 | Buddhism and the spirit cults in North-east Thailand |  |
13
`SUKHWAN' RITES: THE ELDERS SUMMON
THE SPIRIT ESSENCE
If we turn the kaleidoscope now, after reviewing the types of rituals in
which monks officiate, we confront another class of rites which are referred
to as `calling the khwan' (sukhwan). What I propose to show in describing
and analysing these rites is how they are complementary and linked to
Buddhist ritual, and how the participants in these rites stand in a relationship
of reciprocity that is a reversed image of that between monk and
layman, youth and elder, as signified in the village institution of monkhood.
Apart from this theme, I also pursue further the communication aspect
of ritual. The sukhwan rites are in a sense prophylactic and therapeutic;
they are consciously intended to achieve certain effects in the celebrants.
Hence I shall examine how these rites are structured and what kind of
message they seek to convey to the celebrants, and in what relation they
stand to the rites which monks perform. This exercise in investigating the
intended effect of ritual as a communication device will reach its conclusion
only in a subsequent chapter, when the sukhwan rites are contrasted with
another class of healing rituals addressed to malevolent spirits.
In the discussion of primary concepts (Chapter 4), I dealt with a pair
of complementary and opposed concepts relating to spiritual essences,
khwan and winjan. Both essences animate human life, but while khwan
is conceptually identified with life and its vicissitudes, winjan is related
to death and the fate of the soul. At certain crises the khwan leaves the
body, and its temporary absence is the cause of affliction or misfortune.
Hence it must be recalled to restore morale. Winjan rites are mortuary
rites, which have been described in Chapter 11; in them both monks
and junior generations play important roles in effecting the passage of
the soul of deceased elders. Khwan rites are performed by elders for their
youthful successors, and in them we see the complementary ritual services
that match the services of monks.
Villagers say that a human being has thirty-two khwan corresponding
to various parts of the body, of which the head is foremost. No villager
can actually name the thirty-two khwan, or rather the body parts in which
they reside. Collectively they comprise a unity, khwan, which is thought
to be a kind of spirit essence.
The essence of the khwan rite is the calling of the khwan (sukhwan), and
binding it to the body of the celebrant by tying a piece of thead to his
or her wrist. The symbolism is that of aggregation.
The binding of the khwan is believed to have certain effects which are
the focus of much verbal elaboration on the part of the villagers. An
expression often used is `haj ju dii mii raeng', which means `confer good
living and strength'. Other expressions are:
haj sod haj sai (give luck)
mii chok mii chai (have luck)
haj ram haj ruai (give wealth)
haj kam haj koon (give prosperity).
These are all expressions of good fortune and prosperity, naturally
associated with the mental state of happiness. The mystical effects of
khwan ceremonies may be compared with those of Buddhist religious
action subsumed by the central concept of bun (merit). In khwan rites
good fortune is conferred by means of restoring to the patient or recipient
his spiritual essence. The khwan escapes and is recalled. This does not
involve the kind of ethical action on the part of the recipient required
in the case of merit acquisition, but is accomplished by virtue of the
elders' ritual action and transfer of mystical power vested in them.
KINDS OF `SUKHWAN' RITES AND OCCASIONS
OF PERFORMANCE
The significance of the rites will be readily apparent when we examine the
occasions on which they are performed. The occasions are numerous and
there is a profusion in the names given to the ceremonies. I shall therefore
group and classify the ceremonies to indicate certain uniformities and
distinctions.
1. Rite of passage: (a) marriage (sukhwan phua mia mai). The rite is
a major component of marriage proceedings and is performed to give the
couple a prosperous life together. During the rite the couple are instructed
about proper behaviour towards each other and towards relatives; the
couple pay their respects to elders, who in turn bind their wrists. (b)
ordination (sukhwan nag). One important sequence in the ordination into
monkhood is this ceremony, in which the khwan of the nag is called and
bound. A noteworthy part of the ceremony is that the officiant tells the
nag about his obligations to his parents, especially the mother, who have
brought him up, and to his kin who have contributed gifts and furnished
the eight requisites of a monk.
2. Pregnancy: the state of pregnancy is a focus for sukhwan rites.
Between the third and seventh months, two rites may be performed for
the mother. One rite, which is held for every mother before every childbirth,
is the sukhwan maemarn, the calling of the khwan of the mother and of
the child in her stomach. The second rite, obligatory for the first childbirth
only, is more elaborate and is called taengkae maemarn (to loosen or untie
the pregnant mother). This rite is addressed to supernaturals pictured
as `old mothers' (than or alternatively mae gao mae laang) who allow
children to be born as humans.
The stated purpose of the pregnancy rites is to give the mother strength
and an easy delivery. A pregnant woman's khwan is prone to leave her
and roam because she is frightened of and anxious about the pain and
difficulties of childbirth.
3. Threshold ceremonies before starting an enterprise: these ceremonies
are essentially similar to rites of passage. However, there is no change of
status as such, but merely the entering of a new phase of activity which
requires protection, blessing and morale charging. Examples are: sukhwan
phraa, performed at the temple for monks by lay elders before the monks
go into retreat during the Lent season (khaw phansa); and sukhwan
thammada, `ordinary' ceremony, performed before a man goes on a trip
or before a youth goes into military service.
4. Ceremonies of reintegration: such occasions are when a man returns
to the village after a long or extended trip (the rite is performed `because
his khwan may have stayed behind'), or when he returns after serving
a prison sentence or completing his national service. Another is when
a person recovers from an illness. All such occasions thus connote reintegration
or reacceptance into village society. The patient who was in
an abnormal status, removed from day-to-day life, returns to normal life.
In the case of the man who returns from jail, the villagers consciously
recognize the need to accept him publicly and reintegrate him into village
life.[1]
What I call here ceremonies of reintegration are referred to as
sukhwan thammada (as 3 above). This means that for the villagers there
is a similarity between the threshold rites held before starting an enterprise
and rites of reintegration: what they have in common is that both relate
to periods of transition—the former to periods preparatory to separation
from the community or the course of normal life, and the latter
normal life.
5. Rites for those suffering from prolonged illness: these are rites wherein
the celebrant for whose benefit the ceremony is being performed has
been suffering from a prolonged illness. The patient has already been
subject to various kinds of treatment and has not recovered, and the
khwan ceremony is performed to charge him with morale and to give
him hope and `long life'. It is important to note here that the khwan rite
is performed not so much to cure the patient as to reconstitute the morale
of a dying or very sick person.
The following are examples:
(a) In the case of sickness in children: kae kamlerd or gae mae gao mae
laang—to dispel sickness caused by `former spiritual mothers' (mae
gao mae laang); baeng khaw baeng kai—to recall the khwan of a child
under ten years of age who is suffering from a prolonged illness owing
to the fleeing of its khwan (in this ceremony rice balls and boiled eggs
are cut into halves).
(b) In the case of sickness in adults: sutra khwan luang, a khwan
ceremony for the continuation of life performed for an adult who has
been suffering from a serious and prolonged illness. It is performed
while the patient is asleep. A similar ceremony is taeng kae promchati,
in which the heavenly creators of human beings (Thaen) are propitiated
to prolong life. Closely related to the latter are misfortunes caused by
such planetary agents as Rahu, for which Gae (dispelling) Rahu is
performed, and Bucha Tua Sawoei, a ceremony performed for the
animal of the year in which one was born.
6. Comprising a final category are rites for dispelling bad luck betokened by
inauspicious happenings, that is, when objects considered unlucky impinge
on human beings by `moving out of place'. Ceremonies called sia krau
or gae ubad have to be performed when unusual inauspicious events
take place—such as lightning striking a tree in the house compound or
the house itself, a vulture alighting on the house roof, a toad entering the
house, or a domestic buffalo lying down in the mud under the wash
place (hong naam). Readers familiar with Mary Douglas' ideas (Douglas
1966) will recognize these situations of certain objects or creatures being
out of place as signifying dirt or pollution or bad luck, for example
an inauspicious animal like the toad moving from outside into the house,
which represents `sacred' space; or a `sacred' animal like the buffalo
moving from a clean into a dirty place.
This list covers a wide spectrum of situations, which can be classified
in different ways. We should keep in mind that villagers refer to all the
calling of the khwan and the binding of the wrist with cord—is always
the same. Usually when villagers talk about sukhwan rites they have in
mind situations 1-4 in my list: that is, assumption of new status, pregnancy,
initiation of an enterprise, and reintegration into normal village life of
persons temporarily removed from village society. It is in relation to
these situations, then, that I propose to probe further concerning the
purposes and structure of the rite and what it does.
The khwan, it is said by villagers, stays with the body when a person is
in good health, has strength, and is leading a good life. But it is prone to
leave the body when the `state of mind is not good' (caj bau dii). These
words are significant; the flight of the khwan is attributed to the state of
the mind. But, as noted in Chapter 4 (p. 58), `The causes and consequences
of the khwan's departure are formulated in a circular manner...'
It is said that `when the mind is stirred or agitated, the khwan leaves'.
And when the khwan flees the body, this will result in sickness; correspondingly,
the ceremony must be held to forestall the flight. Conversely,
sickness of the body can lead to agitation of the mind and the khwan's
flight; correspondingly, the khwan must be called back to the body of the
ill person. In either event, through this circular formulation, the crisis
is agitation leading to flight of the khwan. Therefore the khwan must be
`bound' to the body, that is, secured or restored. The sukhwan thus
addresses itself to agitations of the mind which are either prelude to or
result of sickness.
We can now take up the role of the ceremony in pregnancy. When a
woman is pregnant, it is said, she is frightened about the pains and
difficulties of childbirth or that she may die. The khwan may in these
circumstances leave her. Ideally the ceremony should be performed in
good time, before it leaves; if it does leave and she becomes ill, the
khwan is called back to the body, so that the woman will be restored to
good health and have an easy delivery.
In marriage, the ritual is performed in order that the couple may have
a prosperous life together and in order to prevent marital quarrels and
divorce. Before ordination, the nag may be anxious about the rigorous
monastic life ahead of him, or he may be thinking about the girl he loves.
When a young man returns from a long trip, his parents fear that his
khwan may have stayed behind or strayed on the way.
It would appear, when we examine village theory and the occasions
at which sukhwan is performed, that there are two features to the rite
which relate to timing and to influencing the mental state of the celebrant.
Many of the situations embody both features, others emphasize one more
to a new status is a point of great elaboration; threshold ceremonies
prior to initiating an enterprise also emphasize a new phase. A second
emphasis is the reassuring of the mind, the charging or restoration of
morale and health, which finds its greatest elaboration in dangerous physical
states like pregnancy or in sickness. But of course just as pregnancy anticipates
motherhood and is a transition period, so are an ordinand or the couple
to be married considered as being `agitated' and needing a morale-booster.
Thus village theory sees an underlying uniformity in the situations.
Now these statements of uniformity about sukhwan and the occasions
on which it is performed set the problem I wish to probe in the rest of
this chapter. Because it is said that the khwan flees owing to the agitations
of the mind, the ritual must in some way address itself to making an
impact on the minds of the celebrants. And because the ritual is so clearly
recognized by the villagers as conferring a happy state of mind, prosperity
and good health, a challenge is posed to unveil the mechanism by which
the intended effect is transmitted. If sukhwan rites are in some sense
prophylactic or therapeutic, what is the method used?
Using the rite of passage (marriage and ordination), and the pregnancy
ceremony as two foci of crystallization of ideas within the wider sukhwan
class, I shall proceed with a detailed analysis in order to unravel their
structure and meaning as ritual forms. The experience gathered in earlier
chapters in analysing rites performed by monks now enables me to state
a formalized scheme which will be utilized not only here but in later
appropriate contexts as well.
1. Analysis should first specify the occasion or the context of the ritual.
(This has already been done for the rites in question.) The occasion
itself will specify what kind of message is going to be transmitted to the
celebrant and why the celebrant is assumed to be receptive or prepared to
receive the message.
The khwan ceremony at marriage or ordination is only one—albeit
crucial—sequence in a greatly elaborated set of ceremonies which bring
together large numbers of people, and which are considered auspicious
(mongkhon/mangala) and therefore joyous. The celebrants—the marrying
couple or the ordinand (nag)—are presumed to be ready to receive a
particular kind of message which characterizes for them the role commitments
of their new status. This assumption is made by those who participate
in the ritual, and they consider the holding of the ceremony as both a ritual
and a social imperative.
For the pregnant woman, the ritual is by contrast an independent
ceremony performed to restore something (morale and health), and to
the patient, being unwell and unhappy, wants to be reassured and healed
or reintegrated. The ceremony is a cultural remedy and it, too, is considered
to be an imperative when the appropriate situation occurs or is believed
to be likely to occur.
2. Thus what I call the `occasion' or the context of the rite can also
be seen as portraying the community's definition of the celebrant's
situation, the effect or transition he is expected to experience. There
is thus a specification of the receiver of the message. Note that I avoid
imputing to the celebrant or patient this state of mind, which is defined
socially. Analysis of the ritual as prophylactic or therapeutic, as undertaken
here, does not postulate or much less prove the supposition that what is
culturally defined for the celebrant is subjectively experienced by him,
although if the ritual is to be actually effective—that is, to achieve what
it intends—a correspondence may be necessary. I can only suggest the
possible effectiveness of the cultural technique as a teaching or indoctrinating
device in the appropriate social context.
3. The third level of analysis is to decode the message that is being
transmitted by the ritual, and the framework for this has been developed
in the preceding chapter. We saw there that the message is contained in
a configuration of events which are composed of two types of ritual acts:
(a) physical acts and manipulation of objects; (b) the recitation of words
or texts. In all sukhwan ceremonies, as in the Buddhist rites, that part
of the ritual which consists of manipulating objects symbolically tends
to be uniform with only minor variations. The differences in the message
transmitted to suit one kind of sukhwan rite rather than another are to
be discovered in the words recited. Thus again, as in the case of Buddhist
rites, we must pay attention to the words here too, for they are considered
by the villagers to be the most essential part of the rite. The recitation
of words is in fact the main part of the ceremony, and the only uniformity
in the content of the individual rites is the common formula for `calling
the khwan'.
But there is one feature that distinguishes sukhwan ritual from the ritual
of Buddhist monks: its words are in the local Lao language of ordinary
use and are understood by officiant, celebrant, and audience. This is
a different use of words from that of the Pali chants of monks and will
be commented upon further.
4. The effectiveness of the ceremony also depends on a fourth factor,
namely the status and characteristics of the sender of the message (the
officiant) and the supporting cast of witnesses and mediators whose presence
is considered necessary. Why are the occupants of certain statuses the
they considered the appropriate persons whose acts will achieve effects in
the persons who are the receivers?
This scheme for analysing the sukhwan ritual may be summarized as
specifying the following levels of analysis and then fusing them—the
occasion, the sender, the receiver, the supporting cast, and the message
(the latter being a combination of the language of object symbols and
physical acts, and the language of words).
I shall now describe and analyse two rites of passage and a rite of
affliction, concentrating first on the ritual as a sequence of acts, next on
the text recited at the rites, and finally on the special properties of the
supporting cast. Since the officiant in all sukhwan rites is a village elder
and since his social position and ritual role are critical, I shall deal with
him separately in a subsequent section.
`Sukhwan' ritual at marriage: case illustration 1
The sukhwan ceremony at formal marriage is only one phase in the
proceedings. The following is an account of a rite which was performed
in the morning.
The phakhwan of the marriage ceremony is a conspicuous ritual item,
under other names, in all khwan ceremonies. It is a tiered conical structure
built on a tray, and on it are placed a boiled egg, bananas, flowers and
a lump of rice. The participants sit around it. The phakhwan is an offering
to the khwan. When the officiant invites the khwan of the celebrants to
come, they first come to the phakhwan because they are attracted to it.
The rule for marriage ceremonies is that elderly married women who are
still living with their husbands should make the phakhwan; widows and
divorced or separated women should not be assigned this task. There is
a taboo on the performance of sukhwan for the bride and groom together
if a parent (or the parents) of either of them is dead, for if it is done
under these circumstances the pair will not live or stay together long.
If a parent is dead, separate khwan ceremonies must be done for the
bride and groom. Villagers cannot say why this taboo exists. As in the
case of other khwan ceremonies, this particular one was performed in
order to make the bride and groom `rich, live well, healthy and happy'.
The observer can reasonably infer that the khwan ceremony avoids the
participation of widows and divorcees because it is meant to affirm the
stability of marriage. Similarly, marriage is `opposed' to death and this
notion is marked by a separate performance for the couples when a parent
is dead. After the bridewealth had been ceremonially presented, the
ceremony was conducted in the presence of the assembled guests in the
used by parents and located in the eastern quarter (see Chapter 2). The
officiant was a ritual elder called pupaahm or paahm (which is derived
from the Indian word brahman). He sat on one side of the phakhwan;
the groom and bride sat close together on the other side, the former on
her right. Sitting in a circle between the paahm and the groom were
three men, between the paahm and the bride four women. (The numbers
were said not to be significant. It is not necessary that these men and women
be married; they are friends of the couple and include both married
and unmarried young adults.)
A cord was attached to the phakhwan and passed through the hands of
the women, next of the groom and the bride, then of the men, and its end
was held by the paahm. The cord is called fai monkhon (thread of good
fortune). The officiant then placed a bamboo ring, with pieces of cotton
wool attached, on the head of the groom; an elder's wife did the same
for the bride. (The villagers interpreted this act as marking the pair as
the beneficiaries of the rite.)
A candle was lit, after which the officiant chanted the invitation to
the thewada or divine angels. (The thewada are always invited to come
and witness the marriage rite: they are told that on such and such a day
the marriage is being held for so-and-so. They are requested to help call
the khwan of the bride and groom so that they will come, `join as a pair',
and enter the bodies of the couple.) Then followed a long chant which is
the actual `calling of the khwan', and which I shall discuss presently.
Next the officiant gave advice and moral instruction to the couple. Thus,
for instance, the groom was told that he should not show interest in
divorced or separated women but must be true to his bride. The bride
was told that she was a daughter-in-law and must love her husband and
her husband's parents. The officiant then made sacred water (fai naam
lao) by pouring liquor and/or perfume into a bowl of water, and sprinkled
the couple with it. (From this point on, the young people in the audience
intermittently joked and pushed the bride and groom so that their bodies
touched.)
The paahm picked up the lump of rice, a banana, and the egg from the
phakhwan, put them in the groom's hand, and then tied his wrist with
a piece of white thread (fai mongkhon). The procedure was repeated for
the bride. (This may be said to represent the transference of the khwan
from the phakhwan to the couple, followed by the binding of the khwan
to the body.) The elders, men and women, and the young people followed
in tying bits of thread to the wrists of the couple. The elders at this point
gave the couple gifts of money. This sequence is referred to as puk-khan.
What has been described is the sukhwan ceremony proper. It is followed
by a sequence called somma phuu thaw (which is enacted without the
sukhwan when the latter is not appropriate, that is, when parent or
parents of bride or groom are dead). The words somma phuu thaw are
critical for understanding village social and kinship relationships and
obligations, especially the place of elders in the village community. Somma
means `forgiveness', phuu thaw means `old person'. These phuu thaw
are also, in the context of marriage proceedings, called thaw gae (old old
persons), which term is understood in the sense of intermediaries or
witnesses. Traditionally somma phuu thaw, `asking the forgiveness of
elders', is an essential part of the marriage ceremony. `Forgiveness' in
fact means two reciprocal things: the couple pay their respects to elders,
the elders confer their blessings on the union.
The `somma phuu thaw' on this occasion took the following form (a
standardized pattern). Two cushions were placed end to end and a bowl
containing flowers and candles was placed on top of them. The couple
sat on one side of the cushions and the officiant on the other. (Male and
female friends may or may not sit next to the couple.) The officiating
elder (the same person as the officiant of the sukhwan rite) first touched the
bowl—this he explained as `accepting the flowers and candles given as
the gift of the groom and bride to the elders'. He then gave them lengthy
advice (a longer version of the advisory sequence in the sukhwan described
above). For instance, since in the case of this marriage the couple were
expected to live uxorilocally (for a while at least), the groom was told
how to behave as a good son-in-law of the household—that he must
respect his new `parents' and work hard. The wife was given an even
longer instruction. She was told: Do not argue with your husband,
prepare food for your husband to eat when he returns from work, look
after the house and keep it clean, get on well with the husband's relatives,
do not commit adultery, save money from your husband's earnings, etc.
Following this, an elderly married woman led the bride and groom to
their sleeping quarters (the western quarter of the sleeping room), where
the bed had been prepared for them. They then returned and candles
and flowers from the bowl were distributed to all the phuu thaw. (This
is a `gift' to them from the couple and `marks' them as witnesses.) With
the wedding rites thus concluded, a feast was given to all those present.
Now for some comments on the ritual symbolism. That in the sukhwan
ceremony is pretty obvious and requires no lengthy elucidation. The
ceremonial structure, phakhwan, or its equivalent, is to be found in most
village rituals; it reminds one of the prasaat (palace) in Buddhist rites, the
conical pagoda, and the seven-tiered umbrella of royalty. The name of
important. In this case the phakhwan stands as the object that will attract
the khwan; it is the place where the khwan will alight; in other words, it
becomes the externalized and objectified khwan itself. Items of food—
boiled egg, lump of rice, bananas, etc.—are placed in the phakhwan; the
khwan is attracted by them and enters them, and when the officiant
transfers the khwan to the bodies of the celebrants it is these items of food
that are first handed over to the couple. In every ritual in the village,
food items are used symbolically as offerings, as the objects that attract
supernaturals, and as a medium for the transfer of sacredness. In this
khwan rite we may note that the food objects and other offerings are called
kryang bucha, that is, objects for making worship, the word bucha being
derived from the Indian word puja. The offerings in this case distinguished
by the fact that they lack meat and are primarily, except for the egg,
vegetarian, and that they are offered to pure benevolent sacred agents.
(The logic of these category distinctions can only be expounded later when
we have examined other rites, especially those addressed to phii (spirits).)
The white cord is the object through which `charging' or `sacralization'
takes place, and it is also used to bind the wrist (puk-khan). Through this
act the khwan is tied to the body. The ritual role of the cord is similar
to that in certain Buddhist rites examined earlier in Chapter 12. The role
of the lustral water as a cleansing agent before the khwan is received by
the celebrant is also readily evident.
The officiant is signified by his wearing on his arm a package containing
cooked rice, banana, and coins; this package also constitutes the nominal
payment for his services. The signification of the celebrants requires
a gloss: a bamboo ring with pieces of cotton wool is placed on the head.
The white colour of the cotton symbolically connotes purity in this
context. The head is crowned because it is the head that is considered
the pre-eminent residence of the khwan. The mode of signifying the
recipient differs in different sukhwan rites, and I shall elucidate the logic
of this in the rites to follow. An additional object is the candle, which is
always lighted before the ceremony starts. In the wedding ritual a single
candle signifies both celebrants, and is not a focus of elaboration as in
the other two situations that will be examined.
Finally, the pushing of the bride and groom so that their bodies touch,
and their being led to the bridal chamber, are clear enough in their
implications for a couple being married and about to initiate sexual union.
Now to comment on the supporting cast in the ceremony. It is elderly
married women who are neither widowed nor divorced or separated who
make the phakhwan. The women thus stand for established stable marriage.
Young friends of both sexes, married and unmarried, sit on either side
of the groom and bride, themselves holding the cord. Youths are selected
to transmit good wishes and to give moral support to the couple. It is
a married elderly woman who leads the couple to the chamber, and it
is elders who take precedence in the binding of the wrists of the couple
and in turn receive respects and gifts from the couple—all of which
signifies that it is the elders who are establishing the marriage and who
are appropriate for transferring blessings. The somma phuu thaw sequences
underline these features. Youth takes a secondary place in these sequences,
and in fact throughout the entire marriage proceedings.
`Sukhwan nag' ritual: case illustration 2
The calling of the khwan of the ordinand for monkhood is, like the
sukhwan at marriage, one sequence in the ordination ceremonies (bun buad)
which cover two days. In Chapter 7 I have described the sequences: the
first day is the day of `bringing together' (wan ruam) the ritual articles,
especially the eight requisites of the monk (kryang meng), and the preparation
of food for feasting; and on the second day is staged the ordination
in the temple.
It is in the afternoon of the first day that the sukhwan ceremony is
held. In the morning the nag will have been shorn of his hair at the
temple, brought to the home of his parents, and dressed in a loin cloth
of red or green colour (pha mai) and a long white shawl (pha biang khaw)
worn diagonally on the shoulders. The red or green colours of the cloth
are auspicious life-affirming colours, while the white shawl `represents
Buddhist religion'—a vivid symbolization of the combination of characteristics
in a man in the transition from secular virile youth to ascetic
sexless monk.
The main sequence of ritual acts at sukhwan nag parallels that described
for marriage: here I shall make special note of the features which are different
so as to indicate the distinct features of ordination as such, thereby
permitting us to decode the special features of the message transmitted.
Let me briefly repeat some of the facts already stated. Ordination in
the village of Phraan Muan is invariably a collective ceremony at which
a group of boys becoming monks before Lent are ordained together.
The entire village participates; the boys not only are sons of particular
families (the heads of which are the chief lay sponsors) but are also
village youth whose ordination is sponsored by the entire village.
The sukhwan rite is appropriately held in the preaching hall of the
temple. In addition to the ceremonial structure called phakhwan, a central
object in the ritual is the kryang meng, the eight requisites of the monk
contribution of parents, relatives and fellow villagers (all collectively
called the elders (phuu thaw)). These articles are the objective symbols
of the monk's mode of life.
The ordinands sit on one side of the phakhwan and the kryang meng,
which are in the centre, and the officiant (paahm) sits on the other. The
cord attached to the phakhwan passes through the hands of the ordinands,
terminating with the officiant. This is similar to the marriage rite except
that no youths sit on either side of the nag holding the cord—for clearly,
their presence would be inappropriate in a situation which anticipates
the renouncing of lay life.
But a more remarkable difference from the rite at marriage is the
method of signifying or marking the celebrants. Candles play a significant
role here, and they are of two kinds: thian wian hua (candles of the length
of the circumference of the head) and thian kha khing (candles of the
length from shoulder to waist). Each candidate's head and body are
measured and candles made with wicks of the appropriate length. The
`head' candles are attached to the phakhwan and lit during the ceremony;
the `body' candles are attached to the kryang meng. The symbolism here
as decoded by the anthropologist is the dichotomy of head and body, or
spirit and body. The `head' candles signify that the candidates' spirit
essences (the chief manifestation of which resides in the head)[2]
should
return and be attached to their heads; but the `body' candles signify that
their bodies become attached to the monk's articles and are dedicated to
the service of monkhood as symbolized by these articles.
The sequence of recitation, sprinkling with lustral water, transference
and binding of the khwan is the same as that described for marriage. The
role of the supporting cast of witnesses and mediators (thaw gae) is the
same: parents, elderly relatives, and elderly villagers play the significant roles
as sponsors. While of course youth are present at the proceedings, ordination
(even more than marriage) is more emphatically a concern of the elders.
This is a convenient place to digress in order to make a general statement
about the symbolism of lighted candles in sukhwan ritual. The lighting
of candles in front of the statue of the Buddha is a common mode of
worship and paying respects: we could say that in a sense the lighted
candle (or fire) `animates' the Buddha, and initiates the arrival of sacred
time, the period of the ritual. In sukhwan the thian wian hua or head candle
is usual: its lighting starts the ceremony, and the candle, in addition to
representing the celebrant, also informs of the purpose of the ritual,
body. Sometimes an additional candle is used which also transmits a
message that is special to the particular ceremony being performed. In
ordination the thian kha khing states the subservience of the body to
the ascetic régime of monkhood. In another sukhwan ritual, say a long
life ceremony, the second candle is called thian ayu, candle of age, which
expresses the hope of long life.
For the Thai the head is the most sacred part of the body, and of the thirty-two
khwan that reside in a person, the khwan of the head is the foremost.
`Sukhwan maemarn' ritual (pregnancy): case illustration 3
The details of the pregnancy ritual are the same as for the rituals already
described: in the centre is a phakhwan; the officiant is the paahm; the
text is read, lustral water sprinkled on the celebrant, and the cord of
good fortune tied (fai mongkhon) by the paahm and the witnesses. The
ceremony is completed with a feast for the guests, who themselves usually
make small money contributions. The ritual, however, is an entity by
itself rather than a sequence in a larger ceremony, and is usually held
early in the morning around 8.00 a.m. on an auspicious day. The pregnant
woman is marked with a head ring made of thread, and a candle of the
head (thian wian hua) is lit to begin the ceremony; the symbolism of these
is the same as in the other rituals described (see Plate 4a).
The main differences between the pregnancy ritual and the sukhwan
at marriage and ordination is in the content of the text read and the status
of the supporting cast or `witnesses' who are present in the ceremony.
Both features symbolize something special about the occasion of the rite
and the position of the celebrant.
Let me illustrate the second point by referring to an actual sukhwan
maemarn that I witnessed. The ceremony was intended primarily for
a young woman called Jandaeng, who was experiencing her first pregnancy.
Her father and mother sponsored the ceremony for her—Jandaeng and
her husband were, like most young couples, living uxorilocally. Another
pregnant woman—Jandaeng's mother's younger sister (who had had other
children)—also took part in the ceremony. She and her husband contributed
a small portion of the expenses.
Both women's husbands were present at the ceremony; the only other
males present were Jandaeng's father and the officiant himself. The
ceremony was, apart from the males mentioned, essentially an affair of
elderly women. If we take Jandaeng as the point of reference, there were
two women of grandparental generation (Fa Mo Yo Br Wi and Mo Fa Yo
Br Wi) and five of mother's generation (Mo, Mo Ol Si, a distant affinal
relative, and two elderly neighbours) present as thaw gae (mediators/
witnesses/old persons). Two women, in this case the two neighbours, who
from the phakhwan to the celebrant. Two unmarried girls were also
present at the ceremony, but their role as helpers was entirely subsidiary.
Now, this pattern of participation of witnesses, essentially limited to
elderly women and husbands of the pregnant women, differs from the
supporting casts at marriage and ordination. This is obviously related to
the fact that this ceremony was being held to `cure the mind of a pregnant
woman' (pua caj maemarn). How the ritual defines the celebrant's state
of mind and what kind of therapy it attempts will become clearer when
we scrutinize the text that is recited.
The content of the texts read in each of the three ceremonies will be
discussed in turn. The texts themselves are printed as an appendix to
this chapter. All sukhwan recitations begin with a standard invitation or
invocation which immediately places the ritual under the umbrella of the
divine angels (thewada) and the Buddha. The opening sentences constitute
the invitation to thewada, a sequence called sagkhe, who are invited to
attend the ritual and make it auspicious. They are to act as witnesses to
the proceedings, in the same way as do the mortal elders. Immediately
after this are recited the Pali words used by all Buddhists in worship,
meaning: `We worship the Blessed One, Arahat, Supreme Lord Buddha.'
We note the point (for subsequent comment) that the Buddha here follows
the thewada; it is the latter who are the benevolent mediators and the
conferrers of blessings. On the one hand, the ritual is more a concern of
lesser deities than of the inaccessible Buddha; yet it is clear, on the other
hand, that the ritual is performed by persons who identify themselves as
Buddhists.
I saw a ceremony held for two youths on their return from prison, after serving
sentence for being embroiled in a brawl at a temple fair. The ceremony was public and
was attended by a large number of the elders. The youths were not condemned or in
any way ostracized; rather, the ethos of the village was such that they were greeted, accepted
and reintegrated. This is an object lesson in rehabilitation and an impressive demonstration
of the community ethos.
THE `SUKHWAN' TEXTS AND THE SACRED WORDS
Text of `sukhwan' for marriage
The text pictures the marriage as a `royal occasion', a magnificent mythological
event in which deities and nobility are present and great wealth
is displayed. Those familiar with Indian ceremonial will recognize this
tradition of viewing marriage as an auspicious and grand event. The text
is peppered with Pali words meaning `auspicious', `power', `excellence',
`splendour' and `success'.
The sequence of the text may be summarized as follows: the phakhwan,
the tiered structure made of fragrant flowers to which the khwan of the
couple will come, is described as made by royal persons; and around it
are heaped in abundance gifts not only of food but also of necklaces
and rings. The occasion for the ritual—marriage—is mentioned. Hindu
of gotra (lineage) and the virtue of giving a daughter in marriage (which
is reminiscent of the concept of kanya dana—`gift of a virgin'). A significant
point in the recitation is that the elders of parental and grandparental
generations are assembled to marry the couple, who are supported by
their young friends. (This describes faithfully the actual assembly of
persons at a village marriage.)
The attention then focuses on the couple, who are described as beautiful
persons: the khwan of beauty is called upon to sit with them and royal
persons are said to admire them. The khwan of the legs and shins (the
lower extremity of the body) of the couple is called first.
The words which follow state that the marriage is divinely sanctioned
and that the marriage procession was led by the mythical Garuda with
Naga at the rear. The legitimation by divine agents of the marriage
reinforces the previous declaration that the marriage has been sanctioned
by parents and elders.
Now the words focus even more specifically on the individual persons
of the bridegroom and the bride. The bridegroom was sent by God Indra
to live with the bride; he is handsome and fabulously wealthy. The bride
is described as waiting for him in a bed-chamber sumptuously decorated
with silk and lace. The khwan of the bride and groom should forsake old
lovers and come together to be married. The khwan that are recalled at
this stage are those of the eyes, eyebrows and other parts of the face, and
the breast, that is, the upper extremity of the body.
The next idea suggested by the words is that of sexual intercourse,
a blissful union, and material plenty (a barn full of grain and gifts from
well-wishers). Then follows the instruction given to the groom as a
son-in-law, emphasizing the proper behaviour towards his parents-in-law.
The wife in turn is instructed to behave properly as a daughter-in-law,
and she is given a discourse about her relationship to her parents and
her siblings—attitudes of love and respect, and acts of sharing of food
are recommended. Her duties to her husband also are elaborated: she
should not roam at night, she should be constant, and assiduous in her
domestic duties. The couple are exhorted to make merit at the temple on
the Sabbath. The text ends with the traditional blessing that the couple
may love each other, live long, enjoy good complexion (which echoes the
Indian colour preoccupation), and have happiness and power.
Text of the `sukhwan nag' ceremony
This text, collected in the field, is shorter than the one used in marriage
ritual; the brevity corresponds to the fact that whereas in marriage the
rite is one sequence in a series which culminates in the ordination ceremony
in the temple. Furthermore, the cultural definition of what the ordination
is is expressed in a number of sequences other than sukhwan. Nevertheless,
the sukhwan is a rite of formal instruction in which words explicitly
express certain ideas about kinship and community obligations.
The text begins with the statement that village elders and nobility are
assembled to conduct the ceremony for the nag, who is about to be
separated from his parents in order to receive the three Buddhist gems; it is
clearly indicated that the experience awaiting the monk is of a special sort.
Then begins the most important message to be transmitted to the
ordinand. As monk he will make merit and transfer it to his parents, and
the justification for this obligation is enacted by recreating the life experience
of the ordinand, beginning with his existence in his mother's womb. The
ordinand is informed in minute detail of the trials faced by his mother
when she was pregnant, how she fed and bathed him as a child, sheltered
and embraced him, and put him to sleep. This evocation of childhood
dependency on the mother is interesting, in that a woman, who according
to Buddhism has inferior chances of salvation, can rely on her son to
transfer to her some of his merit. The period of adolescence, when a youth
becomes a novice, is briefly referred to and the recitation then focuses
on the immediate situation: that when the nag was ready to be ordained,
he went and informed his relatives, who have now got ready for him the
eight articles which will enable him to become a monk.
Next the khwan of the nag is called: this calling is characterized by
emphasizing that his khwan has been enticed away by the animals of the
forest and other pleasures that are found in the mountains, caves and
ponds. Finally, the hoped-for `pay off' for the youth who gets ordained
is mentioned: that he may be a prosperous and powerful person with
servants and a retinue, blessed with fame and victory over Mara (death).
The image evoked is that of a feudal lord or royal personage.
Text of the `sukhwan maemarn' ceremony
Keeping in mind that this text is recited for a pregnant woman, who it is
said is anxious about childbirth and for whom the ceremony will ensure
easy childbirth, let us look at the sequence of ideas and their content.
The sukhwan maemarn text begins in a manner that we are by this
time familiar with: the day chosen for the ceremony is declared to be an
auspicious one, and this theme of auspiciousness is given grandiose
elaboration. The gods and astrologers and monks and thirty village elders
have declared the day to be auspicious; the day is appropriate for the
and separated women to go up the mountain; for the Buddha to shave
his head; etc.
The text then calls the khwan. The khwan of the legs, eyes, and flesh,
that is, the entire body, are requested to return. The distinctiveness of
this text, however, lies in the fact that the khwan of the pregnant woman
is asked not to stay and linger with a young man of the city in heaven, not
to aspire to enjoy heavenly pleasures, but to return to her earthly husband
who is described as slender and handsome and as shedding tears and
waiting for her. (We note that these words echo some of the words in the
marriage ritual: there the husband, who is described as being handsome,
is asked to join the wife who is awaiting him in the bed-chamber; here,
however, it is he who is anxiously awaiting her. Thus these words attempt
to focus the pregnant woman's attention on her husband, who is described
as desirable and as desiring her.)
The text next focuses on the immediate ritual situation. It describes
the phakhwan and the food set out, and mentions that elders, children,
young unmarried or divorced or separated women, and the midwife
await the return of the khwan. (This mention of all kinds of females once
again differs from the other texts described: pregnancy and childbirth
are presented as desired by all females, apart from its interest for the
elders; children are appropriately assimilated to this interest of females.)
The words shift now to describing the situation before and after childbirth
and appear to be addressed to the baby that is to be born. In other
words, the pregnant woman is given a precise account of her present
condition, an anticipatory picture of childbirth successfully accomplished,
and the details of the care of the baby. Let us follow the successive images
presented because they contain the core message from the point of view
of the stated intention of the ceremony.
First is mentioned the physical discomfort and labour pains of the
mother who carries the unborn child. Then the birth of the baby and
the cutting of its umbilical cord, as well as the manner of birth of a female
child (flat on its back) and a male baby (flat on its face) are referred to.
After the baby is recognized as a `human', the mother's solicitude for it
and the manner in which it is cared for (feedings, bathing, sleeping, etc.)
are described. The village belief that a male child is more difficult to
bring up than a female child is mentioned, and also the cultural preference
for a male child, who it is hoped will become a wealthy and powerful
man, riding in a procession seated on an elephant.
The text shifts its focus again to make a long, compelling calling of
the khwan. If the khwan is in the jungle, or by the pond or river, or up
the tracks of wild animals. If it is engaged in cultivation in the upland
(forest) fields, or if it is keeping a tryst with a lover in the jungle, it is
recalled. It is enticed to come and enter the house, where women await
it, where the baby in the cradle awaits it, where elderly relatives of the
parental generation, both paternal and maternal, await it.
THE `SUKHWAN' AS A RITUAL TECHNIQUE
I will now sum up the logic of the structure of the sukhwan ritual and the
effect it is meant to transmit.
Village theory is that persons in particular situations experience mental
turmoil or disturbance, which is represented as the flight of the khwan,
a spiritual essence. We noted that the ceremony is held not so much to
cure a disease—organic or mental (`madness')—but to charge or restore
morale, especially at rites of passage or situations of transition. The
ceremony is a cultural imperative, which implies that society attributes
to the celebrant the state of mind in question; essentially the ritual is
devised to say something to the celebrant and to create in his mind certain
effects.
The general form of the ceremony, whatever the occasion at which it
is performed, is the same: the calling of the khwan and the physical
transference of it. But each of the three situations we examined has its
particular features as regards the kinds of persons present at the rite in
a supporting role. In marriage, the elders, both male and female, are the
sponsors, gift givers, receivers of respect from the couple, and the chief
binders of khwan; at the same time, young persons sit with the couple
and hold the cord and charge them with vitality. In ordination the elders
once again figure importantly, but the special feature of initiation into
ascetic monkhood in theory excludes any layman (except the officiant)
from holding the cord; but it is possible, I think, for elders also to do so.
At the rite of pregnancy, only elderly women hold the cord and act as
witnesses; the husband's presence is recommended.
These patterns of participation of supporting witnesses of specified
status link meaningfully with the messages transmitted by the sacred
words, the recitation of which comprises the major part of the ritual.
In marriage certain cultural norms are transmitted: the elders together
with the gods, it is said, are assembled to legitimate the union; the couple
is subjectively influenced to accept each other as desirable sexual partners;
and finally, kinship norms are inculcated in detail. In ordination, the
ordinand is told that filial obligation is the justification for his having to
awaits him as a maker and transferrer of merit. The situation of the
pregnant woman is somewhat different—she is after all in an uncomfortable
physical condition and moreover faces an objective danger. Childbirth
is, in the village in question, a dangerous occasion and the mortality of
mother and child a real danger. The ritual therefore is more therapeutic
in construction, more concerned with moulding the mind. The method
we observed was directed to making the pregnant woman consciously
focus upon and become aware of her present condition with all its discomforts,
to binding her to her husband and the reality of married life,
to making her imaginatively experience childbirth, and to formulating for
her the care of the baby as a desirable and desired end. The image created
of a successful childbirth and the support derived from elderly women,
who have been successful mothers themselves, are effectively conceived
modes of assurance and of restoring morale.
Thus the sacred words have an ambit of significance—defining status
and role requirements, binding a person to his role or status (internalization
of norms), using of word pictures to revive past experience,
formulating present experience and anticipating the future, painting the
ritual situation as a grand mythological event in which the actors become
gods themselves—apart from that of the technology of the ritual as such,
which takes the standard form of invoking the errant khwan and transferring
it to the body. But even here, certain objects like candles transmit subtle
messages which reinforce the messages transmitted through words.
We are now in a better position to understand why the words recited
in sukhwan ritual have necessarily to be in a language that can be understood
by the participants. In so far as the ritual is instrumentally constructed
to act as a prophylactic or therapy, the contents of the verbal message
have to be understood for achieving the specified effect, which is of course
buttressed by the other message contents and the role of elders. By
contrast, the semantics of the rituals conducted by monks are more
complex and the effects sought non-specific. On one side are the lay
worshippers, who by ethical intention and the act of giving gifts express
a kind of renunciation; on the other side, the monks by virtue of their
ascetic qualities and acts are the proper vehicles for transferring grace.
The ritual words and acts are interconnected through metaphorical and
metonymical devices, and while the understanding of their immediate
meaning is not necessary for the laity, they do believe in the efficacy of
the transfer of grace through the power of the sacred words, because
of their three-dimensional links with Buddha, the Dhamma and the
Sangha.
WHAT IS THE `KHWAN'?
I conclude with a question, one which I hope is not merely rhetorical.
What does the khwan, a metaphysical concept of spirit essence, `objectify'
as a spirit substance?
I have already contrasted the khwan with winjan, and rites of life
intensification (sukhwan) with mortuary (winjan) rites. There is another
contrast to be made.
The sukhwan, as noted earlier, is a prophylactic cum therapeutic ritual.
The khwan, we have seen, leaves the body in certain situations; its flight
from a person connotes a particular mental state, an agitation of the
mind. The khwan must be recalled and aggregated to the body in order
to make the person whole. We can translate this as follows. A part of
me, my spirit essence, becomes alienated from me and disperses into the
outside world; it is as if my mind is elsewhere. It is significant that, in the
texts cited, the spirit essence is thought of as having gone to that part of
the external world which is the very opposite of society and human
habitation (village)—the forest, cave, mountain, river—lured there by
animals of the forest. How insistently the ritual calls the khwan from these
places! In other words, the escape of the spirit essence from an individual
is suggestive of the escape of a person from his village and community
members and into the forest and its non-human inhabitants. Typically,
we note that the sukhwan is an imperative at certain rites of passage (ordination
and marriage), at situations of reintegration into the village or
social group, or at moments of actual or potential departure from them.
These are contexts wherein the interests of the village, or elders, or family
require the individual to bring his attention to bear on the situation at
hand and to conform to norms, assume a new status, or return to a previous
status. From the society's point of view in these situations there is the
danger that the individual may actually withdraw from its requirements
or be unhappy about, or unequal to, fulfilling them. When the elders
call the khwan and restore it to the body, it is they who are charging the
celebrant with the vital social force of morale, and they thus enable the
celebrant to accept and bind himself to what is expected of him.
This interpretation of what the khwan signifies will have greater
credibility if the exact reverse of the relations represented here are to be
found in a different therapeutic situation. The reverse is that situation
where a person is disturbed or ill because an alien external agent has
penetrated or entered him (rather than some part of him escaping into
the outside world). The agent or force from the outside world, by penetrating
the individual, creates a kind of alienation from society represented
is out of contact with society, he is inwardly directed and preoccupied.
In such a hypothetical situation, the therapy must consist of expelling
or extracting the foreign agent and re-establishing contact with society.
Such a class of rituals indeed exists in the village and will be examined in
Chapter 18.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER 13
`SUKHWAN' TEXTS
`Sukhwan nag' text
This is an English translation of a ritual text which is recited by the
paahm or mau khwan at the ceremony of calling the khwan [spirit essence]
of the candidate [nag] before his ordination as Buddhist novice or monk.
The text begins with the `namo', which is a Pali prayer in praise of
the Buddha commonly used in Buddhist worship. The Pali words, repeated
three times, are `Namo tassa Bhagavato Arahato Sammasambudahassa'
meaning `We worship the Blessed One, Arahat, Supreme Lord Buddha'.
The words of the rest of the text are in the ordinary North-east Lao
language and are freely translated here.
This is an auspicious day and year. All of us consisting of elders and
thao phaya[3]
have come together to perform sukhwan ceremony for the
nag, who is going to be separated from his parents in order to receive
the Buddhist triple gems [Buddha, Dhamma (doctrine) and Sangha (order
of monks)]. You [the nag] will see happiness, doubt, self emptied of soul,
disease, death and the transformation into spirit [phii] and of not returning
to life. You have faith, your relatives have faith, merit is made and transferred.
Parents have brought you up since you were a child, since you were
in your mother's womb. Whatever the trials faced by your mother, she
showed perseverance and patience before childbirth. Then you were born.
Your mother had to feed you with chewed rice three times a day and
bathed you three or four times a day. Your mother was industrious. When
it rained or thunder broke, she embraced you and held you close to her
breast and put you to sleep. She placed a pillow next to you to make you
warm.
When you grow up you become a novice and study the Buddhist
precepts. When you are of the right age to be ordained, you go and inform
your relations. They get ready your mat and pillow, upper and lower
robes, your monk's bowl, bag, walking stick, fan and needle. [These are
possessions such as knife and cushion. The pile of gifts looks beautiful,
and it is gathered together so that the one to be ordained may be free
from suffering, live happily and long, for at least a hundred years. May
your life extend to 5,000 years and be blessed with good fortune.
Today is said to be an auspicious day. We are gathered together to
conduct the Khwan Chao Nag[4]
ceremony. Come khwan, don't go to the
forest in search of pleasure. Don't go to look at the gibbon for your pleasure.
Don't look for wildfowl and be enticed by its pleasing call. Don't go in
search of the wild bull; don't be led astray by looking at a herd of elephants
in the forest; don't be led away by looking into caves for pleasure in the
mountains. Don't lose yourself by looking at the wild monkey, sparrow,
tiger, lion, rhinoceros and elephant. Don't tarry in the cave or at the
pond looking at the beautiful fish and the scented lotus. Bring all these
khwan and enter your body and reside with us. If ordained may you
become the head of the wat; when you are a layman may you be a master
with servants. May you have honour and fame which will spread to near
and far places three times a day. May you have a retinue to accompany
you when you make a trip. May you be blessed with power and victory
over cruel Mara [the demon enemy of Buddha]. May Mara prostrate
himself at your feet, and may all your enemies come and worship you
with offerings every day, every hour in the manner of my prayer.
`Sukhwan' text recited at a wedding ceremony
Namo tassa Bhagavato Arahato Sammasambudahassa (three times). Sri,
sri, siddhi praporn.[5]
Flowers exude fragrant odour. Khun Kuan Chao and
Khun Nang Chao[6]
have made the phakhwan [tiered structure made of
flowers for the khwan]. The phakhwan is surrounded by all who are
present. There are provided in abundance cotton strings, rings, beads,
necklaces, and food; also bowls of areca nut for chewing. Also flowers,
liquor, bananas, boiled rice, Bai Sri,[7]
and eggs. The mighty ones (blessed
with ten powers) came down from the sky, wielding bows and arrows. Their
names are: Khun Sri [auspicious], Khun Pandh [bind together], Somsri
[beautiful], Sri Sawan [heaven]. All of them are very beautiful to behold.
Om siddhi chaya praporn. This is leap year, B.E. 2,505, the year of the
Tiger. The season of the year is winter. I'll wed Mr — and Miss —
in accordance with custom. The bowls of flowers are now being lifted to
to chao gotra [founders of the lineage]. The first-born daughter, the middle
ones, and the youngest one are of high price. The elders are here to wed
the couple according to their wish. It is of great merit to let a daughter
get married. Among those who are present here are grandfathers, grandmothers,
parents, old people, and young people who on your [couple's]
right and left sides are assisting the mau khwan.[8] Going round and round
(clockwise and also counter-clockwise) is a vessel of liquor. The older
people are sitting on the upper floor.
Now I should like to call upon the khwan of the beautiful bride to sit
beside the bridegroom, and the khwan of the bridegroom to sit beside the
bride. Now the khwan have arrived. They wear khoom foom [a kind of
flower] above the ears. The blooming flower, above the eyes, is kud kao
[a kind of fragrant flower].
On this auspicious day your khwan should return. Khwan of the shins
should return to the shins. Khwan of the legs should return to the legs.
All the khwan should return today.
On the far left is Chaya. He shows courage when he is among other
people. Everybody displayed signs of happiness while they were in the
procession. The procession was led by Garuda[9]
and followed by Naga[10]
[Garuda was the head and Naga the tail of the procession]. The iron
posts of the palanquin are being guarded by Phii Luang [guardian spirit
of city], as described fully in the Dhamma. Thaen [Creator deity] has
destined you two to become husband and wife and to live a married life.
Now, I'll call upon khwan bakaen [young man, i.e. groom] to return
to the groom. The groom, being slim and slender, is just right for the
bride. Indra[11]
in the heaven has sent him to live with his wife. May he
live 100 years. May he have many sons and daughters, but not as many
as 100,000. He already owns elephants, horses, and golden saddles.
Phraya Dham, the brave, who has power, has arranged for you to become
a husband. When the sun is going down, your khwan will return immediately.
The bride has already made a bedroom for you. She is waiting for you.
In the bedroom there are pha kasa [a kind of cloth], silk, lace, etc. Let the
khwan of the bride return, and also the khwan of the groom that is wandering
far away, please come back today. Khwan that is still following former
with flowers and cosmetics. They have already got these things ready
for you. All the friends of the groom [baw] and of the bride [nang] are
looking forward to seeing you. Rumour has it that you are of great merit.
Please come and eat your breakfast placed in the phakhwan. Please come
and feed the couple with egg-rice according to old custom. The fortune
teller has already stated that today is a good day. So I'll wed this couple,
who will continue to preserve the family tree and inherit the family
wealth. When it is the 7th or 8th day of the lunar month they should
observe precepts. When it is the 14th or 15th day of the lunar month
they should always give food to the monks.
Decha chaya,[12]
khwan of the eyebrows, should return to the eyebrows,
khwan of the eyes should return to the eyes today. Khwan of the cheek,
khwan of the chin, khwan of the waist, khwan of the breast should also
return at once. Please come and sit down around the phakhwan.
Today is a very auspicious day. Today is the beginning. They say the
old will be young again, the old people with white hair will become as
young as children; servants and the poor will be owners of wealth; during
sleep one will get 10,000 baht; when awakened one will get 100,000 baht; Phraa Chao will be given a good ring.
The groom's legs will be on top of the bride's legs; the barn will be
filled up with rice. All these will take place today. I'll perform sukhwan
for you for three days. May the husband's legs rub against the legs of
his wife. May the couple be happy and live joyous days and nights. May
they be humble towards each other.
As a son-in-law you should be broad-minded. Please do not complain.
If you want to drive away the chickens from the house you should say
`So'. If you want to drive away the dogs, you should say `Se'. If you
want to drive away the cattle you should say `Hue, Hue!' Please do not
disobey your relatives. Watch what you say. Don't be too critical of others.
Love your wife. As a daughter-in-law, you should love your husband.
Don't talk behind his back. Make merit. Listen to sermons. During the
dark moon nights please do not roam away from home. That low house
belongs to your ah [uncle or aunt].[13]
The tall one belongs to phau [father].
The one connected with that corridor belongs to lung[14]
[uncle] and pa[15]
[aunt]. The one with a wooden floor, a baked clay roof, Naga's head,
jars, and a horse[16]
statue with beads will belong to you. Both of you should
you have meat, please give some to your aunt. When you have fish, please
give some to your grandmother. They love you very much. May you have
a very good son. Please listen to what your grandfather, grandmother,
father, and mother say to you. Be kind to your relatives. Your left eye
should not look to seek another man; your right eye should not look for
your old lover. You should cook in the morning and in the evening.
Don't get up late. You should make mag and ploo [betel nut] for your
husband, in the morning and in the evening. When you are married you
should do away with your former thoughts. Serve liquor in the small jar
to your servants. Serve liquor in the big jar to your superiors. That
would be good for you. You will have blessing from Phraa Indra. When
it is night-time you should be in bed and not anywhere else. Today it is
good for the two of you to share a pillow. Love each other and show goodwill
to each other. Chaya—chaya mangalang. May you live long and enjoy
good complexion, happiness, and power.
These references are obscure, and probably say that the phakhwan has been made by
a noble couple.
This is Indra, who in Buddhist Thailand is known as king of the Tavatinsa heaven,
the second of the six heavens. In cosmology there are six lower heavens. Tavatinsa means
heaven of thirty-two devas. Indra is dark in colour. It is said that, as a human being, he
was king and had a retinue of thirty-one assistants. Because they made great merit, Indra
became king of this heaven after his death and his retinue became devas.
Lung = elder brother of father or mother or spouse of pa; pa = elder sister of
father or mother or spouse of lung.
Lung = elder brother of father or mother or spouse of pa; pa = elder sister of
father or mother or spouse of lung.
`Sukhwan' text recited for a pregnant woman
Si si pra porn [auspicious blessing].
The air is filled with the fragrance of flower pollen. Khwan [spirit essences]
will be summoned to come together. This is an auspicious time and day
of the year, laden with good luck. Thirty phau-mae-thao [respected old
persons of parental generation] say that the time and day are auspicious.
The astrologers [mau hone, mau yam, mau huhah] say the time and day
are good. Phraa Narai[17]
has said in thirty words that the time and day are
good.
A servant who wishes to consult his master should do so today. It is
said that the accession to the throne of Phraa Khun Myang[18]
should be
done today. It is an auspicious day for the grankaew[19]
bird to build its
nest. It is a good day to train the white gourd plant to climb the bamboo
frame. It is said that a divorced or widowed woman who wishes to climb
to the top of the mountain should start today. Thao Songchai[20]
lulls his
younger siblings to sleep saying that today is a good day. Monks beat the
victory gong and proclaim that today is a good day. Phraa Mettaai[21]
will
have his head shaven today, which is a good day. Kings of one hundred
countries are crowned on this day. Today is a full moon day, a good day.
Please come, khwan. Let the khwan of the shin return to the shin,
stay in its place. Don't run away, hurry to our house. Come and eat
khaw tom [rice gruel] mixed with sesame oil; come and eat fish. Don't
go and stay with a young man in Myang Thaen.[22] Don't go and stay in
the garden and rice field belonging to others. Khwan of the head, young
khwan, the dearest to your husband, return to your house today, at this
moment. Come and look at your slender and most handsome husband.
At this moment your husband might be shedding tears waiting for you
who was born from an elephant's tusk[23] as Nang Sida[24] was. Don't go away
and stay in Phya Thaen's castle in heaven—that beautiful castle will
never be given to you. Return, khwan, don't stay beside the carpet and
pillow in the castle; you will never have that pillow beside you because
you do not have enough merit. You shall never be the owner of the royal
elephant.[25]
Return, khwan, and wear flowers behind your ear. Thirty old persons
[phau-mae-thao] are gathered here to celebrate your coming. Ninety
brahmans are awaiting to celebrate you. This, here, is a large tray made of
sandalwood, and this bowl is made of maikeo wood. All these things have
been got ready for you—there are food and fruit that are the delight of
young children. There is also rice for you. Children, young unmarried
women, divorced and separated women have come to see you. The person
who will handle the placenta and cut the umbilical cord is present here.
Your mother carries you for months when she is with child. During
that time she has to climb down the ladder and climb up to the house;
she complains that she has labour pains. Brothers and sisters have assembled
to watch and guard with care. When your mother carries you, she takes
medicines; she is weary of heart when she sits, walks or lies down, until
the baby is born.
A female baby is born lying flat on its back; a male baby is born lying
flat on its face. After the umbilical cord is cut, siblings and relatives will
wrap the baby with cloth. The nog khaw bird[26]
sings `coo coo', and if it is
her baby let her come and take it away today; otherwise from today, the
baby is mine.[27]
Your [baby's] mother shows solicitude towards you—she
picks you up with her hands and places you in a cradle. Your mother
feeds, bathes you, and then puts you to sleep in the cradle. Her two hands
rock the cradle all day long. She leaves the cradle to drink hot water, and
binding of your left wrist makes you grow big as your uncle [mother's
brother], as tall as the sky, and to have a rank equal to that of others.
If you [mother] have a female baby, may you be happy. If you have
a male baby, may you bring him up with care. If your son receives an
elephant, may it be a large one. Let him sit in the middle of the elephant's
back, and have others follow him in procession. Let him possess 1,000 baht
weight of silver and 100 baht weight of gold. If he has servants, let him
own 100. If he goes anywhere, let people respect him.
Come, khwan, if you have gone away to stay in the jungle with birds,
come back today, now, at this time.
Come, khwan, if you have hidden yourself in the jungle, come back
today.
Come, khwan, if you are staying in the big pond, return today, now, at
this time.
Come, khwan, if you have gone to grow taro in the forest, return today.
Come, khwan, if you have gone away to play at a riverside quay with
steps leading down, return today, at this moment.
Come, khwan, if it rains don't go any farther; if it thunders don't go
away too far. After the rains, don't go and drink water near the rhinoceros'
track; when the sun shines don't go in search of water along the buffalo's
track. In the late morning don't drink water near the elephant's track.
My little slender one, come home to live in the house with a wooden
floor and a roof made of long grass.
Khwan, if you are engaged in upland cultivation, return today at this
moment.
Khwan, if you are conversing with your lover in the jungle, come back
today, at this moment.
Khwan, if you have gone hunting deer in the jungle, return today.
Khwan, if you have left the body because of a scorpion's sting, return
today.
Khwan, if you are away from your home, come back today.
Come, khwan, come and reside in the house in which there is a three-cornered
pillow that is suited to you. Beautiful girls await you around
the phakhwan, and divorced and separated women have assembled to
open the bajsi.[29]
I invite Thao Kamfan,[30]
who holds firm the pillar of the
house, and Thao Kamfua,[31]
who guards the house, to come and celebrate
your return.
Come, khwan, I invite at this moment the little baby sitting in the
rattan chair to help celebrate your return. Come, khwan, I invite phuu
thaw [elders], phau gae [elders], both father and mother, lung [parents'
elder male siblings], pa [parents' elder female siblings], nah [father's
younger siblings] and ah [mother's younger siblings] to celebrate your
coming.
Chayate chaya mangalang.
If the baby is a non-human spirit child it should be claimed today. There is a belief
that a new-born baby is a spirit child and becomes human in about three days.
| Buddhism and the spirit cults in North-east Thailand | |