With characteristic caution, the Bostonians moved slowly but steadily. The announcement
of the proposed tariff revision appeared nine days after it was printed in the Aurora.[25] And it was
not until the ninth of March that a book
trade meeting voted to present a memorial to Congress.
Three days later, the Boston Franklin Association
passed a similar resolution.
Quite properly, they might have considered their task completed, but
they continued to keep the public aware of the controversy. Two papers reprinted the
report of the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures
reprinted an attack on the duty which originally appeared in Worcester
a month before.
On March 25, 1802, the following resolutions were read in the House of Representatives:
To the Honourable the Senate, and the Honourable the House of Representatives, of the
United States in Congress assembled.
The Memorial of the Subscribers, Printers, Booksellers, and others, residing in
Boston and its Vicinity, most respectfully represents,
That they have been informed from Sources which they have cause to fear are correct,
that it is in Contemplation of a Committee of your Honourable Body to propose that a
considerable additional Duty be laid on the Importation of Printing Types.
Considering it as a Fact that such is the Intention of your Committee, your
Memorialists feel themselves necessitated to lay before your honourable Body the
Reasons which induce them to conceive that the Measure, if adopted, will be oppressive
to them and injurious to their Country.
1st. Because at present, they humbly conceive, it would be
impossible to procure a Supply of Types in the United States, equal to the necessary
Demand for them; more especially when it is considered that there is a necessity for a
much greater variety of founts than can be manufactured in America, in order that the
productions of the American press may hold any reasonable competition with those of
Europe—
2d. Because the additional duty, by enhancing the expense on
Imported Types, will probably induce the American type founders to advance their
present prices in proportion to the additional expense of importation; so that, in
fact, it will be burthening several hundred citizens, and cramping an important and
interesting manufacture, merely to benefit an individual type foundery, or, at most,
perhaps only two; the principal of which, has already, we learn, more orders
than it can execute; and which, having no competition, will assume a
monopoly of the business. On the disadvantages to a community of such monopolies, we
trust, we need not enlarge.
3d. Because your memorialists conceive, that the business of
making types, in the United States, with a suitable capital, can now be carried on to
more advantage than in Great Britain; for the present charges of importation on them
amount to about 25 Pr.Ct. and the raw materials of which types
are made, or old type metal, can probably be procured nearly as cheap as in England;
so that, excepting the extra price of labour, in America, the founders here may now
command 25 per cent. more for their types, than the same types would cost at the
European founderies, provided they are equally good.
4th. Because your memorialists respectfully conceive, that,
under any circumstances, it is injurious to the public interest, and a discouraging
precedent, to lay duties on articles used in necessary manufactures, which amount
nearly to a prohibition, merely to enable individuals to manufacture, and make a large
profit on any commodity:—it is, they conceive, oppressing the many for the benefit of the few.
5th. Because your memorialists have been in the habit of
experiencing under former impost laws, particularly those of Massachusetts previous to
the establishment of the present government of the United States that printing types
have been considered as the implements of an important manufacture, and as such
deserving encouragement, and therefore they have either been admitted to be imported
free of duty, or considered as a raw material, and subjected to the lowest rate of
impost only; the Legislators of both the General and State Governments considering, in
this indulgence, that without such encouragement the art of Printing would be
embarrassed; that it was important, in a Republican Government, that Books and
Newspapers should be afforded as low as possible, in order that they may be within the
means of purchase of every citizen; and that it were much more essential to the
interests of this country that the means of learning and information should be cheap,
than that the single business of type-making should be taken under the patronage of
Government.
6th. Because, your memorialists conceive, that every measure
which has a tendency to embarrass the art of Printing, not only discourages
literature, and increases the expences of educating the rising generation, but is
essentially injurious, in its operation, to the interests of the Bookinders (sic), Papermakers, and other manufacturers connected with
them.—
7th. Because, we cherish a hope, that there is sufficient
patriotism in the body of Printers to encourage type founding in America, without any
restrictive laws;—and we feel confident, when we assert, that no types will be
imported, when they can be procured as perfect, and on as good terms, manufactured in
the United States. The encouragement afforded to the foundery at Philadelphia is a
proof in point:—and it is easy to demonstrate, that a number of inconveniences,
/ of which procuring imperfections in founts is not the least /
arise from the importation of types from
Europe. The only plea
for the additional duty, which has come to the knowledge of your memorialists, is,
that the price of types in Great Britain will be reduced by the Peace. This we readily
believe and hope; but we respectfully enquire, will not Peace in Europe also reduce
the price of labour in the United States; and thus enable the American type founder
more advantageously to prosecute his business, and if he imports his raw materials
from Europe, will not their prices also be reduced? especially as we learn with
pleasure that the duty on antimony is to be taken off.
8th. Because your memorialists conceive, that such are the
demands for types on the founderies in Great Britain, and so few the number of those
founderies therein; that no fears need be entertained that English types will be sent
to this country, for a market, with a view to injure the American founding: a number
of your memorialists now find it difficult to have any considerable order
expeditiously answered at the English founderies. For these reasons, and many others,
which we trust will readily suggest themselves to your honourable body, your
memorialists earnestly request, that no additional duty may be laid upon the
importation of Printing Types. And as in duty bound will ever pray.
Boston, March 12, 1802.
Benja Edes. John Boyle. Samuel Hall. James White. David West.
William Andrews. J N1. West. Oliver C. Greenleaf. Thomas Minns.
Alexander Young. John Russell. James Cutler. Ebenr. Rhoades.
Abijh. Adams. Eben Larkin. Samuel Larkin. Caleb Bingham.
William T Clap. Benjamin Loring. Josiah Loring. Henry Bilson Legge. Joseph Bumstead.
William Manning. John Roulstonejnr. James Loring. Lemuel Blake.
Ebenr T. Andrews. Wm. P. Blake. J. &
T. Fleet. Benja. Russell. Andrew Newell. Benja. Hurd. John R.
Gould. Ensign Lincoln.
To the Honorable Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America,
in Congress assembled.
The subscribers, members of the "Boston Franklin Association," journeymen Printers of
Boston;—beg leave with all due respect and consideration, to present the
following Memorial:—
---
---Placed, by Providence, in a land that fosters the civil and political rights of
freemen;—in a country that has built its liberties and happiness upon social
intercourse, justice, and knowledge;—and whose citizens enjoy the superior
privilege, at all times, in a proper manner, to express their sentiments on public
measures, whether they be actually adopted, or merely proposed:---Considering that
"such Manufactures as are obviously capable of affording to the United States an
adequate supply of their several and respective objects, ought to be promoted by the
aid of Government:"—but when such domestic Manufactures are not "obviously
capable" of supplying the various
and necessary demands of the
country; should they be so far preferred as to injure the best interests of those
classes of society, who are, and from existing local circumstances must continue to be
dependent for some time to come on foreign Manufactures?—Laudable as is the
intention of Government, to afford prompt and friendly assistance to our own
Manufactures, in preference to those of foreign countries; we yet feel confident they
will first consult their nature, their expediency, and their utility.
---Fully impressed with these general truths; and having observed that your Committee
of Commerce and Manufactures have proposed "that it is expedient to impose a duty, in
future, of 20 per cent. ad valorem on Printing Types;" we should be wanting in justice
to ourselves, and perhaps to our common country, did we not promptly and respectfully
remonstrate; and on principles, we trust, that even those who petitioned to have the
additional duty laid on, cannot, but consent to as just and equitable.
---Having a perfect knowledge of the relative branches that constitute our
profession; and of course knowing what materials are necessary to its use, whether for
elegance, convenience, or durability;—we feel assured, that the Philadelphia
Type Foundery could not possibly furnish either the quantity or the quality
requisite:—nor could it be able to afford those numerous improvements which we
may receive from Europe; and which are most essential, not only to our interest, but
the typographical character of the United States.
---as well, in our opinion, might an additional or burthensome duty be laid on
foreign hemp and cotton, because, in some small part of this country, it can be raised:—Those States, who could
not raise the articles, could not feel greater embarrassment or injury, than
the proposed additional duty on Types would affect Printers, and others
concerned:—for as the non-producing States would have to pay whatever price was
demanded, and the consumers also have to suffer by the inferiority and want of the
articles;—in a similar manner the proposed additional duty on Types would affect
us, and through us the community at large.
---Whoever is acquainted with the nature of our business, will
undoubtedly be fully sensible, that the duty proposed goes to sap if not destroy its
most respectable and useful existence;—that, particularly to young men, like us,
about entering business, after a laborious, and not far above penurious
apprenticeship, it threatens to annihilate our prospects as future masters and as
happy and useful members of society:—while our country itself reaps no essential
benefit, but actually suffers; perhaps without receiving an honor for maintaining, by
heavy duty, a trifling and partial manufacture, which, without competitors, would not
only monopolize to itself; but tend to cause Europeans, who must be acquainted with
the futility and barreness of our foundery, to encrease their demands;—and thus
place our avocation in an impoverished, fatal situation.
---If our country has derived any glory from the freedom of inquiry
permitted; if it has become, like Rome and Athens, celebrated for its general
literature; if, in short, knowledge ought not to be taxed, and its circulation thereby
impeded, if not annihilated:—then your Memorialists conceive, that they, the
promulgators, ought not to suffer in an occupation, so necessary, and so
important;—particularly as their materials were formerly free of all duty, and
merely considered as the tools of mechanics.
---From these considerations, and others too numerous to particularize; your
Memorialists humbly pray and hope, That the proposed additional duty on foreign
printing Types, be not laid on, as recommended.
William Burdick. Samuel Gilbert. Nathaniel Willis, Jr. Whiting
Skinner. Thomas Dean. Joshua Belcher. Edmund Munroe. Committee.
Seth H. Moore. George Wells. Woodbridge Skinner. Calvin Day. Oliver Steele. Josiah
Ball. Edward Gray jun. Howard S. Robinson. Edward Oliver. Joshua Simond. David
Francis. Eleazer G. House. Benja. Lindsey. Edward P. Seymour. Jona. Howe. Sheldon Thompson. Thomas Kennard. John C. Gray. Benja. True. Thos Kennedy. Asahel Seward. John McKown. William Harrington. Samuel Allen.
N. B. Presuming it might be important that the memorial be received by the
Legislature, as soon as possible; and as several members who have not signed it, are
either absent, or cannot be obtained for signature perhaps in reason; it has been
thought most prudent and eligible to forward it in its present state.
