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PARITTA

Before dealing with the sacred words recited by monks in Phraan Muan
village, it is necessary to elucidate the concept of paritta, for this is the name
(paarit in Thai) given to the chants rendered by monks in most rituals.

The word paritta means protection. Tradition has it that the paritta
originated in Ceylon and were brought to Thailand. Geiger (1960) refers
to the institutionalized paritta ceremonies in Ceylon in early times (see
also Rhys Davids 1963). The Sinhalese term is pirit. But, in fact, paritta
have a longer tradition and their character is better understood by referring
back to India.

The paritta of Southern or Theravada Buddhism have their counterparts
in the mantra of brahmanical Hinduism and the dharani of Mahayana
Tantric Buddhism. Mantra are secret sacrificial formulae of Brahmanism,
frequently referred to as `spells'. Hinduism and Buddhism, especially in
their Tantric forms, developed the notions of mantra and dharani to
extents unknown in Theravada Buddhism.

The efficacy of mantra lies in the fact that they are or can become the
`object' they represent. This presupposes that the mystical sounds or
phonemes of which the mantra are composed are signs or representations
of the deities in the cosmic pantheon, as well as of the subtle organs of the
practitioner; they are also supports for concentration which thereby
enable the practitioner to homologize his body with the pantheon. The
mantra is simultaneously the symbolized cosmic reality (as a pantheon)
and human body, as well as the symbolizing sign or vehicle for uniting
them. Once again we are confronted with the threefold character of
sounds and words, in this case as representing the external cosmos and its
agents, the internal person of the devotee, and a mediating or uniting force.

The dharani[1] is the Northern Buddhist analogue conceived in the same
way.

In both Tantric Hinduism and Buddhism the character and efficacy
attributed to mantra and dharani were apparently transformed into greater
mystical potency than was present in the pristine notion, which Theravada

Buddhism appears to have adhered to to a greater degree. For instance,
while in the Rig Veda mantra are hymns of praise or grateful prayer to
the gods for warding off demons, in the later Arthava Veda (dating back
to about 600 B.C.) they had become incantations of stereotyped formulas
which force the unwilling or unfriendly gods and spirits by their magical
power.

Similarly, in Tantric Mahayana Buddhism the simpler sutra[2]
forms
developed into esoteric types to the degree that their recitation was believed
to encompass and materialize worldly desires, to achieve miracles and,
even more important, to aid spiritual advancement, and by a short-cut so
to say, lead to the attainment of Bodhisattvaship or nirvana itself. Thus
one section of the Mahayanists elevated the collection of the paritta called
the Parittan Pitaka to the position of Mantra-yana, a means of quick
conveyance to nirvana or to the more popular Amitabha's Western
Paradise.

The Pali word paritta (Sanskrit: Paritra)—rather than dharani—is the
epithet well known and widely used in Theravada Buddhism, and means
`protection or defence'. In their original meaning and in their present
use the paritta consist of certain gatha (verses) or portions of sutra (discourses
of the Buddha) which are used for defined purposes; these may
be described by such words as `protection and blessing' or a `form of
exorcism and purification'. Though the use Southern Buddhism makes
of them is nowhere as potent or ambitious as that of Tantric Buddhism,
yet there is in them sufficient ambiguity and seeming contradiction of the
philosophical assertions of doctrinal Buddhism to warrant a subtle analysis.

A classical acknowledgment of the use of paritta in early Buddhism
and the rationale for their use is contained in The Questions of King
Milinda (Rhys Davids 1963). The dilemma posed by King Milinda was
that, while the Buddha had declared that no man could escape death's
snare, he had also promulgated the pirit service (i.e. recitation of paritta)
in order to give protection to humans. Nagasena's dialectical skill wore
thin on this issue: he said that no ceremony (or artificial means) can
prolong the life of one whose allotted span of existence has come to an
end, but those who have a period yet to run can profit by the `medicine
of pirit', thereby invoking the analogy of a disease that can be cured by
medicine. He stated, however, the proviso that pirit may fail to give
protection in the face of karma, of sin and of unbelief; while it is a protection
against the malevolent acts of others, it loses its power against sinful acts
done by the sufferer himself.

This early Buddhist document merely affirms the potency of paritta
and sheds little light on the mechanics and semantics of the ceremony.
The paritta express a paradoxical element in the communication between
monk and layman which has to be unravelled by other means. On the
one hand, they are requested by the laity and chanted by the monks to
confer good fortune and protection from misfortune. On the other hand,
they contain gathas from scriptural texts and moralistic tales, or are
adaptations from them, and these textual sources reveal the remarkable
paradox that the actual words said by the Buddha are not exorcistic but
by and large ethical and moralistic, while in the `historical' circumstances
of their enunciation they did yield practical effects against mortal dangers.
Thus a paritta is a gatha (verse) or a (portion of a) sutra (discourse) recited
for its potency effect.

Most, if not all, of the paritta in use can be related to Canonical literature
such as the Buddha's discourses (sutra), Jataka stories, etc. The Questions
of King Milinda (Rhys Davids 1963, Part 1, pp. 213 ff.), for instance,
refers to the following as being elements in the Pirit service—Ratana
Sutta, Khandha Paritta, Mora Paritta, Dhagagga Paritta, Atanatiya
Paritta and Angulimala Paritta.[3] Most of these are in use today and are
a pointer to the continuity of established traditions. In the course of time
paritta collections were made and elaborated in the Buddhist countries:
examples for Thailand are the Seven Tamnan, the Twelve Tamnan, the
Royal Book of Chants (Suad Manta Chabab Luang).[4] Introductory verses
summarizing an entire sutra were composed; eventually, in some instances
these summaries alone were recited to save time. I do not propose to
consider the history and content of the Thai collections (see Wells 1960
and Satira-Koses (1960) for details) and shall limit myself to those paritta
in frequent use in Phraan Muan village, using them as a vehicle for
making general statements about the technology of this ritual.

In Chapter 8 I listed the names of the chants to which novices and
monks devote much time in memorizing, for these are indispensable for
the conduct of rites. Of them, the chants categorized as mangala (Thai:
suad mongkhon), used on auspicious occasions, are the ones in question
here. They are paritta which give protection from misfortune as well as
positive blessing. The mangala chants in the list are divided into `evening'
and `morning' chants, recited in these two phases at a ceremony, and

I shall take a number of them and comment on the alleged historical
context in which the Buddha delivered them and on their verbal content.
Appendix 1 to this chapter gives one version of the full verbal content
of some of these paritta as currently recited in Thailand.

Mangala sutra (sutta)

This sutra was preached by the Buddha at Jetavana in answer to a question
asked by a deva as to which are the auspicious things (mangalani) in the
world. The sutra describes thirty-seven auspicious things including such
as the avoidance of fools, association with the wise, honouring those
worthy of honour, etc. In the Sutra Nipata it is recorded that at the
preaching of this sutra countless devas were present and countless beings
realized the truth (Malalasekera 1960, Vol. II, p. 410).

It may be remarked that there is nothing `exorcistic' about this paritta:
it gives admonitions in the form of auspicious acts, and it incorporates
the gods as part of the larger Buddhist community.

Ratana sutra (sutta)

The alleged historical circumstances of this sutra called `The Jewel Discourse'
are a part of contemporary popular village lore. It was preached
at the city of Vesali under remarkable circumstances. The city was
devastated by pestilence, drought and famine, and its citizens begged of
the Buddha to rid it of its calamities. The Buddha consented to visit the
city and as soon as he commenced the journey rain began to fall. According
to one version, the Buddha first taught the sutra to his disciple, Ananda,
and asked him to circumambulate the city and recite it while sprinkling
water from the Buddha's bowl. When he did so the spirits fled from the
city and the people recovered from their calamities. Afterwards the Buddha
preached the sutra to a large assembly composed not only of the citizens
of Vesali but also of the devas of two deva worlds with Sakka (Indra) at
their head. (The full story is reported in Nanamoli 1960; also see Malalasekera
1960, Vol. II, pp. 709-10; Hardy 1880, pp. 243-4.)

The Ratana sutra is one of the most famous and often-used paritta
because of its dramatic warding off of evil and misfortune. But what
do the words recited actually say? Out of its total seventeen verses
the first two contain a request to the devas to receive the homage and
offerings of men and protect them in their danger; then follow twelve
verses extolling the virtues of the Buddha, the Dhamma, and the Sangha;
it ends with three verses spoken by Sakka on behalf of the gods, expressing
adoration of the Buddhist Trinity. The words, then, affirm the twofold
character of gods—their benevolence and acceptance of propitiation by

humans, and their adoration and subordination to the Buddhist Trinity;
the most important implication is that blessings are transferred to the laity
by virtue of the attainments of the Trinity. The great potency attributed
to the words, the imperative dispersal of misfortune, is not actually
contained in the words.

Karaniya metra sutra (sutta)

It is said that this sutra on loving kindness was preached by the Buddha
to 500 monks who engaged in meditation in a forest region in the Himalayas,
and were harassed by the tree deities who were forced to evacuate
their tree mansions by the monks' presence, and who were also alarmed
by their courage and goodness. The Buddha preached that the monks
should practise goodwill and compassion towards the deities (Nanamoli
1960, Ch. IX). In Thailand today, this paritta is supposed to keep demons
from displaying their horrible characteristics because of its potency.

Once again we are faced with the intriguing paradox that while antidemon
power is attributed to the paritta, the words of the sutra, as such,
say that one should practise non-violent metta, that is, one should be
diligent and upright, gentle, and should not, out of anger or resentment,
wish misery on another. A person should cherish boundless goodwill
towards others (see text in Appendix I; also Nanamoli 1960, Ch. IX;
Malalasekera 1960, Vol. II, p. 657).

Atanatiya sutra (sutta)

This is usually the last in the set of evening chants. It is also a potent
paritta that wards off evil spirits, and is particularly valued to combat
illness. The mythological origins of the sutra are especially interesting
inasmuch as it was taught by the king of the demons, Vessavana, to the
Buddha.

The Atanatiya Suttanta (Rhys Davids, Vol. IV, Part III, 1957) relates
this story: the four great guardians (lokapala) of the four quarters visited
the Buddha with their hosts, and Vessavana, the leader of the Yakkha
hosts, told the Buddha that the Exalted One's `code of abstaining from
the taking of life, inchastity, lying and intemperance' was distasteful and
not congenial to the Yakkha and aroused their antagonism, but that in
order to protect the Buddha's disciples who dwelt in the remote forests
where also the Yakkha dwelt, Vessavana would volunteer to teach the
Atanatiya paritta to the Buddha. `The Exalted One by his silence gave
consent.' (p. 189.)

The actual words of the sutra first give a list of the seven Buddhas,
beginning with Vipassi, who preceded Gotama; these `splendid seers' and

`perfected saints' give glory to Gotama. Then comes a long and colourful
description of the guardians of the four quarters and their brilliant hosts,
who all affirm `The Buddha do we worship, Gotama'.

Vessavana assures the Buddha that this is the ward rune whereby both
brethren and sisters of the Order, and laymen and laywomen, may dwell
at ease, protected from the molestations of the Yakkha, Gandharva,
Kumbhanda and Naga hosts. Should any of these latter, however, molest,
the threatened person should appeal to the great superior gods, chiefs,
and commanders of these demons. The names of the gods are then listed.

It may have occurred to the reader that the Karaniya metra sutra and
the Atanatiya sutra are closely related in structure. In the former the gods
harass the pious monks whose goodness they are jealous of because it
competes with their own. The Buddha's words of compassionate restraint
constitute the victorious goodness by which the gods are reconciled. In the
latter sutra, the Yakkhas are opposed to the Buddhist morality which
violates the demonic code of conduct, but the Yakkha king voluntarily
accedes to the superiority of Buddhist virtue while retaining for his
Yakkha hosts their own given nature. We may note that the words of the
formula state the pantheon, with the Buddhas placed superior to the gods,
and by implication both are then ranged against the inferior Yakkhas,
who can be overpowered (but not converted).

In Appendix I, I reproduce a translation of a text of the Atanatiya sutra
as currently recited in Thailand. It deals mainly with the attainments of
the Buddhas, affirms that both devatas and men make obeisance to the
Buddhas, and transfers blessings to the congregation.

Jayamangala gatha (suad chaya mongkhon)

This chant is the most important of the `morning chants'—succeeding
the `evening chants'—and is a victory blessing par excellence usually
followed by the sprinkling of lustral water. It recounts the eight victories
of the Buddha, and after the proclaiming of each victory the blessing is
transferred thus: `May triumphant good fortune come to you with the
power of the Lord Buddha's blessed triumph.' The victories are those
over Mara, Alavaka the demon, the fierce elephant Nalagiri, the robber
Angulimala, the evil accusation of Cincamanarika who pretended that
she was made pregnant by the Buddha, the contending wise man Saccaakarnigaranath,
the Naga king Nandopanananda, and the Brahman
Baka. (See text in Appendix I.) The blessing recapitulates the dramatic
victories of the Buddha in his last life over evil demon spirits, evil humans,
and antagonistic forms of nature, in short his domination of kama loka,
the sensuous world.

I have thus far reviewed the most important and most frequently
chanted paritta in Phraan Muan village. They are considered to be
appropriate for a wide range of ritual occasions. There are many others
which are chanted less frequently because they are relevant to more
specific occasions; since they are of considerable interest for Buddhist
mythology and symbolism I consider some of them in Appendix 2 at
the end of this chapter.

Two points can be inferred from the paritta already considered and
from those examined in Appendix 2. In a large number of them are
embedded the Buddhist cosmology and pantheon, as well as the dynamics
that relate the two consistently in terms of the beneficial co-operation of
gods with men. But note that the principles of co-operation and antagonism
hinge on the ethical and moral superiority of the Buddha's conduct, his
virtue, loving kindness, and abstinence from self-aggrandizement. This
is the core proclamation and it is the potency of this kind of victorious
superiority and heroic action on the part of the Buddha and his disciples
that provides the basis for protection from evil for those human beings
who affirm the faith and to whom are transferred blessings. The technique
is a metaphorical transfer of grace through words.

Essentially the paritta profess the doctrine of amity; they are meant
to suffuse the hostile beast or man or spirit with benign, fraternal emotion
—with metta. As Rhys Davids noted, the paritta render homage to this
wonderful vista of faith, wherein even the most malignant spirits and
beasts were looked upon, not as hopelessly and eternally damned, but as
erring unfortunates upon their age-long upward way, and capable of
being doctored and softened by the power of love. (See my comments
on Khanda Paritta in Appendix 2.)

The next level of analysis is to tackle the problem of how the sacred
words are integrated by the monks with their ritual acts and manipulation
of objects. First we should briefly review the ritual occasions on which
paritta are chanted in the village.

In the description of the cycle of collective merit-making rites at the
wat (Chapter 10), we noted that at different points in the rites suad
mongkhon was recited: in Bun Phraawes at the conclusion of the invitation
to Uppakrut and before the ceremony proper (recitation of Mahachad)
started; before the monks and villagers entered Lent and again before
they left Lent. The usual formula is that every ngan bun (merit-making
rite) begins with suad mongkhon. It is clear in this context that the recitation
of suad mongkhon is a threshold ceremony, both for purification and
protection, in the passage from the secular to the sacred and vice versa.

Another occasion on which it is recited—at a particular phase of

mortuary rites—has also been briefly described (Chapter 11). Between
the two major phases—cremation and collection of bones—which are
related to the change in status of the winjan soul, the monks chant suad
mongkhon for three consecutive nights at the house of the bereaved, and
purify the possessions of the deceased and sprinkle lustral water on the
living. Here the recitation is explicitly concerned with driving away
the malevolence of death and detaching from the world the spirit of the
deceased. The villagers also, however, consider this sequence as merit-making
for the dead, and the monks in fact are feasted and given gifts
on the fourth day.

A third major occasion at which suad mongkhon is recited is a household
rite—kynhuenmai (entering a new house) or thambunhuen (merit-making
at the house). In the case of the first occasion, the ceremony is again
a threshold rite, but monks and villagers are explicit that its purpose is
to protect the new house and drive away the spirits of the land on which
the house was built and the spirit of the trees used for constructing the
house.

To describe briefly the ritual technology of house-blessing. It is divided
into two phases: suad mon yen (evening chant) and suad mon chaw (morning
chant). In the evening phase, monks chant suad mongkhon and make
lustral water. A cord is tied around the house; it begins at a window,
around which it is wound and knotted; it is then attached to the Buddha
image, and the next length is held by the abbot; then it is wound around
a bowl of water and the final length is held by the other monks. The
technique is clearly one of `charging' or sacralizing the house or, negatively,
of driving away or keeping at bay evil forces. The power of the sacred
words travels through the cord and charges the water and the house.
The water is consecrated as follows: at a certain point in the chanting
the abbot picks up a lighted candle standing on the bowl, drops some
wax into the water, and then at the concluding words of the chant,
completely immerses it. The next morning the monks return. They are
given breakfast, which act is rewarded with the anumodana blessing; they
now chant suad chaya mongkhon, the victory blessing, and finally sprinkle
lustral water.

The thambunhuen rites are conducted on the same lines. In any single
year they comprise the most frequent category of all the rites—of passage
and household—at which monks officiate.

Finally, there is one other class of rites at which suad mongkhon is
recited, and here the effect sought is the curing of illness and the granting
of long life (thaw ayu). Typically, when a man of great age is sick, a long-life
ceremony is performed. In such a ceremony suad partita mongkhon is

chanted to drive away disease, suad kusalayasaming is chanted `so that
the virtues will be retained by the patient and the vices dispelled', and
suad acirang, when rendered, so as to cause `life in the patient to increase'.
The ritual technique is that of sacralization involving cord, which is later
cut and used to bind the wrist of the patient, and the sprinkling of lustral
water. The ceremony of suad thaw ayu is really a last-rites ceremony
when a man is near death, and can be interpreted again as a threshold
rite. Monks are in fact also called upon to chant in other, similar situations
—when a man's astrological properties are defective (chata kaad) or if
illness is caused by an imbalance in the four basic constituent elements
of his body (earth, water, fire, and air). But this kind of curative role of
monks is marginal and infrequent, and there are elderly lay practitioners
with their specialist ritual who monopolize this role; these latter will be
considered in subsequent chapters.

In village ideology these paritta recitations are merit-making rites which
secure specific results of blessing, good fortune, and the driving away of
malevolent spirits and misfortune. One major point stands out. The
monks are antagonistic to malevolent spirits (phii); but they do not
directly deal with them so as to propitiate, placate, or exorcize. The
technique is one of positive charging through the use of sacred words,
combined with `realistic' use of cord and lustral water.

It would therefore be revealing to examine more closely the critical
acts in the transfer of blessing. The reader will have noticed the great
amount of redundancy in the ritual: each of the paritta formulae concludes
with a verbal transfer of blessing, but these repetitions are climaxed by
further acts of heightened transfer. Through these repetitions, which are
additive and cumulative, the message of transfer is unambiguously relayed.
Critical acts of heightened transfer are, by way of example, the making
of sacred water (which is later sprinkled on the congregation in conjunction
with the victory blessing) and the receiving-with-satisfaction blessing
(anumodana gatha) recited by the monks after they receive food and gifts.

At a climactic point in the chanting the candle is extinguished by
immersing it in the water in the alms-bowl. The chant recited during the
extinguishing of the candles affirms, as do many other chants, the three
refuges and the happiness that comes through submitting to them, the
conquest over desire by the arahats and the Ariya men of religion, and the
happiness that comes from this affirmation of the conquest. The actual
immersion of the candle is done at the concluding line of the chant, which
says that these wise men who have destroyed the seeds of existence and
whose desires do not increase `go out like this lamp'. This draws the
analogy between extinguishing suffering and extinguishing the candle.

But note the paradox, which illustrates an important aspect of the use of
sacred chants in Buddhist ritual. The lustral water has been `charged'
with words expressing ideas concerning nirvana-type extinction of life
and the conquest of worldly desires; but this water when sprinkled on
the laity gives blessings, good fortune, and long life.

The anumodana gatha (receiving-with-satisfaction blessing), recited
when monks receive food and gifts in formal manner, very explicitly
makes the same transference. The gist of the blessing is: as a result of
the power of the Buddha, the Dhamma and the Sangha, may blessings
accrue and may the gods protect those present. The blessings include
long life, fair complexion, strength and happiness. Wells (1960) cites in
detail the chants used in Buddhist rites in Thailand. An anumodana gatha
he cites is representative of the nature of the blessing (p. 122):

It is when such blessing is being given to the living that they in turn
transfer some of it to their dead, to the gods, and to all living beings
through yaadnam (water-pouring).

I have so far concentrated on the role of chants and the accompanying
ritual technology in order to unravel the semantics of the rites under
consideration. The question remains whether the employment of sacred
words in sermons, as distinguished from that in chants, constitutes a
different channel or medium and is therefore not capable of incorporation
in one overall solution.

In Chapter 8 I enumerated the kinds of sermon delivered in Phraan
Muan village; these sermons are rendered not at all rites but at the major
collective merit-making ceremonies at the wat and on wanphraa (Sabbath
days), especially during Lent. Sermons typically come as the last sequence
in the proceedings after the offering of food and gifts and the chanting
and the transferring of merit. If we exclude the local and regional myths
and folk tales from consideration here (see Tambiah 1968a), we see that
most sermons are based on the Dhamma texts and, most frequently, the
Jataka (Thai: Chadok) stories. Pali stanzas and Jataka stories are recited,
then expounded and commented upon in the local language. Sometimes
printed sermons in Thai, based on the same materials, may be used.

On the face of it the sermons appear to be a use of words different
from that employed in chants. While the chants are exclusively in Pali,

which is not understood by the majority of the congregation, the sermons
are expounded and commented upon in the local language. While comprehension
of the chants is not essential for the efficacy of the ritual, the
sermons would appear to aim at instruction and inculcation of moral
truths. The Jataka tales have their own distinct structure—an introduction
setting out the `historical' circumstances of the narration by the Buddha,
the story itself, and the final summation in which the narrator sums up
the fruits of action in terms of the fates of the actors and identifies the
principal actors in their present lives. It could be said that, whereas the
chants transfer blessings and grace, the sermons teach the beneficial
results of engaging in heroic meritorious action.

Other features, however, bring together the chants and the sermons
under one, more general rubric. I have already referred to the belief
in the merit-conferring virtue of listening to sermons, even if they are
not understood. (Actual audience behaviour tends to confirm the lack
of emphasis on intense listening.) Furthermore, the sermon itself is a
stylized melodic recitation in the manner of chanting and is in some
ways a similar sound sequence in the proceedings. The cord for the
transfer of merit is used in both sermons and chants alike.[5]

The major sermons relate the supreme exploits of the Buddha—the
selfless giving on a scale portrayed in the Phraawes story (which no human
being can approximate), his defeat of Mara, his conquest of desire and
achievement of nirvana—all of which, if viewed literally, emphasize the
other-worldly and salvation orientations of Buddhism. There is no doubt
that these doctrines are at one level expounded for the edification of
villagers, who are exhorted to observe precepts, control their emotions
and desires, and cultivate equanimity.

But there is also another mechanism of transference which elucidates
the attitude of the majority of villagers to the sacred words and texts
and their transmitters, the monks. The mechanism is the same in both
chants and sermons. The wisdom of the Buddha, by which he triumphed
over the powers of darkness and found his release in nirvana, is found
in the Dhamma, which is a repository of power because it contains the
wisdom that conquers karma. And the recitation of these texts and chants
which represent ethical conquests and triumphs, results in merit, blessings
and protection for the listeners. Moreover, it is the monk alone who can
appropriately recite the texts, for he is in theory dedicated to following
the path of wisdom and can transmit their virtues to the layman. There
is a logic in making holy water by `charging' it with words that extinguish
desire and by immersing in it a lighted candle symbolic of total extinction.
The water then, by transformation, enhances and affirms life in this
world full of suffering. There is a logic in the monks' eulogizing the
heroic deed of charity and world renunciation by the Buddhas and the
arahat, and the congregation viewing these deeds as conferring on them
strength to lead a blessed life free of misfortune; for the great deeds of
renunciation transform and lend an accentuated if vicarious meaning to
the smaller acts of giving and self-deprivation performed by man rooted
in the world.

Monk and layman stand in a particular relation. The monk, by virtue
of his asceticism and way of life, is partially aggregated to the world of
death and final release. The layman is not, and is emphatically in this
world. Through proper ritual procedures the monk as mediator and
specialist can transfer Buddha's conquest of the dangers inherent in
human existence, transmuting it into prosperity and mental states free
of pain and charged with merit. But at the same time ethical effort and
right intention are required from the layman; the most conspicuous
manifestation of this is making merit by materially supporting the monks
and temples.

All this brings out a duality in Buddhist ritual and religious action that
I have tried to cope with. Let me state three dualities or paradoxes which

derive from the trinity—Buddha, Dhamma, Sangha—itself. The Buddha
has achieved nirvana and does not live; the Buddha or, better still, a
material representation of him—his image or relics—has spiritual potency.
The Dhamma, as sacred texts, relate primarily to the conquest of life,
desire, and the seeking of release and salvation by attaining nirvana; the
sacred texts have the power to confer the blessings of a good life on
ordinary mortals. The Sangha and its monks represent human beings
who have renounced life and are seeking salvation through the practice
of an austere religious technology; the monks are as well human mediators
who have access to mystical powers, deriving from sources which represent
negation of life, but which are pre-eminently of a life-intensifying character
when transferred to the laity. Supernatural power of a certain sort is
located in the other world of the dead, and it can be reached only through
the practice of asceticism and through asexual mediators.

In my view it would be a distortion of the facts to see in Buddhism
therefore merely an emphasis on the `other world' and to treat the monk's
role as opposed to `this world'. To interpret Buddhist orientations in
this Thai village as being focused entirely on death-rebirth preoccupations
is to give a stilted interpretation of the ordinary villager's relationship to
the Scriptures, the Buddha, and monks.

There is every possibility that in more `sophisticated' circles, both in
Ceylon and in Thailand, there is a tension between the actual doctrinal
position taken by monks and the lay orientation (which in turn may show
divergent views as between the religious virtuosi and the untutored
peasant). There are monks (not in Baan Phraan Muan) who realize that
it is not their province to confer merit and blessings on the layman, and
that the chants have no property of mystical power in themselves. The
laity, on the other hand, often exerts a pressure towards using the monks
and the Dhamma for just such purposes. From a theological point of view
this represents a tension. From a sociological point of view our interest
lies in the duality of orientation and the attempt of both laymen and monks
to use their religion to state and solve existential problems.

To summarize the major propositions arrived at in respect of the semantics
of the rites conducted by monks, which are composed of words
interconnected with acts to constitute a single totality:

(a) The ritual per se is a metaphorical transfer through words of the
virtues of the deeds of the Buddha (and his supreme followers) combined
with a metonymical transfer through acts (the use of sacred cord, lustral
water, etc.). While the words evoke the great deeds of the past and bring
them into the present, the manual acts lend an operational or technical
reality to the mechanics of transfer. It is this device that transforms the

victories of world renunciation by the saints into victories of life affirmation
by ordinary humans. Thus are the glories of an ideal past united with
the prosaic present to transfigure it.

(b) While this is the logic on which the Pali chants and the accompanying
acts are constructed, its semantic basis is not consciously understood by
the actors either monk or congregation. The latter, particularly, in the
main do not and perhaps need not understand the Pali words.

(c) The sermons, although appearing to constitute a different communication
channel in that the ordinary language is used in their exposition,
nevertheless share a basic similarity with the chants in that hearing without
necessarily understanding is by itself efficacious.

(d) The basis for the belief of congregation and monks in the mystical
power of the sacred words, which play the major role in Buddhist ritual,
is three-dimensional and is explicitly and regularly affirmed in all rites:
the Buddha, as Renouncer and Compassionate Teacher, was the source
of the words, the Dhamma is the embodiment of those words transmitted
untarnished; and the Sangha and its monks are the appropriate human
transmitters of the words. The Buddha is immanent in the consecrated
image and relic chambers, the words are objectified in the book, and the
monk in human form. This trinity of ideas is not peculiar to Buddhism,
as similar ideas are expressed in other religions. The semantics of the
ritual system here described are of wider scope and generality as well.

(e) Ultimately, the reciprocities in Buddhist ritual transactions rest on
a sociological and religious relationship between monk and layman, the
former as a specialist and intermediary committed to the ascetic ideal
and the latter as gift-giver within the Buddhist fold but committed to
this world. In the Thai context this reciprocity gains additional meaning
through the monks being village sons (most of whom have temporarily
renounced their virility and the secular mode of life) and the householders
and providers being the village fathers and mothers and elders.

Having argued thus far that the logic of the ritual transactions stems
from a number of distinctions and complementarities between monk and
layman, let me conclude by bringing into focus a new dimension of meaning
which shows that the layman rooted in this world and engaging in gift
giving is in one sense behaving in a manner that parallels the behaviour
of the ascetic monk. It is easy to see that the ascetic monk in renouncing
this world, its pleasures and its obligations, has freely given himself up
to the cause of deliverance. Furthermore, the vehicle of this deliverance
is the practice of discipline upon his mind and body, that is, positive
action in order to negate his personal life. This free surrender and giving
away is also an aspect of the layman's gift giving. The recommended mode

and attitude of dana (generosity) is stated thus in the Payasi Suttanta
(Rhys Davids, Vol. III, Part II, 1910): `Give ye your gifts with thoroughness,
with your own hands, with due thought, and give not as if ye were
discarding somewhat.'

There is a discrepancy, or rather a difference in emphasis, between the
ethic of gift giving in Buddhism and the sociology of gift giving. Normally,
as Mauss pointed out, a personal claim is bound up with every gift. The
ethical aspect of giving, of the freely given gift, is that the gift represents
the giver, that the giver is giving something that belongs to himself, that
indeed he is giving himself up. A gift becomes a true surrender, a sacrifice,
if the giver forgoes the implied intention of receiving something in return.
As Jung put it, `All absolute giving, a giving which is a total loss from
the start, is a self-sacrifice' (Laszlo 1958). This indeed would be the
doctrinal recommendation, nor is it lacking in village attitudes. Gifts to
the monks never return in material equivalent form. The idiom of such
transfer is that of `free gift', in which case the donor's altruistic intention
has ethical value. In so far as this attitude is represented in the intention
of the layman, then it is quite plausible to argue that from his own inferior
level of world-rootedness he is `surrendering' himself through the medium
of giving up his worldly possessions, which are a part of him. The receiver
is the monk. The truly ascetic, world-renouncing monk accepts the gifts
without any obligation to return, for he is not responsible to the world;
he is in the world, yet not of the world. Such non-recognition of reciprocal
obligation on the part of the taker would complement the idea of `free
gift' on the part of the giver.

But we know that behind this theoretical double negation of reciprocity
stands firmly the affirmation of reciprocity. The layman, by giving material
gifts, expects to accumulate merit in the form of ethical energy; the monk
in turn in accepting these gifts confers merit on the donor. This conceptualization
of giving and receiving likewise appears in Hindu practice,
where the brahman receives gifts, thereby enabling the giver to indulge
in meritorious action. The brahman makes return wholly by religious
services. The theory of danadharma, the law of gift, has been elaborated
in Hindu literature, and Mauss (1954) explicitly referred to it in expounding
his theory of reciprocity. His references were taken mainly from the
Mahabharata, which is chronologically post-Buddhist. It is not relevant
here to engage in historical problems of dating, but I do want to indicate
that Indian ideas expressed in the texts are helpful in understanding
a Thai villager's merit-making activities: