`Sukhwan nag' ritual: case illustration 2
The calling of the khwan of the ordinand for monkhood is, like the
sukhwan at marriage, one sequence in the ordination ceremonies (bun buad)
which cover two days. In Chapter 7 I have described the sequences: the
first day is the day of `bringing together' (wan ruam) the ritual articles,
especially the eight requisites of the monk (kryang meng), and the preparation
of food for feasting; and on the second day is staged the ordination
in the temple.
It is in the afternoon of the first day that the sukhwan ceremony is
held. In the morning the nag will have been shorn of his hair at the
temple, brought to the home of his parents, and dressed in a loin cloth
of red or green colour (pha mai) and a long white shawl (pha biang khaw)
worn diagonally on the shoulders. The red or green colours of the cloth
are auspicious life-affirming colours, while the white shawl `represents
Buddhist religion'—a vivid symbolization of the combination of characteristics
in a man in the transition from secular virile youth to ascetic
sexless monk.
The main sequence of ritual acts at sukhwan nag parallels that described
for marriage: here I shall make special note of the features which are different
so as to indicate the distinct features of ordination as such, thereby
permitting us to decode the special features of the message transmitted.
Let me briefly repeat some of the facts already stated. Ordination in
the village of Phraan Muan is invariably a collective ceremony at which
a group of boys becoming monks before Lent are ordained together.
The entire village participates; the boys not only are sons of particular
families (the heads of which are the chief lay sponsors) but are also
village youth whose ordination is sponsored by the entire village.
The sukhwan rite is appropriately held in the preaching hall of the
temple. In addition to the ceremonial structure called phakhwan, a central
object in the ritual is the kryang meng, the eight requisites of the monk
(robes, umbrella, begging bowl, slippers, razor, etc.), which are the
contribution of parents, relatives and fellow villagers (all collectively
called the elders (
phuu thaw)). These articles are the objective symbols
of the monk's mode of life.
The ordinands sit on one side of the phakhwan and the kryang meng,
which are in the centre, and the officiant (paahm) sits on the other. The
cord attached to the phakhwan passes through the hands of the ordinands,
terminating with the officiant. This is similar to the marriage rite except
that no youths sit on either side of the nag holding the cord—for clearly,
their presence would be inappropriate in a situation which anticipates
the renouncing of lay life.
But a more remarkable difference from the rite at marriage is the
method of signifying or marking the celebrants. Candles play a significant
role here, and they are of two kinds: thian wian hua (candles of the length
of the circumference of the head) and thian kha khing (candles of the
length from shoulder to waist). Each candidate's head and body are
measured and candles made with wicks of the appropriate length. The
`head' candles are attached to the phakhwan and lit during the ceremony;
the `body' candles are attached to the kryang meng. The symbolism here
as decoded by the anthropologist is the dichotomy of head and body, or
spirit and body. The `head' candles signify that the candidates' spirit
essences (the chief manifestation of which resides in the head)[2]
should
return and be attached to their heads; but the `body' candles signify that
their bodies become attached to the monk's articles and are dedicated to
the service of monkhood as symbolized by these articles.
The sequence of recitation, sprinkling with lustral water, transference
and binding of the khwan is the same as that described for marriage. The
role of the supporting cast of witnesses and mediators (thaw gae) is the
same: parents, elderly relatives, and elderly villagers play the significant roles
as sponsors. While of course youth are present at the proceedings, ordination
(even more than marriage) is more emphatically a concern of the elders.
This is a convenient place to digress in order to make a general statement
about the symbolism of lighted candles in sukhwan ritual. The lighting
of candles in front of the statue of the Buddha is a common mode of
worship and paying respects: we could say that in a sense the lighted
candle (or fire) `animates' the Buddha, and initiates the arrival of sacred
time, the period of the ritual. In sukhwan the thian wian hua or head candle
is usual: its lighting starts the ceremony, and the candle, in addition to
representing the celebrant, also informs of the purpose of the ritual,
which is that the
khwan (which resides in the head) should return to the
body. Sometimes an additional candle is used which also transmits a
message that is special to the particular ceremony being performed. In
ordination the
thian kha khing states the subservience of the body to
the ascetic régime of monkhood. In another
sukhwan ritual, say a long
life ceremony, the second candle is called
thian ayu, candle of age, which
expresses the hope of long life.
