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The complete works of Han Fei tzu

... a classic of Chinese political science.
  
  
  
  

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Chapter LIV
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Chapter LIV

SURMISING THE MENTALITY OF THE PEOPLE[1]
A PSYCHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF POLITICS

The sage in governing the people considers their springs of
action, never tolerates their wicked desires, but seeks only
for the people's benefit. Therefore, the penalty he inflicts
is not due to any hatred for the people but to his motive
of loving the people. If penalty triumphs, the people are
quiet; if reward over-flows, culprits appear. Therefore the
triumph of penalty is the beginning of order; the overflow
of reward, the origin of chaos.

Indeed, it is the people's nature to delight in disorder and
detach themselves from legal restraints. Therefore, when the
intelligent sovereign governs the state, if he makes rewards
clear, the people will be encouraged to render meritorious
services; if he makes penalties severe, the people will attach
themselves to the law. If they are encouraged to render
meritorious services, public affairs will not be obstructed;
if they attach themselves to the law, culprits will not appear.
Therefore, he who governs the people should nip the evil in
the bud; he who commands troops, should inculcate warfare
in the people's mind. If prohibitions can uproot causes of
villainy, there will always be order; if soldiers can imagine
warfare in mind, there will always be victory. When the sage
is governing the people, he attains order first, wherefore he
is strong; he prepares for war first, wherefore he wins.


327

Indeed, the administration of the state affairs requires the
attention to the causes of human action so as to unify the
people's mental trends; the exclusive elevation of public
welfare so as to stop self-seeking elements; the reward for
denunciation of crime so as to suppress culprits; and finally
the clarification of laws so as to facilitate governmental procedures.
Whoever is able to apply these four measures,
will become strong; whoever is unable to apply these four
measures, will become weak. Indeed, the strength of the
state is due to the administration of its political affairs; the
honour of the sovereign is due to his supreme power. Now,
the enlightened ruler possesses the supreme power and the
administrative organs; the ignoble ruler possesses both
the supreme power and the administrative organs,[2] too. Yet
the results are not the same, because their standpoints are
different. Thus, as the enlightened ruler has the supreme
power in his grip, the superior is held in high esteem; as he
unifies the administrative organs, the state is in order. Hence
law is the origin of supremacy and penalty is the beginning
of love.

Indeed, it is the people's nature to abhor toil and enjoy
ease. However, if they pursue ease, the land will waste; if
the land wastes, the state will not be in order. If the state is
not orderly, it will become chaotic. If reward and penalty


328

take no effect among the inferiors,[3] government[4] will come
to a deadlock. Therefore, he who wants to accomplish a great
achievement but hesitates to apply his[5] full strength, can not
hope for the accomplishment of the achievement; he who
wants to settle the people's disorder[6] but hesitates to change
their traditions, can not hope to banish the people's disorder.
Hence there is no constant method for the government of
men. The law alone leads to political order.[7] If laws are
adjusted to the time, there is good government. If government
fits the age, there will be great accomplishment. Therefore,
when the people are naîve, if you regulate them with
fame, there will be good government; when everybody
in the world is intelligent,[8] if you discipline them with penalties,
they will obey. While time is moving on, if laws do not shift[9]
accordingly, there will be misrule; while abilities are diverse,[10]
if prohibitions are not changed, the state will be dismembered.
Therefore, the sage in governing the people makes laws[11]
move with time and prohibitions change with abilities.
Who can exert[12] his forces to land-utilization, will become rich;
who can rush his forces at enemies, will become strong. The
strong man not obstructed in his way will attain supremacy.


329

Therefore, the way to supremacy[13] lies in the way of
shutting[14] culprits off and the way of blocking up wicked men.
Who is able to block up wicked men, will eventually attain
supremacy. The policy of attaining supremacy relies not on
foreign states' abstention from disturbing your state, but on
their inability to disturb your state. Who has to rely on foreign
powers' abstention from disturbing his state before he can
maintain his own independence,[15] will see his state dismembered;
who relies on their inability to disturb his state
and willingly enacts the law, will prosper.

Therefore, the worthy ruler in governing the state follows[16]
the statecraft of invulnerability. When rank is esteemed, the
superior will increase his dignity. He will accordingly
bestow rewards on men of merit, confer ranks upon holders
of posts, and appoint wicked men to no office.[17] Who devotes
himself to practical forces, gets a high rank. If the rank is
esteemed, the superior will be honoured. The superior, if
honoured, will attain supremacy. On the contrary, if the
state does not strive after practical forces but counts on
private studies, its rank will be lowered. If the rank is lowered,
the superior will be humbled. If the superior is humbled,
the state will be dismembered. Therefore, if the way of
founding the state and using the people can shut off foreign
invaders and block up self-seeking subjects, and if the
superior relies on himself, supremacy will be attained.

 
[1]

[OMITTED].

[2]

Distinguishing between [OMITTED] and [OMITTED], Han Fei Tzŭ evidently differentiated
the government as political machinery from the supreme authority—or
sovereignty, to use a term of modern political science—behind it, and again
the supreme authority from the person through whose will-power it could be
exercised. Thus, he answered in this short paragraph such principal problems
of modern political theory as, What is sovereignty? Where is sovereignty
located? and, How does sovereignty function?

[3]

With Ku [OMITTED] above [OMITTED] is superfluous.

[4]

I propose [OMITTED] above [OMITTED].

[5]

Ku proposed [OMITTED] for [OMITTED].

[6]

Wang Hsien-shen proposed [OMITTED] for [OMITTED].

[7]

Wang Hsien-ch`ien proposed [OMITTED] for [OMITTED].

[8]

With Ku Kuang-ts`ê [OMITTED] reads [OMITTED].

[9]

Wang Hsien-ch`ien proposed [OMITTED] for [OMITTED].

[10]

With Wang [OMITTED] below [OMITTED] is superfluous.

[11]

With Ku [OMITTED] above [OMITTED] is superfluous.

[12]

Ku proposed [OMITTED] for [OMITTED].

[13]

Ku proposed [OMITTED] for [OMITTED].

[14]

Ku proposed [OMITTED] for [OMITTED].

[15]

Ku proposed [OMITTED] for [OMITTED] above [OMITTED].

[16]

With Ku [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED].

[17]

With Kao Hêng [OMITTED] below [OMITTED] means [OMITTED] or [OMITTED].