswell's Life of Johnson, ed. George Birkbeck Hill, rev. and enlarged L. F. Powell, 6 vols (1934-50), I, 154.

[11]

Enright, p. 299, cites the relevant part of the Will. The printed books were a relatively minor part of the bequest, and the major problem for the Library was the cataloguing of the manuscripts; see R. W. H[unt], 'The Cataloguing of the Rawlinson Manuscripts, 1771-1844', Bodleian Library Record, 2, no. 26 (December 1947), 190-195.

[12]

I am most grateful to Mr. Clive Hurst of the Bodleian Library for his generous advice and his skilled detection of the period of the volume's arrival in the Library.

[13]

The dates are taken from D. F. Foxon, English Verse 1701-1750, 2 vols (1975), hereafter abbreviated to Foxon.

[14]

The bookplate is discussed and illustrated in Enright's thesis, pp. 105-106.

[15]

I have used short titles for Pope's poems throughout this essay. The choice of abbreviation for Pope's epistles is influenced by F. W. Bateson's presentation in Twickenham, III, ii, of the four that Warburton called 'Moral Essays'.

[16]

See The Poems of Jonathan Swift, ed. Harold Williams, 3 vols (1958), II, 541-543, III, 1135-36; Jonathan Swift: The Complete Poems, ed. Pat Rogers (1983), 844-845, 895-897; and Pat Rogers, 'The Authorship of "Bounce to Fop": A Re-examination', Bulletin of Research in the Humanities, 85 (1982), 241-268.

[17]

Joseph Spence, Observations, Anecdotes, and Characters of Books and Men, ed. James Osborn, 2 vols (1966), I, 131, Anecdote 299. The edition is Foxon P853. The Index is reproduced in Foxon, Pope and the Early Eighteenth-Century Book Trade, p. 125, and in Foxon's facsimile of An Essay on Man (Menston, 1969), which was reprinted, with To Arbuthnot and others, in Alexander Pope: Poems in Facsimile, intro. Geoffrey Day (Aldershot, 1988). The original facsimile of To Arbuthnot, with Foxon's introduction, was published at Menston, 1970.

[18]

Miriam Leranbaum, Alexander Pope's 'Opus Magnum' 1729-1744 (1977) gives an intricate account of which I have given only the baldest summary here.

[19]

See Leranbaum, pp. 25-27. Harte's views on these matters were not strictly orthodox, but I have found no attack on Pope on that basis.

[20]

See Foxon, Pope and the Early Eighteenth-Century Book Trade, p. 123, and Reginald Harvey Griffith, Alexander Pope: A Bibliography, 2 vols (1922, 1927), books 370-372.

[21]

I summarize the account in Foxon, Pope and the Early Eighteenth-Century Book Trade, pp. 102-108.

[22]

Huggonson was a shareholder in the Journal from the time of the first records (28 August 1730) and held two shares (Gilliver held 6 and four others had 1 each); he replaced Aris as printer in October 1733. See Michael Turner's transcription of 'The Minute Book of the Partners in the Grub Street Journal', Publishing History, 4 (1978), 49-94. I have identified printers freely on the basis of association of ornaments; such identifications are necessarily tentative.

[23]

The following items have publication dates: 1, 5, 8, 9, 10, 17, 19. The dates on all items except 8 and 10 are endorsed by Foxon; the date of 8 is indefinite and 10 seems to have been sent with 9 and caught its date.

[24]

See McLaverty, 'The Mode of Existence of Literary Works of Art: The Case of the Dunciad Variorum', Studies in Bibliography, 37 (1984), 82-105. Pope's copy of the Geneva Boileau, given to him by James Craggs, is at Mapledurham House; see no. 26 in Maynard Mack's listing of surviving books from Pope's library, Collected in Himself (1982), p. 399.

[25]

Richardsoniana (1776), p. 264.

[26]

In conception, if not execution, it is Warburton's 1751 edition which comes closest to achieving an edition of Pope in the 'manner of Boileau's': the notes are of three sorts (under the headings, 'Imitations', 'Variations', and 'Notes') and, as Warburton is anxious to remind us, they were communicated to the editor by the author himself.

[27]

The identification is made by Bateson in Twickenham, III, ii, and the coupling of the miser and his wife makes it plausible. Oxford may at this time have been unaware of the extent of Pope's animosity towards Lady Mary.

[28]

It would lead to a recasting of Bateson's appendix on Atossa, for example. It may be that the couplet in Sober Advice (7.20 [124-125]) is another example of the same technique.

[29]

The Works of Alexander Pope, ed. William Warburton, 9 vols (1751), III, 193, 195.

[30]

Mack, 'A Couplet in the Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot', TLS, 2 September 1939, p. 515.

[31]

Grundy, 'Verses Address'd to the Imitator of Horace: A Skirmish between Pope and Some Persons of Rank and Fortune', Studies in Bibliography, 30 (1977), 96-119 (110).

[32]

Lives of the English Poets, ed. G. Birkbeck Hill, 3 vols (1905), III, 83.

[33]

Confirmation that this is Harley's writing can be found in his letters to Thomas Hearne in the Bodleian. That dated 12 December 1723 (MS Rawl. Lett. 8 f. 336; letter 184) has a good example of the 'P' in the title A Memorial of suche Princes, while that dated 25 December 1731 (MS Rawl. Lett. 8 f. 377; letter 206) has good examples of the 'D' in 'Durandus'. These extracts also give other valuable information about his writing: that capital 'M' is almost indistinguishable and has to be interpreted generously, that some capital 'T's are little more than a straight line with a lead-in stroke, and that capital 'B's and 'R's have a flourish quite foreign to the rest of the hand.

[34]

Works, IV, 30. Pages of manuscript are reproduced in John Butt's 'Pope's Poetical Manuscripts', Proceedings of the British Academy, 40 (1954), 23-39, and Maynard Mack, The Last and Greatest Art (Newark, 1984), 419-454. The couplet appears on p. 438 of the latter; it has been interlined by Pope in a transcript by another hand.

[35]

There are other interesting differences between the notes in the large-format Works and the octavos. The note on 'Welsted's Lye' originally ended with 'He took no notice of so frantick an Abuse; and expected that any man who knew himself Author of what he was slander'd for, would have justify'd him on that Article', an attack on the editors of the Grub Street Journal that was dropped in the octavos. Notes on Blount and Ward in To Bathurst are corrected.