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The scene is now remov'd from Ithaca to Pylos, and with it a new vein of Poetry is opened: Instead of the riots of the Suitors, we are entertain'd with the wisdom and piety of Nestor. This and the following book are a kind of Supplement to the Iliad; the nature of Epic Poetry requires that something should be left to the imagination of the Reader, nor is the picture to be entirely drawn at full length. Homer therefore, to satisfy our curiosity, gives an account of the fortunes of those great men, who made so noble a figure at the siege of Troy. This conduct also shews his art: Variety gives life and delight; and it is much more necessary in Epic than in Comic or Tragic Poetry sometimes to shift the Scenes, to diversify and embellish the story. But as on the stage the Poet ought not to step at once from one part of the world to a too remote country, (for this destroys credibility, and the auditor cannot fancy himself this minute here, and the next a thousand miles distant) so in Epic Poetry, every removal must be within the degrees of probability. We have here a very easy transition; the Poet carries his Heroe no further than he really might sail in the compass of time he allots for his voyage. If he had still dwelt upon the disorders of the Suitors without interruption, he must grow tiresome; but he artfully breaks the thread of their story with beautiful incidents and Episodes, and reserves the further recital of their disorders for the end of his Poem: By this method we sit down with fresh appetite to the entertainment, and rise at last not cloy'd, but satisfied.

The original calls Heaven πολυχαλκον, or brazen; the reason of it arises either from the Palaces of the Gods being built of brass by Vulcan; or rather the word implies no more than the Stability of Heaven, which for the same reason is in other places call'd σιδηρειον, or fram'd of iron. Eustathius.

It may be ask'd why the Poet is so very particular as to mention that the Pylians were divided into nine assemblies; and may it not seem a circumstance of no importance? Eustathius answers from the Antients, that there were nine cities subject to the power of Nestor: five in Pylos, the rest in Bœotia; the Poet therefore allots one Bank or Theatre to every city, which consisted of 500 men, the whole number amounting to 4500: These cities furnish'd the like complement of men to Nestor for the war at Troy: He sail'd in ninety vessels, and allowing fifty men to each vessel, they amount to that number. Hence it appears that this was a national sacrifice, every city furnish'd nine bulls, and by consequence the whole nation were partakers of it.

Tis was a very solemn sacrifice of the Pylians; How comes it then to pass, that Homer passes it over in one line? Eustathius answers, that the occasion disallows a longer description, and Homer knows when to speak, and when to be silent. He chuses to carry on the adventures of Telemachus, rather than amuse himself in descriptions that contribute nothing to the story; he finds a time of more leisure in the latter part of this book, and there he describes it at length.

They taste the entrails; that is, every person eat a small portion of the sacrifice, and by this method every person became partaker of it.

There is nothing in Homer that shews where this sacrifice was offer'd, whether in a Temple, or in the open air. But Eustathius tells us from Strabo, that it was in the Temple of Samian Neptune, εν ιερω Σαμιου ποσειδωνος.

This sentiment is truly noble, and as nobly expressed: the simplicity of the diction corresponds with that of the thought. Homer in many places testifies the utmost abhorrence of a Lye. This verse is twice repeated in the present book, as well as in some others; and nothing can be stronger in the same view than that of Achilles in the 9th Iliad,

There is some obscurity in the Greek expression, and the ancient Critics have made it more obscure by their false interpretations; they imagine that the Poet only meant to say that Telemachus was the legitimate son of Penelope and Ulysses.

Dacier very justly condemns this explication, as unworthy of Homer; and gives us a more plain and natural interpretation: viz. “You were not born in despight of the Gods, that is, you are well made, and of a good presence, you have good inclinations, and in a word, your birth is happy.” She explains τραφεμεν after the same manner: “You were not educated in despight of “the Gods;” that is, “the Gods have blessed your education:” This explication seems to be just, and answers perfectly the design of Minerva; which was to give a decent assurance to Telemachus. You are a person, says the Goddess, of a good presence, and happy education, why then should you be ashamed to appear before Nestor?

It is with pleasure that I read such passages in an Author of so great antiquity, as are pictures of the simplicity of those heroic ages: It is the remark of Eustathius, that Pisistratus the son of a King does not seat these strangers upon purple Tapestry, or any other costly furniture, but upon the skins of beasts, that had nothing to recommend them but their softness; being spread upon the sand of the sea shores.

This whole passage pleases me extremely; there is a spirit of true Devotion, Morality and good Sense in it; and the decency of behaviour between Nestor and Telemachus is describ'd very happily: Nestor shews great benevolence to Telemachus; Telemachus great reverence to Nestor: the modesty of the one, and the humanity of the other, are worthy of our observation. We see the same picture of Nestor in the Odyssey that was drawn of him in the Iliads, with this only difference, that there he was a Counsellor of War, here he is painted in softer colours, ruling his people in peace, and diffusing a spirit of piety thro' his whole territories. He had now surviv'd the war of Troy almost ten years; and the Gods reward the old age of this wise and religious Prince with peace and happiness.

Since Minerva here mentions the name of Telemachus in her prayer; how comes it to pass, that Nestor is at a loss to know Telemachus? Minerva sat close by Nestor; he must therefore be suppos'd to hear the prayer; and yet in the following lines he enquires who these strangers are? We can scarce imagine Nestor ignorant that the son of Ulysses was named Telemachus, there being so strict a friendship between Nestor and Ulysses. Perhaps therefore Minerva pray'd in secret mentally; or perhaps Nestor might not take notice of what was not addrest immediately to him, and consequently make enquiry about it for the greater certainty.

If we form our images of persons and actions in ancient times, from the images of persons and actions in modern ages, we shall fall into great mistakes: Thus in the present passage, if we annex the same idea of Pyracy, as it was practis'd three thousand years past, to Pyracy as it is practis'd in our ages; what can be a greater affront than this enquiry of Nestor? But, says Eustathius, Pyracy was formerly not only accounted lawful, but honourable. I doubt not but Thucydides had this passage in view, when he says, that the ancient Poets introduce men enquiring of those who frequent the sea, if they be Pyrates, as a thing no way ignominious. Thucydides tells us in the same place, that all those who liv'd on the sea-coast, or in the Islands, maintain'd themselves by frequent inroads upon unfortify'd towns, and if such pyracies were nobly perform'd, they were accounted glorious. Herodotus also writes, that many of the ancients, especially about Thrace, thought it ignominious to live by labouring the ground, but to live by pyracy and plunder was esteem'd a life of honour. Eustathius.

Eustathius observes the modesty of Nestor: Telemachus had ascrib'd the fall of Troy in a great measure to Nestor; but Nestor speaks not in particular of himself, but is content with his share of glory in common with other warriors; he speaks in the plural number, and joins all the Greeks as in the war, so in the glory of it. Nestor mentions the sufferings of the Greeks by sea, as well as by land, during the siege of Troy: To understand this, it is necessary to remember, that the Greeks made many expeditions against other places during the war, both by sea and land, as appears from many passages in the Iliads, particularly from what Achilles says in the ninth book.

I have observ'd, that the Poet inserts into the Odyssey several incidents that happen'd after the fall of Troy, and by that method agreeably diversifies his Poetry, and satisfies the curiosity of the Reader. Eustathius remarks here, that he gives a title of honour to all the Heroes he mentions, except only to Achilles. Achilles had been the occasion of the sufferings and death of many of the Greeks by his anger, and obstinacy in refusing to obey Agamemnon; therefore while Nestor is lamenting the calamities of the Greeks, he passes over Achilles without any honourable mention, who had so greatly added to their sufferings. But I think this remark chimerical: one may as well say Achilles needed no Epithet to distinguish him.

It is with pleasure I see the old man dwell upon the praise of Antilochus: The father enlarges upon the fame of the son; he gives him four epithets of glory; and while Ajax is only praised as a warrior, Antilochus is great and good, excellent in the standing fight, or swift to pursue an enemy. Longinus has observ'd upon the beauty of this passage.

Nestor speaks of Ulysses as an inseparable friend; and it shews an excellent disposition in them both, to be rivals, and yet without envy. But the art of Nestor is remarkable, he first gives the character to Ulysses of being superior in wisdom to all the Greeks; and yet at last he finds a way secretly to set himself on a level with him, if not above him: We ever, says he, thought the same thoughts, and were ever of the same sentiments: which tho' it may imply that they were of equal wisdom; yet there is room left for it to signify, that Ulysses always assented to the wisdom of Nestor. Eust.

There is a remarkable difference between βουλη and αγορα. The former denotes a select number of men assembled in council; the latter a public assembly where all the people were present. Eustathius.

Nestor in modesty conceals the reason of the anger of the Goddess; out of respect to Ajax the Locrian who was then dead: The crime of Ajax was the violation of Cassandra even in the temple of Minerva before her image. But why should the Goddess be angry at others for the crime of Ajax? this is because they omitted to punish the offender. If Ajax was criminal in offending, others are criminal for not punishing the offence.

The crime of Ajax is mention'd in Virgil. Æn. 1.

Virgil borrow'd the description of the punishment of Ajax from the fourth of the Odyssey.

It may seem at first view, that the Poet affirms the night to be an improper season to convene a Council. This is not his meaning; In the Iliad, there are several councils by night; nay εν νυκτι βουλη is used proverbially to express the best concerted councils. What therefore Nestor here condemns is the calling not a select, but public assembly of the soldiers in the night, when they are in no danger of an enemy, and when they are apt to fly into insolence thro' wine, and the joy of victory. The night is then undoubtedly an ill chosen season: because the licence of the soldier cannot be so well restrain'd by night as by day. Eustathius.

It may be ask'd why Nestor condemns so solemnly this Heroe, calling him Νηπιος, when he describes him in so pious an action? this is not because the Gods are implacable, for as Homer himself writes, Στρεπτοι δε και θεοι αυτοι; but because he vainly imagin'd that they would so soon be appeas'd, without any justice done upon the offender: Θεον ραδιως παλιντροπον are the words of Eustathius.

It is with great address that Nestor relates the return of Ulysses to Agamemnon; he ascribes it not directly to Ulysses, but to his associates in the voyage; he mollifies it, in complaisance to Telemachus. But Nestor, according to Dacier, conceals the true reason of his return; it was not to please Agamemnon, but out of fear of the Goddess Minerva, whose statue he had taken by force from Troy: to appease that Goddess, he returns to join in sacrifice with Agamemnon. Eustathius.

It may be ask'd how Nestor attain'd this knowledge of the evils which the Gods were preparing? Eustathius ascribes it to his great Wisdom, which gave him an insight into futurity. Dacier with more reason tells us, that Nestor knew that Minerva had been offended, and might consequently apprehend a punishment was to be inflicted for the offence.

Eustathius observes from the Antients, that the Poet with great judgment suspends, and breaks off this relation of Nestor; by this method he has an opportunity to carry Telemachus to other countries, and insert into his Poem the story of Menelaus and Helen: This method likewise gives an air of probability to what he writes; the Poet seems afraid to deceive, and when he sends Telemachus to other parts for better intelligence, he seems to consult truth and exactness.

The son of Achilles was nam'd Neoptolemus, by others Pyrrhus; his story is this: When he had reach'd Thessaly with the Myrmidons of Achilles, by the advice of Thetis he set fire to his vessels; and being warn'd by Helenus, from the oracles, to fix his habitation where he found a house whose foundations were iron, whose walls were wood, and whose roof was wool; he took his journey on foot, and coming to a certain lake of Epirus, he found some persons fixing their spears with the points downwards into the earth, and covering the tops of them with their cloaks, and after this manner making their tents: he look'd upon the Oracle as fulfill'd, and dwelt there. Afterwards having a son by Andromache the wife of Hector, he nam'd him Molossus, from whom the region took the name of Molossia. From this country are the Molossi canes, mention'd by Virgil. Eustathius.

Nestor introduces the mention of Ægysthus very artfully; it is to raise an emulation in Telemachus to revenge Ulysses, as Orestes had Agamemnon; it has the intended effect, and we find that Telemachus dwells upon his story with a virtuous envy; yet at the same time with great modesty: Eustathius gives a different reading in

or,

both the expressions are used in Homer, the preference is therefore submitted to the Reader.

The words in the original are, following the voice of some God, that is, some Oracle: Homer does not confine the expression either to a good or bad sense, but the context plainly shews, that they must be understood in a bad sense; namely to imply, that the people had recourse to pretended Oracles to justify their rebellion. This is evident from what follows, where Nestor encourages Telemachus to expect that Ulysses may punish them for their crimes, αποτισεται ελθων— if there had been no crime, there ought to be no punishment.

The Poet shews his great judgment in preparing the Reader for the destruction of the Suitors: that great Catastrophe is manag'd by few hands, and it might seem incredible that so few could destroy so many: the Poet therefore, to give an air of truth to his action, frequently inculcates the assistance of Pallas, which must at least shew, that such a great exploit is not impossible to be executed by stratagems and valour: It is by art, not strength, that Ulysses conquers.

This is spoken in a general sense, and comprehends not only the subjects of Ulysses, or even the Pylians and Spartans, but implies that all the Greeks would rise in the cause of Ulysses. What the Suitors had spoken scoffingly in the preceding book, viz. that Telemachus was sailing to Pyle or Sparta for supplies, appears in this not to be impracticable; so that it was choice and not necessity that determin'd the Poet to make use of no such easy expedients for the destruction of the Suitors.

It may be added, that the very nature of Epic Poetry, and of the Odyssey in particular, requires such a conduct: In the Iliad Achilles is the chief agent, and performs almost all the great actions; Æneas is painted after the same manner by Virgil; the one kills Hector, the other Turnus, both which are the decisive actions: It was equally necessary to exalt the character of Ulysses, by bringing him into difficulties from which he is personally to extricate himself: This the Poet sufficiently brings about by refusing all the easy methods for his re-establishment, because the more difficult ways are most conducive to the honour of his Heroe: Thus as Achilles and Æneas kill Hector and Turnus with their own hands, so the Suitors fall chiefly by the hand of Ulysses. It is necessary for the Heroe of the Poem to execute the decisive action, for by this method the Poet compleats his character, his own greatness surmounts all difficulties, and he goes off the stage with the utmost advantage, by leaving a noble character upon the mind of the spectators.

It may be ask'd how an expression so near blasphemy, as Eustathius observes, could escape a person of such piety as Telemachus? 'Tis true, the Poet makes Minerva herself correct it; but yet the objection remains, viz. how could Telemachus speak it? I think since the Poet himself condemns it, we may give it up as an indecency in Telemachus; it is natural for men in despair (and that was the condition of Telemachus) to use a vehemence of expression, and this might transport Telemachus beyond the bounds of prudence. The only possible way that occurs to me to take off the impiety, is to have recourse to Destiny: It was the opinion of the Ancients, that the Gods could not alter Destiny: and then Telemachus may mean no more, than that it was decreed by the Destinies that Ulysses shall return no more, so the Gods themselves could not restore him.

Thus in the 15th of the Metamorphosis, Venus in vain applies to the Gods to preserve Julius Cæsar.

And a little lower Jupiter says to Venus,

Nothing can be better imagin'd to encourage Telemachus, than what the Poet here delivers: She sets Agamemnon in opposition to Ulysses: Agamemnon made a speedy voyage to his country, and there fell by treachery; Ulysses has long been absent, but yet is happier than Agamemnon: the Gods perhaps reserve him for better fortunes, at least nothing can be concluded from his long absence, and this is sufficient to teach Telemachus not to despair. Eustathius.

What Minerva here says justifies the remark I made, that what Telemachus seem'd to have spoken rashly, may be soften'd, if not vindicated, by having recourse to Destiny: It is evident from this passage, that Destiny was superior to the power of the Gods; otherwise Minerva speaks as blasphemously as Telemachus: For what difference is there between saying, that the Gods cannot preserve even these they love from death, and saying that the Gods could not save Ulysses? Why therefore may not the words of Telemachus be thought to have a respect to Destiny?

I am of opinion, that the Poet had something further in view by putting these words into the mouth of Minerva: The words of Telemachus, if taken grossly, might appear shocking to so pious a person as Nestor, and make an ill impression upon him to the disadvantage of Telemachus; Minerva therefore artfully explains it, and softens the horrour of it by reconciling it to the Theology of those ages.

Telemachus here puts several questions, as it were in a breath, to Nestor: and Platarch observes upon this passage, that he who enquires any thing of an old man, tho' the old man himself has no concern in the story, wins his heart at once; and incites a person, who is upon all occasions very willing to discourse. He introduces this as an instance of the art Telemachus uses, in adapting himself by his questions to the temper of the person with whom he converses: He puts together, continues he, several questions upon several subjects, which is more judicious than to confine his answer to a single interrogatory, and by that method deprive Nestor of one of the most pleasant enjoyments of old age, I mean the pleasure of talking. Plutarch. Symposiac.

The Poet here tells us that Nestor was now in his fourth generation: Ovid took the word γενεα to signify an hundred years; but then Nestor must have been above three hundred years old. Others with more probability understand it to signify a generation, or such a portion of time in which any race of men flourish together, which is computed to be about thirty years. I refer the Reader to the Note upon the 33d verse in the first book of the Iliad, for the particular age of Nestor. According to that computation, he must now be about ninety five years of age.

Telemachus does not ask this question out of curiosity, but with great judgment; he knows there were designs against his life, as well as there had been against Agamemnon; he therefore asks it, that he may learn how to defeat them; chiefly to instruct himself how best to assist his father upon his return, by aiding him in escaping the snares of the Suitors. Dacier.

Homer thro' the whole Odyssey speaks much in honour of the Art which he himself loved, and in which he so eminently excell'd: From these and other passages we may learn the state of Poetry in those ages: “Poets (says Eustathius) were rank'd in the class of Philosophers; and the Ancients made use of them as Præceptors in Music and Morality.” Strabo quotes this very passage as an instance of the excellence of Poetry in forming the soul to worthy actions: Ægysthus could not debauch Clytemnestra, 'till he banish'd the Poet, who was her guide and instructor.

Various are the conjectures of the Ancients about the name of the Bard here celebrated: Some, says Eustathius, tell us, it was Chariades, some Demodocus, some Glaucus, &c. but I pass them over, because they are conjectures.

There were many degrees of these αοιδοι; some were αοιδοι θρηνων, others αοιδοι περι γαμους: But such Bards as are here mention'd were of an higher station, and retain'd as instructors by Kings and Princes.

I cannot omit one remark of Eustathius: he tells us, that some persons write that these αοιδοι had their names from hence, ως αιδοια μη εχοντες; exactly resembling the modern Italian singers: Madam Dacier is not to be forgiven for passing over a remark of such importance; If this be true, it makes a great difference between the ancient and modern Poets, and is the only advantage I know we have over them.

There is a fine moral couch'd in the story of the Bard and Clytemnestra; it admirably paints the advantage we draw from wise companions for the improvement of our Virtues: Clytemnestra was chaste because her instructor was wise: His wisdom was an insuperable guard to her modesty. It was long before she yielded; virtue and honour had a long contest: but she no sooner yielded to adultery, but she assisted in the murder of her husband; from whence we may draw another moral, that one vice betrays us into another; and when once the fences of honour are thrown down, we become a prey to every passion. Dacier.

Here is a surprizing mixture of religion and impiety: Ægysthus, upon the accomplishment of so great a crime as adultery, returns thanks to the Gods by oblations, as if they had assisted him in the execution of it. Nestor dwells upon it at large, to shew that Ægysthus greatly aggravated his guilt by such a piece of impious devotion. Dacier.

Homer calls the darts of Apollo αγανα, or gentle; to signify that those who dye thus suddenly, die without pain.

Dacier complains that some Critics think Homer worthy of blame for enlarging upon so mean a person as a pilot. It is a sufficient answer to observe, that arts were in high esteem in those times, and men that were eminent in them were in great honour. Neither were arts then confin'd as in these ages to mean personages: no less a person than Ulysses builds a vessel in the sequel of the Odyssey; so that this is a false piece of delicacy. If Homer be culpable, so is Virgil; he gives the genealogy of Palinurus, as well as Homer of Phrontes. Virgil's description is censur'd as too long, Homer concludes his in seven lines; and lastly, Virgil's Episode has been judg'd by the Critics to be an unnecessary ornament, and to contribute nothing to the Poem: Homer relates the death of Phrontis, to introduce the dispersion of the fleet of Menelaus; the fleet might well be scatter'd, when it wanted so excellent a pilot.

Homer does not amuse us by relating what became of these companions of Menelaus; he omits this judiciously, and follows the thread of his story: Menelaus is the person whom the Poet has in view; he therefore passes over the story of his companions, to carry on the fable of the Poem by leading us directly to Menelaus.

In the original it is, The wind and water carry'd them to Ægyptus. Homer by Ægyptus means the river Nile, and then it is always used in the masculine gender; the region about it took its name from the river Ægyptus, this is always used in the feminine gender; but the country had not receiv'd that name in the days of Homer.

What Dacier adds to this observation, may assist in determining the dispute concerning the priority of Homer and Hesiod: Hesiod makes mention of the river Nilus; if therefore it be true that Ægyptus had not been called by the name of Nilus in the times of Homer, it is a demonstration that Hesiod was posterior to Homer; otherwise he could not have been acquainted with any other name but that of Ægyptus.

There is a different reading in this place: instead of απ' Αθηναων, some write απο Φωκηων; for Orestes was educated by Strophius King of Phocis, and father of Pylades: The Ancients reconcile the difference, by saying that Orestes might be sent from Phocis to Athens for his education, and returning thence to his own country, might revenge the death of his father Agamemnon; so that although he was first bred up in Phocis, he was afterwards a sojourner in Athens. Eustathius.

It must be confest, that Nestor greatly exaggerates this description: Homer himself tells us, that a ship may sail in five days from Crete to Ægypt; wherefore then this Hyperbole of Nestor? It might perhaps be to deter Telemachus from a design of sailing to Crete, and he through his inexperience might believe the description. It may be added, that what Nestor speaks concerning the flight of birds, may be only said to shew the great distance of that sea: Nay, by a favourable interpretation it may be reconcil'd to truth; the meaning then must be this: Should a person observe that sea a whole year, he would not see one bird flying over it, both because of the vastness and dreadfulness of it; and perhaps the whole of this might arise from the observation, that this sea is not frequented by birds. This is wholly and almost literally taken from Eustathius; and if we add to this the ignorance of the sea and sea-affairs in those ages, we shall the less wonder to hear so wise a man as Nestor describing it with so much terror; Navigation is now greatly improv'd, and the Moderns sail further in a month, than the Ancients could in a year; their whole art consisting chiefly in coasting along the shores, and consequently they made but little way.

Various are the reasons which Eustathius reports concerning this oblation of the tongues at the conclusion of the sacrifice. It was to purge themselves from any evil words they might have utter'd; or because the tongue was reckon'd the best part of the sacrifice, and so reserv'd for the completion of it; or they offer'd the tongue to the Gods, as witnesses to what they had spoken. I omit the rest as superfluous. They had a custom of offering the tongues to Mercury, because they believed him the giver of Eloquence. Dacier expatiates upon this custom. The people, says she, might fear, lest thro' wine and the joy of the festival they might have utter'd some words unbecoming the sanctity of the occasion: by this sacrifice of the tongues, they signify'd that they purged away whatever they had spoken amiss during the festival; and ask'd in particular pardon of Mercury, who presided over discourse, to the end they might not carry home any uncleanness which might stop the blessings expected from the sacrifice.

Eustathius shews the difference between εορται, festivals, and θυσιαι, or sacrifices: in the former it was customary to spend the whole night in wine and rejoicing: In the latter, this was reckon'd an unlawful custom, thro' the fear of falling into any indecencies thro' wine. He likewise gives another reason of this injunction, by telling us that it was the custom to offer sacrifices to the celestial Powers in the day, and even to finish them about the setting of the sun; and that those who dealt in incantations perform'd their sacrifices to the infernal powers by night, and finish'd them before sun-rising. Either of these reasons sufficiently explains the words of the Goddess; and the former carries in it an excellent moral, that particular care should be taken in our acts of devotion, not to turn religion into impiety.

This passage gives us a full insight into the manners of these hospitable ages; they not only kept a treasury for bowls or vases of gold or silver, to give as ξεινηια, or gifts of hospitality, but also a wardrobe of various habits and rich furniture, to lodge and bestow upon strangers. Eustathius relates, that Tellias of Agrigentum was a person of so great hospitality, that five hundred horsemen coming to his house in the winter season, he entertain'd them, and gave every man a cloak and a tunic. This laudable custom prevailed, and still prevails, in the eastern countries: it was the practice of Abraham of old, and is at this day of the Turks, as we may learn from their Caravansaries, erected for the reception of travellers. And yet Dacier observes, that a French Critic has shew'd so ill a taste as to ridicule this passage. “Telemachus (says that Author) being entertain'd by Nestor, intimates his intention of returning to lodge on ship-board with his companions: but Nestor detains him, by asking if he thought he had not quilts or coverlets to give him a Night's lodging; Upon this Telemachus goes to bed in a resounding gallery, and Nestor in a bed which his wife made ready for him.” The noblest things are most liable to burlesque, by perverting their meaning; as some pictures, by varying the position, represent a man or a monster. He is very severe upon the resounding gallery, which in truth means no more than very lofty or elevated, and by consequence very noble and magnificent.

The Poet makes a double use of these words of the Goddess; she gives an air of probability to her excuse, why she should not be press'd to stay; and at the same time Homer avoids the absurdity of introducing that Goddess at Sparta, Menelaus and Helen are celebrating the nuptials of their son and daughter: Minerva is a Virgin Deity, and consequently an enemy to all nuptial ceremonies.

But it may be necessary to observe who these Caucons are: we find in the tenth book the Caucons mention'd as auxiliaries to Troy: There Dolon says

Are these Caucons the same with those here mention'd? Eustathius informs us, that there was a people of Triphyly, between Elis and Pylos, named Caucons: But Strabo says, that the whole race is now extinct, and that these here mention'd are of Dymæa, and take their name from the river Caucon: whereas those in the Iliad are Paphlagonians: they were a wandring nation, and consequently might be the same people originally, and retain the same name in different countries.

It may be ask'd why Nestor is in such a surprize at the discovery of the Goddess: It is evident from the Iliad, that he had been no stranger to such intercourses of the Deities; nay, in this very book Nestor tells us, that Ulysses enjoy'd almost the constant presence of Minerva; insomuch that Sophocles, the great imitator of Homer, relates, that he knew the Goddess by her voice, without seeing her. Eustathius answers, that the wonder of Nestor arose not from the discovery of that Deity, but that she should accompany so young a person as Telemachus: After her departure, the old man stood amaz'd, and look'd upon that Heroe as some very extraordinary person, whom in such early years the Goddess of War and Wisdom had vouchsafed to attend. This interpretation agrees perfectly with what Nestor speaks to Telemachus.

I will take this opportunity to obviate an objection that may be made against all interposition of the Gods in assisting the Heroes of the Odyssey: It has been thought by some Critics a disparagement to them to stand in continual need of such supernatural succour: If two persons were engaged in combat, and a third person should immediately step in to the assistance of one of the parties, and kill the adversary, would it not reflect upon the valour of his friend who was so weak as to want such assistance? Why, for instance, should Jupiter help Æneas to kill Turnus? Was not he brave enough to fight, and strong enough to conquer his enemy by his own prowess? and would not Turnus have kill'd Æneas with the same assistance? It is therefore a disparagement to the actors, thus continually to supply the defects of a Heroe, by the power of a Deity.

But this is a false way of arguing, and from hence it might be inferr'd, that the love and favour of a Deity serves only to make those whom he assists, and those who depend upon such assistance, appear weak, impotent, cowardly, and unworthy to be conquerors. Can any doubt arise whether the love and favour of a God be a disparagement or honour to those whom he favours? According to these Critics, we should find the character of a perfect Heroe in an impious Mezentius, who acknowledges no God but his own arm and his own sword: 'Tis true, the objection would be just, if the Heroe himself perform'd nothing of the action; or if when he were almost conquer'd by the superior valour of his enemy, he ow'd his life and victory to Gods and Miracles: But the Heroe always behaves himself in all his actions, as if he were to gain success without the assistance of the Deity; and the presence of the Gods is so order'd, that we may retrench every thing that is miraculous, without making any alteration in the action or character of the human personages. Thus in the instance of Æneas and Turnus, tho' Jupiter favours Æneas, yet Æneas is painted in stronger colours of fortitude, he appears superior, as a man unassisted, and able to conquer Turnus; and consequently the favour of Jupiter makes no alteration in the action or character of Æneas.

There is likewise a wide difference between the assistance of a Man, and of a God: The actions of men belong only to the performers of those actions; but when a Deity assists us by inspiring us with strength and courage, the actions we perform are really our own, and the more he favours us, the more glory he gives us: so that the assistance of man eclipses, but the assistance of a God exalts, our glory. Thus, for instance, when Achilles is pursuing Hector, he charges the Greeks to keep off from Hector; their assistance might lessen his glory: but when Pallas offers her assistance, he immediately embraces it as an Honour, and boasts of it as such to Hector. I have been large upon this objection, because the Reader ought to carry it in his memory thro' the whole Poem, and apply it to every action, in which any share is ascribed to any Deity. See Bossu more at large concerning this objection.

We have here an ancient custom recorded by the Poet; a King places himself before the gate of his Palace upon a seat of marble, worn smooth by long use, says Eustathius, or perhaps smooth'd exquisitely by the hand of the workman. What I would chiefly observe is, that they placed themselves thus in public for the dispatch of justice: We read in the scripture of Judges sitting in the gate; and that this procedure of Nestor was for that purpose is probable from the expression, He sat in the seat where Neleus [μηστωρ, or Consiliarius,] used to sit, (which seems to express his wisdom in the discharge of justice.) Nestor is also describ'd as bearing his sceptre in his hand, which was never used but upon some act of regality, in the dispatch of justice, or other solemn occasions. Perhaps, says Dacier, these seats or thrones might be consecrated with oil, to draw a reverence to the seats of Justice as by an act of religion; but I rather judge (adds she) that no more is meant than to express the shining of these thrones, they being undoubtedly made of marble.

Would I indulge my fancy in a conjecture, I might suppose that the famous tyrant Pisistratus was descended, or borrow'd his name from this son of Nestor. Herodotus informs us, as Eustathius observes, that all the Pisistrati were originally Pylians. If this be true, we have a very strong evidence that Homer is not all fiction, but that he celebrates the great men of those ages with reality, and only embellishes the true story with the ornaments of Poetry.

The Author of the Parallel quotes this passage to prove that Homer was ignorant of the Mechanic arts: We have here, says he, a Gilder with his anvil and hammer; but what occasion has he for an anvil and hammer in the art of a Gilder? Boileau has excellently vindicated Homer from this objection, in his reflections upon Longinus; This Gilder was a Gold-beater: Nestor, we see, furnish'd the gold, end he beat it into leaves, so that he had occasion to make use of his anvil and hammer; the anvil was portable, because the work was not laborious. Our modern travellers assure us, that it is at this day the practice in the eastern regions, as in Persia, &c. for the artists in metals to carry about with them the whole implements of trade, to the house of the persons where they find employment; it is therefore a full vindication of Homer, to observe that the gold this artist used in gilding, was nothing but-gold beat into fine leaves.

It may be ask'd in what sense Minerva can be said to come to the sacrifice? Eustathius answers, that the Ancients finding the inclinations of men to be bent incontinently upon pleasures, to oblige them to use them moderately, distinguish'd times, ordain'd sacrifices, and representing the Gods in the forms of men, brought them to use those pleasures with discretion; they taught them that the Gods came down to their libations and sacrifices, to induce them to govern their conversation with reverence and modesty: Thus Jupiter and the other Gods in the Iliads, and Neptune in the Odyssey, are said to feast with the Æthiopians.

If I might be pardon'd a conjecture, I would suppose, that Minerva may in another sense be said to come to the sacrifice; I mean by her image or statue: and what may seem to confirm this opinion, is what Diodorus relates in his third book concerning the above-mention'd Æthiopians; they carry'd about the statues of Jupiter and the other Gods twelve days, during which time the Gods were said to be gone to the Æthiopians: and if the Gods may be said to come to the Æthiopians by their statues: why may not the same be said of Minerva, from the introduction of her statue among the Pylians? So that the appearance of the Goddess may possibly mean the appearance of her statue.

Nestor here makes use only of the ministry of his sons; the reason of it is, because it was reckon'd honourable to serve in the performance of sacrifice, this being in some sense an attending upon the Gods: or because it was the practice of those ages for great persons to do those offices with their own hands, which in the latter have been perform'd by servants.

Eustathius reports a saying of Antigonus, who observing his son behaving himself imperiously to his subjects, “Know'st thou not, “says he, that Royalty itself is but illustrious servitude!” an intimation that he himself was but a servant of the public, and therefore should use his servants with moderation.

But the true reason of Nestor's assisting in the sacrifice is, because Kings anciently had the inspection of religion, and Priesthood was join'd to Royalty, according to that of Virgil,

I have kept the meaning of the word in the original, which signifies prayers made with loud cries, ολολυξαν. ολολυγη, says Hesychius, is, φωνη γυναικων ην ποιουνται εν τοις ιεροις ευχομεναι, the voice of women, which they make at sacrifices in their prayers. But there is still something in it more to the present purpose; the Scholiast upon Æschylus remarks, that this word is not used properly but when apply'd to the prayers offer'd to Minerva; for Minerva is the only Goddess to whom prayers are made with loud cries, she being the Goddess of War; to other Deities they offer prayer with thanksgiving; και γαρ μονη τη Αθηνα δαιμονι ουση πολεμικη ολολυζουσι, τοις δ' αλλοις Θεοις παιωνιζουσι.

Thus also in the sixth book of the Iliads, verse 301.

And in the present passage in the Odyssey,

It is very necessary to say something about this practice of women bathing and anointing men; it frequently occurs thro' the whole Odyssey, and is so contrary to the usage of the moderns, as to give offence to modesty; neither is this done by women of inferior quality, but we have here a young Princess, bathing, anointing, and cloathing the naked Telemachus. Eustathius indeed tells us, it was undoubtedly by her father's command: but if it was a piece of immodesty, it does not solve the objection, whoever commanded it. I confess it would be immodest in these ages of the world, and the only excuse that occurs to me is, to say that Custom establish'd it. It is in manners, in some degree, as in dress; if a fashion never so indecent prevails, yet no person is ridiculous, because it is fashionable: so in manners, if a practice prevails universally, tho' not reconcilable to real modesty, yet no person can be said to be immodest who comes into it, because it is agreeable to the custom of the times and countries.

I shall lay together what I have further to observe on the conclusion of this book: It is remarkable, that the Poet does not amuse himself in describing the present he receiv'd from Nestor, or the provisions for the journey, or even the journey it self at large; he dispatches the whole in a few lines very judiciously; he carries his Heroe directly to Menelaus, who is to furnish many incidents that contribute to the design of the Poem, and passes over other matters as unnecessary.

We have here likewise a piece of poetical Geography, and learn that it is exactly two days journey from Pyle to Lacedæmon.

This book takes up three days; the first is spent in the enquiries Telemachus makes of Nestor concerning Ulysses; the two last in the morning sacrifice at Pylos, and in the journey of Telemachus to Lacedæmon; so that five days have now pass'd since the opening of the Poem. I have said nothing about the sacrifice, tho' it be the most exact description of the sacrifices as practis'd by the Ancients, perhaps extant in any Author; I refer to the observations upon the first book of the Iliad.

I would here remark that the three first books are written with the utmost simplicity, there has been no room for such exalted strokes of Poetry as are to be found in the Iliad, or in the future parts of the Odyssey: But this is not owing to the decay of genius in Homer, as some Critics have affirm'd, (who look upon the Odyssey as bearing marks of his declining years,) but to the nature of the subject. The characters of Achilles and Ulysses are both very great, but very different. The Iliad consists of battles, and a continual commotion; the Odyssey in Patience and Wisdom: and consequently the style of the two Poems must be as different as the characters of the two Heroes. A noble fountain of Poetry opens in the next book, and flows with an uninterrupted course almost thro' the whole Odyssey.