Livy's History of Rome: Book 37
Final Defeat of Antiochus
37.1
After the new consuls
had taken office and the obligations of religion had been discharged the
position of the Aetolians took precedence of all other subjects of discussion
in the senate. Their envoys pressed for an audience as the period of the
armistice was drawing to a close, and they were backed up by T. Quinctius,
who had by that time returned to Rome. Knowing that they had more to
hope from the clemency of the senate than from the strength of their case,
they adopted a suppliant attitude and brought up their former good services
as a counterpoise to their recent misdoings. However, while in the House,
they were subjected to a fire of questions from all sides, the senators
endeavouring to force from them a confession of guilt rather than definite
replies, and after they were ordered to withdraw they gave rise to a very
lively debate. The feeling of resentment against them was stronger than that
of compassion, for the senate were embittered against them not only as
enemies, but as a wild race whose hand was against every man. The debate
went on for several days, and it was finally decided that peace should neither
be granted to them nor refused. They were offered two alternatives: either to
place themselves unreservedly in the hands of the senate or to pay a fine of
1000 talents and have the same friends and enemies as Rome. When they
endeavoured to get some idea of the matters in regard to which they were to
be at the senate's disposal they got no definite reply. The same day they were
sent away from the City without having obtained peace and were ordered to
leave Italy within the fortnight.
Then the question of the consular provinces came up. Both the
consuls wanted Greece. Laelius possessed great influence in the senate, and
when it was decided that the consul should either ballot or come to a mutual
agreement about their provinces he observed that he and his colleague would
act more gracefully if they left the matter to the judgment of the senate
rather than to the chances of the ballot. Scipio said in reply that he should
consider what he ought to do, and after a private conversation with his
brother, who insisted upon his leaving the matter in the hands of the senate,
he told his colleague that he would do what he advised. This method of
procedure as being either unprecedented or resting on precedents of which
no record survived was expected to lead to a debate, but P. Scipio Africanus
declared that if the senate decreed Greece to his brother Lucius he would
serve under him. This declaration met with universal approval and put an end
to any further discussion. The senate were glad of the opportunity of finding
out which would receive most help -Antiochus from the vanquished
Hannibal or the consul and legions of Rome from his vanquisher Scipio, and
they almost unanimously decreed Greece to Scipio and Italy to Laelius.
37.2
The
praetors then balloted for their provinces. L. Aurunculeius received the
urban and Cneius Fulvius the alien jurisdiction; L. Aemilius Regillus the
command of the fleet; P. Junius Brutus the administration of Etruria; M.
Tuccius, Apulia and Bruttium; and C. Atinius, Sicily. The consul to whom
Greece had been decreed, in addition to the army of two legions which he
was to take over from Manius Acilius, was further reinforced by 3000
Roman infantry and 100 cavalry and allied troops to the number of 5000
infantry and 200 cavalry. It was further decided that after he had arrived in
his province he should, if he thought it expedient, take his army into Asia.
The other consul was supplied with an entirely fresh army, two Roman
legions and 15,000 infantry and 600 cavalry from the allies. Q. Minucius had
written to say that his province was pacified and the whole of the Ligurians
had made their surrender; he was now ordered to take his army into the
country of the Boii and hand it over to P. Cornelius, who was acting as
proconsul. The city legions which had been raised the previous year were to
be withdrawn from the territory of which the Boii had been mulcted after
their defeat and given to the praetor M. Tuccius. These, reinforced by
15,000 allied infantry and 600 cavalry, were to occupy Apulia and Bruttium.
A. Cornelius, who had commanded in Bruttium as praetor during the past
year, received instructions to transfer his legions to Aetolia if the consul
approved and hand them over to Manius Acilius in case he wished to remain
there, but if Acilius preferred to return to Rome, Cornelius was to keep that
army in Aetolia. It was further arranged that C. Atinius Labeo should take
over the province of Sicily and the army of occupation from M. Aemilius and
raise reinforcements if he wished to do so in the island itself to the number of
2000 infantry and 100 cavalry. P. Junius Brutus was to raise a new army for
service in Etruria consisting of one Roman legion and 10,000 infantry and
400 cavalry of allied troops. L. Aemilius, to whom the naval command had
fallen, was to receive from his predecessor, M. Junius, twenty ships of war
with their crews and to enlist in addition 1000 seamen and 2000 infantry
soldiers to serve as marines. With his fleet thus manned he was to proceed to
Asia and take over the fleet which C. Livius had commanded. The praetors
commanding in the two Spains were continued in office and retained their
armies. Sicily and Sardinia were each required to supply two-tenths of their
corn harvest for the year; the whole of the corn from Sicily was to be
transported to Aetolia for the use of the army, that from Sardinia was to go
partly to Rome and partly to Aetolia, like the corn from Sicily.
37.3
Before
the consuls left for their provinces it was resolved that various portents
should be expiated according to the directions of the pontiffs. The temple of
Juno-Lucina in Rome was struck so seriously by lightning that the pediment
and great doors were much damaged. At Puteoli, one of the gates and
numerous portions of the wall were similarly struck and two men killed. At
Nursea it was definitely reported that a thunderstorm suddenly burst out of a
cloudless sky; there also two men were killed, both freemen. The people of
Tusculum announced that a shower of earth had fallen in their district, and at
Reate a mule was said to have had a foal. These portents were duly expiated
and the Latin Festival was celebrated a second time owing to the Laurentians
not having received their due portion of the sacrifice. To allay the religious
fears which these various incidents aroused, a solemn intercession was
offered, as directed by the Keepers of the Sacred Books, to those deities
which, after consulting the rolls, they named. Ten free-born boys and ten
maidens, all of whose fathers and mothers were alive, were employed about
that sacrifice, and the Keepers of the Sacred Books offered up sacrifices of
sucklings in the night. Before his departure, P. Cornelius Scipio erected an
arch on the Capitol facing the road up to the temple, with seven gilded
human statues and two equestrian ones. He also set up in front of the arch
two marble basins. During this time forty-three of the Aetolian leading men,
including Damocritus and his brother, were brought to Rome by two cohorts
sent by Manius Acilius. On their arrival they were thrown into the
Lautumiae, and the cohorts were ordered to the army. A deputation came
from Ptolemy and Cleopatra to offer their congratulations on the expulsion
of Antiochus from Greece by the consul Acilius, and to urge the senate to
send an army into Asia, as not only in Asia but even throughout Syria there
was a universal feeling of alarm. The two sovereigns declared their readiness
to carry out the behests of the senate, and a vote of thanks to them was
passed. Each member of the deputation received a present of 4000 ases.
37.4
When the
business which he had to transact in Rome was finished, L. Cornelius gave
notice in the Assembly that the men whom he had enlisted and those who
were with A. Cornelius in Bruttium were all to assemble at Brundisium by
15th July. He also appointed three officers, Sextus Digitius, L. Apustius and
C. Fabricius Luscinus, to collect the ships from all parts of the coast at the
same place, and all his preparations being now completed, he set out from
the city, wearing his paludamentum. As many as 5000 volunteers, Roman
and allied troops who had served their time under P. Africanus, were waiting
for the consul on his departure and gave in their names for active service. At
the time of the consul's departure, whilst the Games of Apollo were being
celebrated, the daylight was obscured, though the sky was clear, by the
moon passing under the orb of the sun. L. Aemilius Regillus set out at the
same time to take command of the fleet. L. Aurunculeius was commissioned
by the senate to undertake the construction of thirty quinqueremes and
twenty triremes. This step was due to a report that since the naval battle
Antiochus was fitting out a considerably larger fleet than he had on that
occasion. When the Aetolian envoys brought back word that there was no
hope of peace, their government realised that the danger threatening them
from Rome was more serious than the losses inflicted on them by the
Achaeans who were harrying the whole of their sea-board which faced the
Peloponnese. They had made up their minds that the Romans would return
in the spring and lay siege to Naupactus, and in order to block their route
they occupied Mount Corax. Acilius knew that this was what they were
expecting, and he thought the better course would be to undertake
something which they were not expecting; so he commenced an attack on
Lamia. This place had almost been destroyed by Philip, and as the inhabitants
were not apprehending any similar attempt, Acilius thought he might
successfully surprise it. After leaving Elatia his first encampment on the
enemy soil was by the Spercheus; from there he made a night march, and by
dawn had completely invested the place.
37.5
As was
natural in a surprise attack, there was considerable confusion and alarm, but
a stouter resistance was offered than any one would have believed possible in
such sudden danger. The men fought from the walls, the women carried up
to them stones and missiles of every description, and though the
scaling-ladders were placed at very many points against the walls, the
defence was maintained for that day. Towards noon Acilius gave the signal
for retiring, and took his troops back into camp, where they took food and
rest. Before he dismissed his staff, he warned his men to be armed and ready
before daybreak, and told them that till they had carried the city he should
not take them back to camp. As on the previous day, he delivered several
simultaneous assaults, and as the strength, the weapons, above all the
courage, of the defenders began to fail, he took the city in a few hours. The
booty found there was partly sold and partly divided amongst the soldiers.
After the capture a council of war was held to decide what was to be done
next. No one was in favour of going on to Naupactus as long as the
Aetolians held Mount Corax. However, to avoid wasting the summer in
inaction, and to prevent the Aetolians, after they had failed to obtain peace
from the senate, from enjoying it through his own lack of enterprise, Acilius
determined to attack Amphissa. He marched the army over Mount Oeta. and
when he reached the city he did not, as at Lamia, attempt a combined assault
upon the entire circuit of the walls, but he commenced a regular siege. The
rams were brought up at several points, and though the walls were being
battered, the townsmen made no attempt to prepare or invent anything to
meet this kind of engine. All their hopes lay in their arms and their courage;
they made frequent sorties and harassed the detached posts and even the
men who were working the rams.
37.6
The walls
had, however, been shaken down in many places when news reached Acilius
that his successor had landed in Apollonia, and was advancing through
Epirus and Thessaly. The consul was coming with 13,000 infantry and 500
cavalry; he had already reached the Maliac Gulf, and had sent a detachment
to Hypata to demand the surrender of that city. The reply was that the
inhabitants refused to do so without the sanction of the national council of
Aetolia. Not wishing to lose time in the siege of Hypata while Amphissa was
still holding out, he sent his brother Africanus on in advance and marched on
Amphissa. Just before their arrival the citizens had abandoned their city,
which was now to a large extent denuded of its walls, and had retreated,
combatants and non-combatants alike, into the citadel which they held to be
impregnable. The consul encamped about six miles distant from the place. A
deputation from Athens arrived there to intercede for the Aetolians, and
went first to Publius Scipio, who had, as stated above, gone on in advance,
and then to the consul. They received a conciliatory reply from Africanus,
who was keeping Asia and Antiochus in view and trying to find some
honourable pretext for abandoning the Aetolian war. He told them that they
must endeavour to persuade the Aetolians as well as the Romans to prefer
peace to war. In consequence of the representations of the Athenians, a large
deputation of Aetolians very soon came from Hypata and had an interview
with Africanus. Their hopes of peace were considerably raised by what he
said to them, as he pointed out how many tribes and nations in Spain and
subsequently in Africa had thrown themselves on his protection, and how he
had left everywhere nobler memorials of his clemency and kindness than of
his military successes. They had to all appearance gained their end, when the
consul, on being approached, gave them the very same answer as that with
which they had been turned out of the senate. This unexpected treatment
was a great blow to the Aetolians, for they saw that they had gained nothing
either through the intervention of the Athenians or the considerate reply of
Africanus.
37.7
They
returned to Hypata without seeing any way out of their difficulties. They had
no fund from which they could pay 1000 talents, and if they made an
unconditional surrender they were afraid they might have to suffer in person.
So they instructed the same deputation to go back to the consul and
Africanus, and implore them, if they were willing really to grant them peace
and not simply dangle it before their eyes and cheat the hopes of their
unhappy nation, either to reduce the sum fixed for them to pay, or make the
conditions of surrender such that they would not affect the personal safety of
the citizens. They could not induce the consul to make any change in the
conditions, and the deputation was again sent away with nothing gained. The
Athenian deputation followed them to Hypata. The Aetolians had completely
lost heart after so many rebuffs and were deploring in unavailing lamentation
the hard fortune of their nation, when Echedemus, the leader of the Athenian
deputation, recalled them to a more hopeful frame of mind by suggesting
that they should ask for a six months' truce so that they might send envoys to
Rome. The delay, he pointed out, would in no way aggravate their present
distress which had reached the extreme point, and many things might happen
in the interval to lighten it. Acting on his advice the same delegates were sent
again. They first obtained an interview with P. Scipio and through his
instrumentality they obtained from the consul a truce for the time they asked
for.
Manius Acilius raised the siege of Amphissa and after handing over
his army to the consul left Greece. The consul returned from Amphissa into
Thessaly with the intention of marching through Macedonia and Thrace into
Asia. On this Africanus observed to his brother: "The route which you are
selecting I too quite approve of, but everything depends upon Philip's
attitude. If he is faithful to us he will give us free passage, and furnish us
with supplies and everything necessary for an army during a long march. If
he proves untrustworthy you will find no part of Thrace safe. I think,
therefore, that the king's intentions ought to be ascertained. That will be best
done if your emissary pays him a surprise visit before he has taken any
preparatory steps." Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, by far the ablest and
most energetic young man of his time, was selected for the task, and by
using relays of horses he travelled with incredible speed and reached Pella
three days after leaving Amphissa. He found the king at a banquet; he had
drunk deeply, and the mere fact of his giving way to this self-indulgence
removed any suspicion that he was contemplating any change in his policy.
His guest received a courteous welcome and on the following day he saw
provisions in lavish abundance ready for the army, bridges thrown over the
rivers, and roads made where there were difficulties of transport. Returning
as quickly as he had come, he met the consul at Thaumaci and reported what
he had seen. The army felt more confident and hopeful and marched away in
high spirits, to find everything prepared for them in Macedonia. On their
arrival the king received them in royal state and accompanied them on their
march. He displayed great tact and refinement, qualities which recommended
him to Africanus, who, singularly distinguished as he was in other respects,
did not object to politeness and courtesy if they were not accompanied by
effeminacy. Philip accompanied them through Macedonia and through
Thrace as well; he had everything that they required ready for them, and in
this way they reached the Hellespont.
37.8
After the
sea-fight off Corycus Antiochus had the whole winter free for fresh
preparations both on sea and land, but he devoted himself mainly to fitting
out his fleet in order that he might not be deprived of all command of the
sea. He reflected that his defeat occurred during the absence of the Rhodian
fleet, and if they took part in the next battle -and he was sure they would
not commit the fault of being too late again -he would need a large number
of ships so as to be equal to the enemy in ships and men. He accordingly sent
Hannibal to Syria to bring the Phoenician vessels, and he gave Polyxenidas
orders to refit what ships there were and to construct fresh ones. The less his
success in the past, the greater must be his energy in preparing for the future.
Antiochus spent the winter in Phrygia and, summoning assistance from all
sides, had even sent to Gallograecia. The population there were more
warlike at that time than in later years; they still retained the Gaulish
temperament as the original stock had not yet died out. Antiochus had left
his son with an army in Aeolis to hold the cities on the coast which Eumenes
on the one side from Pergamum and the Romans on the other from Phocaea
and Erythrae were trying to win over. The Roman fleet, as already stated,
was wintering at Canae, and Eumenes went there about mid-winter with
2000 infantry and 500 cavalry. He represented to Livius what an amount of
plunder might be carried off from the enemy's country and he persuaded him
to send him on an expedition with 5000 men, and in a few days they brought
away an enormous amount.
37.9
Meantime a revolutionary movement was
started in Phocaea by certain individuals who tried to enlist the sympathies of
the populace on the side of Antiochus. They had various grievances; the
presence of the ships in their winter quarters was a grievance; the tribute of
500 togas and 50 tunics was a grievance; the scarcity of corn was an
additional and a serious grievance. Owing to this scarcity the Roman force in
occupation left the place, and now the party which were haranguing the
plebs in favour of Antiochus were freed from all apprehensions. The senate
and aristocracy were for maintaining the alliance with Rome, but the
revolutionaries had more influence with the masses. The Rhodians made up
for their slackness the previous summer by sending Pausistratus at the vernal
equinox with six-and-thirty ships. Livius left Canae with thirty vessels and in
addition the seven quinqueremes which Eumenes had brought with him, and
set sail for the Hellespont in order to make preparations for the transport of
the army which he was expecting to come overland. He first put into the
harbour called "The Haven of the Achaeans." Here he went up to Ilium and
offered sacrifice to Minerva, after which he gave a gracious audience to
deputations from the neighbouring towns of Elaeus, Dardanus and
Rhoeteum, who came to place their respective localities under the protection
of Rome. From there he sailed to the mouth of the Hellespont, and stationing
ten ships opposite Abydos he sailed with the rest to the European shore to
attack Sestus. His men were already approaching the walls when they were
met by a body of hierophants known as "Galli" in their priestly robes who
announced that they were the ministers of Mater Dea, the mother of the
gods, and it was at her command that they had come to pray the Romans to
spare the city and its walls. No violence was offered to any of them, and
presently their senate and magistrates came forward to make a formal
surrender of the city. From there the fleet sailed to Abydos. Here interviews
took place with the citizens with the object of winning them over, but as no
friendly response was given, the Romans made preparations for a siege.
37.10
During
these operations in the Hellespont, Polyxenidas, the king's lieutenant and a
Rhodian refugee, received tidings of the departure from home of his
country's fleet and also of the insolent and contemptuous way in which the
commandant, Pausistratus, had spoken of him in public. This made the
contest between them a personal one, and Polyxenidas thought of nothing
else night or day but how to give the lie to the man's bombast by his deeds.
He sent a man who was well known to Pausistratus to tell him that if
Polyxenidas were allowed to do so he might be of great service to
Pausistratus and to his country. Pausistratus was much surprised and
inquired in what way this could be brought about. When he had given his
word at the other's request that he would either co-operate in the scheme or
conceal it in silence, the intermediary informed him that Polyxenidas would
betray to him the whole of the king's fleet or at all events the greater part of
it, and that the only reward he claimed for so great a service was the
restoration to his native land. The offer was too important a one for
Pausistratus either to place full confidence in or absolutely to decline. He
sailed to Panhormus, a harbour in Samos, and stayed there to examine the
proposal more closely. Messages passed to and fro between them, but
Pausistratus was not quite reassured until Polyxenidas had, in the presence of
the messenger, written down with his own hand the terms of the promise he
made, and affixed his seal to the document. Pausistratus thought that by a
definite pledge like that the traitor would be at his mercy, for as Polyxenidas
was living under an autocrat he would never dare to give what he had signed
with his own hand as evidence against him. Then the plan of the pretended
treachery was arranged. Polyxenidas said that he would not make any further
preparations whatever, he would not keep any large number of rowers with
the fleet, some of the vessels he should haul up on land, ostensibly for
repairs, others he should disperse in neighbouring ports, a few he should
keep at sea outside the port of Ephesus, so that if circumstances compelled
him to go out he could expose them to battle. When Pausistratus heard that
Polyxenidas was going to disperse his fleet in this way, he followed suit. One
division of his fleet he sent to Halicarnassus for supplies, another he
despatched to Samos . . . so that he might be ready to attack on receiving the
signal from the traitor. Polyxenidas still further misled him by hauling up a
certain number of ships and repairing the dockyards as though intending to
haul up others. When the rowers were called up from their winter quarters,
they were not sent to Ephesus but assembled secretly at Magnesia.
37.11
A
soldier out of Antiochus' army happened to come to Samos on private
business. He was arrested as a spy and brought before the commandant at
Panhormus. When questioned as to what was going on at Ephesus, either
through fear or acting as traitor to his countrymen he disclosed everything,
and asserted that the fleet was lying in the harbour completely equipped and
ready for action, that all the rowers had been sent to Magnesia, that very few
ships had been hauled up, that the dockyards were closed and that the naval
service had never been more carefully looked after. Pausistratus was so
completely obsessed by the deception practiced upon him and the vain hopes
it had aroused that he would not believe what he heard. When all his
preparations were made, Polyxenidas brought up the rowers from Magnesia
by night and hastily launched the ships which had been beached. He
remained there through the day not to complete his dispositions so much as
to prevent the fleet from being seen when it left the harbour. Starting after
sunset with seventy decked ships, he put into the port of Pygela before
daybreak as the wind was against him. Remaining there for the day for the
same reason -to escape observation -he set sail at night for the nearest point
on Samian territory. From there he ordered a man named Nicander, a pirate
chieftain, to sail with five ships to Palinurus and take the troops from there
by the shortest route across country to Panhormus in the rear of the enemy,
whilst he himself proceeded thither with his fleet divided into two squadrons,
so that he could hold the entrance to the harbour on either side.
Pausistratus was at first somewhat perturbed by this unexpected
turn of events, but the old soldier soon pulled himself together and thinking
that the enemy could be more easily checked on land than on the sea he sent
two divisions of his troops to occupy the headlands which curving inward
from the sea like two horns, form the harbour. He expected to repulse the
enemy easily by attacking him from both sides, but the sight of Nicander on
the land above upset his plan, and suddenly changing his tactics he ordered
all to go on board. There was terrible confusion amongst the soldiers and
seamen, and something like a flight to the ships took place when they found
themselves surrounded landwards and seawards at the same time.
Pausistratus saw that his only chance of safety lay in his being able to force a
passage through the harbour into the open sea, and as soon as he saw all his
men on board he ordered the fleet to follow him while he led the way with
his vessel rowed at full speed towards the mouth of the harbour. Just as he
was clearing it Polyxenidas closed round him with three ships, and his vessel,
struck by their beaks, was sunk, the defenders were overwhelmed by a hail
of missiles and Pausistratus, who fought most gallantly, was killed. Of the
remaining ships some were taken outside the harbour, others within, and
some were captured by Nicander while they were trying to put off from the
shore. Only five Rhodian vessels and two from Cos escaped. They had
kindled fires in braziers which they hung from poles projecting over the
bows, and the terrifying sight of these flames enabled them to clear a way
through the crowded ships. The Erythraean triremes which were coming to
reinforce the Rhodian fleet met the fugitive vessels not far from Samos, and
thereupon changed their course to the Hellespont to join the Romans. Just
before this Seleucus captured through an act of treachery the city of
Phocaea; one of its gates was opened to him by a soldier on guard. The
alarm this created led Cyme and other cities on that coast to go over to him.
37.12
Whilst
these events were occurring in Aeolis, Abydos had for several days been
standing a siege, and the king's garrison had been defending the walls. At
last, when all were weary of the struggle, the commandant, Philotas,
entrusted the magistrates with the task of opening negotiations with Livius
with a view to surrender. Matters were delayed by their being unable to
agree as to whether the garrison should be allowed to depart with their arms
or without them. Whilst they were discussing this point news arrived of the
Rhodian defeat. This took the question out of their hands, for Livius, fearing
lest Polyxenidas after such an important success should surprise the fleet at
Canae, instantly abandoned the siege of Abydos and the protection of the
Hellespont and put to sea the vessels which had been drawn up on the land
there. Eumenes went to Elea and Livius sailed for Phocaea with the whole of
his fleet and two ships which had joined him from Mitylene. On being
informed that the place was held by a strong garrison for the king and that
Seleucus was encamped not very far away, he raided the coast and hastily
conveyed the spoil, mostly prisoners, on board his ships. He only waited till
Eumenes came up with his fleet and then started for Samos. At Rhodes the
tidings of the disaster caused widespread grief and alarm, for in addition to
the loss in ships and men they had lost the flower and strength of their youth,
for many of their nobles had amongst other motives been attracted by the
character of Pausistratus which stood deservedly very high amongst his
compatriots. But their grief gave place to anger at the thought of their
having been the victims of treachery and, worst of all, at the hands of their
own fellow-countrymen. They at once despatched ten ships and a few days
later ten more, all under the command of Eudamus, a man by no means the
equal of Pausistratus in other military qualities, but one who, they believed,
would prove a more cautious leader, as possessing a less adventurous spirit.
The Romans and Eumenes brought up the fleet first at Erythrae, where they
stayed one night. The day following they kept their course to the headland of
Corycus. From there they intended to cross over to the nearest point of
Samos, but as they did not wait for the sunrise, from which the pilots could
note the state of the sky, they sailed into uncertain weather. When they were
half-way the north-east wind backed into the north and they began to toss on
the waves of an angry sea.
37.13
Polyxenidas suspected that the enemy
would make for Samos in order to form a junction with the Rhodian fleet.
Putting out from Ephesus he first stood off Myonnesus, and from there
sailed on to an island called Macris for the purpose of catching any stragglers
from the fleet as it sailed past, or attacking, at advantage the hindmost ships.
When he saw that the fleet was scattered by the storm he thought that his
chance of attacking them had come, but in a short time the gale increased in
violence and raised a heavy sea, making it impossible for him to approach
them. He now steered for the island of Aethalia, intending to attack them the
next day while they were putting into Samos. Towards evening a few Roman
ships gained a deserted harbourage in the island, and the rest of the fleet,
after tossing on the deep the whole night through, reached the same haven.
Here they learnt from the peasants that the enemy's fleet was lying at
Aethalia, and a council of war was held to decide whether they should seek a
decision at once or wait for the Rhodian contingent. It was decided to put
off the encounter and they returned to their base at Corycus. Polyxenidas
also, after waiting in vain, returned to Ephesus. Now that the sea was clear
of the hostile ships the Romans sailed to Samos. The Rhodian fleet arrived a
few days later, and to show that the Romans had only been waiting for them,
they left at once for Ephesus to bring about a decisive battle, or if the enemy
declined battle, to force an admission that he was afraid to fight, which
would very materially influence the attitude of the various cities. They lay off
the entrance to the harbour with the ships all abreast in a long line. As no
enemy appeared, one division of the fleet anchored at the harbour mouth, the
other disembarked its marines who proceeded to devastate the country far
and wide. While they were bringing back an enormous amount of plunder
and passing near the walls, Andronicus, a Macedonian, who commanded the
garrison of Ephesus, made a sortie, took a large part of the plunder from
them and drove them back to the ships. The next day the Romans planted an
ambuscade about half-way between the city and the coast and advanced in
line of march towards the city in order to draw the Macedonian outside the
walls. Suspecting what had happened no one came out, and they marched
back to their ships. As the enemy shunned an encounter either on land or
sea, the fleet returned to Samos. From this port the praetor despatched two
vessels belonging to the Italian allies and two Rhodian ships under the
command of Epicrates to the Strait of Cephallania. This sea was infested by
pirates under the leadership of Hybristas a Lacedaemonian, and supplies
from Italy were cut off.
37.14
Lucius
Aemilius Regillus, who succeeded to the command of the fleet, was met at
the Piraeus by Epicrates. On hearing of the defeat of the Rhodians, as he
himself had only two quinqueremes, he took Epicrates and his four ships
with him to Asia, and some ships from Athens accompanied him. He crossed
the Aegean to Chios. Timasicrates the Rhodian arrived there in the dead of
night with two quinqueremes from Samos, and on being conducted to
Aemilius, explained that he had been sent as an escort because the king's
ships made those waters dangerous for transports by their constant
excursions from the Hellespont and from Abydos. Whilst Aemilius was
crossing from Chios to Samos he was met by two Rhodian quadriremes sent
to him by Livius, and Eumenes also met him with two quinqueremes. On his
arrival at Samos, Aemilius took over the fleet from Livius, and after the
customary sacrifices had been duly offered he called a council of war. Livius
was first asked for his opinion. He said that no one could give more sincere
advice than the man who advised another to do what he would himself do,
were he in his place. He had had it in his mind to sail to Ephesus with the
whole of his fleet, including a number of transports loaded with ballast, and
sinking these at the entrance of the harbour. This barrage would not involve
much trouble because the mouth of the harbour was like that of a river, long,
narrow and full of shoals. In this way he would have prevented the enemy
from operating by sea and made his fleet useless.
37.15
This
suggestion found no supporters. Eumenes asked: "What do you mean?
When you have barred access to the sea with the sunken ships whilst your
own fleet is free, are you going to sail away to assist your friends and spread
alarm amongst your enemies, or are you going to continue your blockade of
the harbour just the same? If you leave the place, who can have the slightest
doubt that the enemy will raise the sunken obstacles and open the harbour
with less trouble than it will take us to close it? And if you have to remain
here, what good will the closing of the harbour do? Nay, on the other hand,
they will spend the summer in the peaceful enjoyment of a harbour perfectly
safe and a city filled with wealth, with all the resources of Asia at their
command, whilst the Romans, exposed to waves and storms on the open sea
and deprived of all supplies, will have to maintain a constant watch and will
be themselves more tied up and debarred from doing what ought to be done
than the enemy, in spite of their barriers." Eudamus, the commandant of the
Rhodian fleet, expressed his disapproval of the plan without saying what he
thought ought to be done. Epicrates gave it as his opinion that for the time
being they ought to leave Ephesus out of account and send a portion of the
fleet to Lycia to gain Patara, the capital of the country, as an ally. That
course would possess two great advantages: the Rhodians with a friendly
country opposite their island would be able to devote their undivided
strength to the war with Antiochus, and his fleet which was being assembled
in Cilicia would be prevented from joining Polyxenidas. This proposal
weighed most with the council; it was, however, decided that Regillus
should take the whole fleet to the port of Ephesus to overawe the enemy.
37.16
C.
Livius was sent to Lycia with two Roman quinqueremes, four Rhodian
quadriremes and two undecked ships from Smyrna. His instructions were to
visit Rhodes on his way and communicate his plans to the government. The
cities which he passed on his voyage -Miletus, Myndus, Halicarnassus,
Cnidus and Cos -fully met all his requirements. When he arrived in Rhodes
he explained the object of his expedition, and asked their opinion on it. It
was universally approved and three additional quadriremes were supplied for
his fleet. He then set sail for Patara. A favourable wind carried them right up
to the city, and they hoped that the suddenness of their appearance might
frighten the citizens into deserting Antiochus. Afterwards the wind veered
round and a heavy cross-sea arose. They succeeded by dint of hard rowing in
holding the land, but there was no safe anchorage near the city and they
could not lie off the harbour mouth in such a rough sea and with night
coming on. Sailing past the city walls they made for the port of Phoenicus
rather less than two miles away. This harbour afforded a safe shelter from
the violence of the waves, but it was surrounded by high cliffs which the
townsmen together with the king's troops who formed the garrison promptly
occupied. Though the shore was rocky and landing difficult, Livius sent the
contingent from Issa and the Smyrnean light infantry to dislodge them. As
long as these light troops had only few to deal with they kept up the contest
with missiles and desultory skirmishing more than with hand-to-hand
fighting, but as more and more came out of the city in a constant stream and
at last the whole of the able-bodied population were pouring out, Livius
began to feel apprehensive lest his light troops should be cut off and the
ships assailed from the shore. So he sent into the fight the whole of his
troops, the seamen and even the rowers, armed with whatever weapons they
could get hold of. Even then the battle hung in suspense and not only were a
good many soldiers killed, but L. Apustius was amongst those who fell in
this promiscuous fighting. The Lycians, however, were routed and driven
back to their city and the Romans returned, victorious, but with considerable
losses, to their ships. All idea of making any further attempt on Patara was
abandoned; the Rhodians were sent home and Livius, sailing along the coast
of Asia, crossed over to Greece to meet the Scipios who were in Thessaly at
the time. Then he returned to Italy.
37.17
Stress
of weather had compelled Aemilius to abandon his station at Ephesus and he
returned, without having effected anything, to Samos. Here he learnt that
Livius had abandoned the Lycian campaign and left for Italy. He looked
upon the failure at Patara as a humiliation and decided to sail thither with his
whole fleet and attack the city with his full strength. Sailing past Miletus and
the other friendly cities on the coast, he landed at Jasus in the bay of
Bargyliae. The city was held by the king's troops; the Romans treated the
country round as hostile and ravaged it. Then they tried to open negotiations
with the magistrates and leading citizens with the view of inducing them to
surrender, but after they assured him that they had no power whatever he
prepared to storm the place. There were with the Romans some refugees
from Jasus. These men went in a body to the Rhodians and implored them
not to allow a city which was a neighbour and of the same nationality as they
were to perish through no fault of its own. They pleaded that they had been
expelled from their native town solely because of their fidelity to Rome, and
those who still remained there were forcibly held down by the king's troops
lust as they had been forcibly expelled. The one desire in the breast of
everyone in Jasus was to escape from their slavery to Antiochus. Moved by
their entreaties and supported by Eumenes, the Rhodians urged upon the
consul their ties of common nationality with the besieged and the wretched
plight of the city, beleaguered by the king's garrison. They succeeded in
persuading him to desist from attacking it. Sailing away from there, as all the
other cities were friendly, the fleet skirted the Asiatic shore and reached
Loryma, a harbour opposite Rhodes. Here remarks were made by the
military tribunes, in their private conversations, which at last reached the ears
of Aemilius, to the effect that the fleet was withdrawn from Ephesus, its
proper theatre of war, so that the enemy, left with full liberty of action, was
able to make attempts on all the cities in his neighbourhood which were
allied with Rome. Aemilius was so far influenced by what he heard that he
summoned the Rhodians and inquired of them whether the whole of the fleet
could find room in the harbour of Patara. On their assuring him that it could
not, he made this a ground for abandoning his project, and took his ships
back to Samos.
37.18
During
this time Seleucus, who had kept his army in Aeolis all the winter, engaged
partly in rendering assistance to his allies and partly in ravaging the
territories of those cities which he failed to win over, decided now to cross
the frontiers of Eumenes whilst he was at a distance from home, engaged in
attacking the maritime cities of Lycia in conjunction with the Romans and
Rhodians. He began by threatening an attack on Elea, then abandoning the
siege he ravaged the surrounding district, and then went on to attack
Pergamum, the capital and stronghold of the kingdom. Attalus posted troops
in front of the city and sent forward skirmishers of cavalry and light infantry
to harass the enemy without meeting him in a regular engagement. When he
found in these encounters that he was in no way a match for his foe, he
retired within his walls and the investment of the city commenced. Antiochus
left Apamea just about this time and encamped first at Sardis and then at the
head of the Caicus, not far from Seleucus' camp, with a vast army drawn
from various nations, the most formidable of whom were the Gaulish
mercenaries, about 4000 strong. These, with a small admixture of other
troops, were sent to devastate every part of the territory of Pergamum. As
soon as news of this reached Samos, Eumenes, summoned home by this war
within his borders, sailed direct to Elea, where a body of cavalry and light
infantry were in readiness. Feeling himself safe with these, he hurried on to
Pergamum before the enemy were aware or had made any movement to
oppose him. Here again the fighting was confined to skirmishes, as Eumenes
firmly declined to risk a decisive action. A few days later the Roman and
Rhodian fleets moved from Samos to Elea to support the king. When
Antiochus received intelligence that troops were landed at Elea and that such
a large naval force was concentrated in a single harbour, and at the same
time learnt that the consul and his army were already in Macedonia, and that
all preparations were being made for crossing the Hellespont, he thought that
the time had come for discussing terms of peace, before he was beset both
by land and sea. There was some rising ground over against Elea, and he
selected this for the site of his camp. Leaving all his infantry there, and his
cavalry, of which he had 6000, he went down into the plain which extended
to the walls of Elea, and sent a herald to Aemilius to inform him that he
wished to open up negotiations for peace with him.
37.19
Aemilius invited Eumenes over from
Pergamum and held a council, at which both Eumenes and the Rhodians
were present. The Rhodians were not disinclined for peace, but Eumenes
said that no peace proposals could be honourably entertained at that
moment, nor could any final settlements be made. "How," he asked, "shall
we, beleaguered and shut within our walls, listen with honour to any terms
of peace? Or who will regard any peace settlement as valid if made without
the consent of the consul, the authority of the senate and the order of the
people of Rome? I put this question to you -If peace be made through you,
are you going to return at once to Italy and carry away your army and your
fleet, or will you wait to learn what the consul thinks, what decision the
senate comes to, what order the people make? It remains, then, that you
must stay in Asia and, all active operations suspended, your troops must be
sent into winter quarters to drain the resources of your allies by the
requisitions of your commissariat. And then, if the supreme powers so
decide, we must begin the war all over again, whereas, if our strong
offensive were in no way slackened or hampered by delay, we could have
brought it to a close, if the gods so willed it, before winter sets in." This
argument prevailed, and Antiochus was told that, till the consul arrived,
there could be no discussion of the terms of peace. Finding his efforts to
procure peace fruitless, Antiochus proceeded to devastate the lands of the
people of Elea and then those belonging to Pergamum. Here he left Seleucus
and continued his march with the intention of attacking Adramytteum, till he
reached the rich district known as the "Plain of Thebe," celebrated in the
poem of Homer. In no other locality in Asia was a greater amount of plunder
secured by the king's troops. Aemilius and Eumenes, sailing round with their
fleet, also appeared before Adramytteum as a protection to the city.
37.20
At this
juncture a force despatched from Achaia, numbering 1000 infantry and 100
cavalry, approached Elea. On their landing they were met by a party sent by
Attalus to conduct them to Pergamum. They were all veteran troops with
war experience, and under the command of Diophanes, a pupil of
Philopoemen, the foremost Greek general of his day. Two days were
devoted to resting the men and horses, and also to keeping the enemy's
advanced posts under observation and ascertaining at what points and at
what hours they came on and went off duty. The king's troops made it a
practice to advance up to the foot of the hill on which the city stands. In this
way they acted as a screen, and the plundering parties behind them were not
interfered with, as none came out of the city, not even to attack the
advanced posts with missiles at long range. After the citizens had been once
cowed by defeat they shut themselves within their wall, and the king's troops
looked upon them with contempt and became careless. A great many did not
keep their horses either saddled or bridled; a few were left standing to arms,
while the rest were dispersed all over the plain, some betaking themselves to
games and sports, others feeding under the shade of the trees, some even
stretched in slumber.
Diophanes observed all this from Pergamum on the hill, and
ordered his men to arm themselves and be in readiness at the gate. He then
went to Attalus and told him that he had made up his mind to attack the
enemy. With very great reluctance Attalus gave his consent, for he saw that
he would have to fight with 100 cavalry against 600 and 1000 infantry
against 4000. Diophanes went out from the gate and took up a position not
far from the enemy's advanced posts and waited his opportunity. The people
of Pergamum looked upon it as madness rather than courage, and the enemy,
after keeping them under observation for some time, and seeing no
movement of any kind, became careless as usual, and even ridiculed the
smallness of their opponents' force. Diophanes made his men keep quiet for a
while, then, when he saw that the enemy had broken up their ranks, he gave
the infantry orders to follow as rapidly as possible, and putting himself at the
head of his troop of cavalry, charged the enemy's detachment at full speed,
infantry and cavalry alike shouting their battle-cry. The enemy were thrown
into a state of panic, even the horses were terrified and broke their halters,
creating confusion and alarm amongst their own men. A few were not
scared, and stayed where they were tethered, but even these the riders did
not find it an easy task to saddle and bridle and mount, for the Achaean
troopers were creating an alarm and terror out of all proportion to their
numbers. The infantry, coming up in their ordered ranks, prepared for battle,
attacked a foe carelessly scattered and almost half asleep. The whole plain
was covered with the bodies of the slain, and men were everywhere fleeing
for their lives. Diophanes kept up the pursuit as long as it was safe, and then
retired to the shelter of the city walls, after winning great glory for the
Achaeans, for the women as well as the men had watched the action from
the walls of Pergamum.
37.21
The
next day the king's advanced posts, in better order and more careful
formation, entrenched themselves half a mile further from the city, and the
Achaeans went out about the same time and to the same place as on the
previous day. For several hours the two sides were on the alert, as though in
expectation of an immediate attack. When the hour for returning to camp
came, just before sunset, the king's troops massed their standards and
withdrew in order of march rather than of battle. As long as they could see
him Diophanes kept quiet, then he charged the rear of the column as
furiously as he did the day before, and again created such confusion and
panic that, though they were being cut down from behind, no attempt was
made to halt and face the enemy. They were driven to their camp in great
disorder, with their ranks almost completely broken up. This dashing exploit
of the Achaeans compelled Seleucus to remove his camp from Pergamene
soil. On learning that the Romans had gone to protect Adramytteum,
Antiochus left that city alone, and after ravaging the lands of Peraea, a
colony from Mitylene, he carried the city itself by assault. Cotton, Corylenus,
Aphrodisias and Prinne were taken at the first attempt. He then returned by
way of Thyatira to Sardis. Seleucus remained on the coast, a terror to some
and a protection to others. The Roman fleet in company with Eumenes and
the Rhodians sailed to Mitylene, and from there to their base at Elea. They
left that place for Phocaea and brought up at an island called Bacchium,
opposite the city, which was rich in works of art. On a former occasion they
had spared the numerous temples and statues, but now they treated them as
enemy property and plundered them. Then they sailed across to the city and
after distributing the troops at different points of attack they commenced the
assault. It seemed possible that it might be taken by escalade without the
usual siege machinery, but after a contingent of 3000 men which Antiochus
had sent for its defence had entered the city, the attack was at once
abandoned and the fleet withdrawn to the island without accomplishing
anything beyond the devastation of the country round the city.
37.22
It was
now decided that Eumenes should go home and make the necessary
preparations for the passage of the consul and his army across the
Hellespont, whilst the Roman and Rhodian fleets returned to Samos, and
remained stationed there to prevent Polyxenidas from moving out of
Ephesus. Here M. Aemilius the praetor's brother died. After the funeral
honours had been paid, the Rhodians set sail for Rhodes with thirteen ships
of their own, one quinquereme from Cos and one from Cnidus. They were to
take up their station there in order to be ready for the fleet which was
reported to be coming from Syria. Two days before Eudamus arrived with
the fleet from Samos, a squadron of thirteen ships, together with four which
had been guarding the coast of Caria, had been despatched from Rhodes
under the command of Pamphilidas to meet this same Syrian fleet, and had
raised the siege of Daedala and other fortified places belonging to Peraea
which the king's troops were investing. Eudamus received instructions to sail
again at once. The fleet which he had brought with him was augmented by
six undecked ships, and with this force, by making all possible speed, he
overtook the other at a harbour called Megiste. From there the combined
fleets sailed on to Phaselis, which appeared to be the best position in which
to await the enemy.
37.23
Phaselis is situated on the confines of
Lycia and Pamphylia and stands on a headland jutting out into the sea. It is
the first land visible to ships sailing from Cilicia to Rhodes, and affords an
extensive view seawards. This position was selected mainly because it lay on
the route of the enemy fleet. One thing, however, had not been foreseen.
Owing to the unhealthiness of the locality and the season of the year -it was
midsummer -and also in consequence of a strange and mysterious smell,
there was a great deal of sickness, especially among the men at the oars.
Alarmed at the spread of this epidemic they sailed away and passing the
Pamphylian Gulf anchored off the mouth of the Eurymedon. Here they were
informed by messengers from Aspendus that the enemy were at Sida. The
progress of the king's fleet had been retarded by the Etesian winds, which
blow from the N.W. at a fixed season. The Rhodian force consisted of
thirty-two quadriremes and four triremes; the king's fleet numbered
thirty-seven vessels of larger build; amongst them were three hepteres and
four hexeres. There were in addition to these ten triremes. They, too,
discovered from an observation post that the enemy were not far off. On the
morrow, as soon as it was light, the two fleets left their anchorage, prepared
to fight on that day. As soon as the Rhodians had rounded the point which
projects into the sea from Sida, both fleets came at once in sight of each
other. The left division of the king's fleet which stood out to sea was under
Hannibal's command, the right under that of Apollonius, one of the court
nobles, and they already had their ships in line. The Rhodians came on in a
long column, Eudamus' ship leading, Chariclitus closing the rear and
Pamphilidas commanding the centre. When Eudamus saw that the enemy
were in line and prepared to engage, he too put out to the open sea and
signalled to the ships which followed to move into line as they came up,
keeping their order. This at first led to some confusion as he had gone
sufficiently far out to sea to allow of all the ships coming into line towards
the land, and in his extreme haste he had only five ships with him when he
met Hannibal, the rest were not following, but were, as ordered, getting into
line. On the extreme left there was no further room towards the land, and
they were still in confusion when the fighting began on the right with
Hannibal.
37.24
But
the excellence of their vessels and their own practiced seamanship took away
all fear from the Rhodians in a moment. Each ship in turn steered towards
the open sea and so allowed room on the land side for the one which
followed it, and whenever any of them closed with an enemy vessel with its
beak foremost, it either tore a hole in its prow or sheared off its oars, or else,
where it found a clear way through the line, it passed it and attacked its
stern. What caused the greatest alarm was the sinking of one of the hepteres
at a single stroke by a much smaller Rhodian vessel; and on this, the right
division were showing unmistakable signs of preparing for flight. Hannibal,
on the other hand, in the open sea, was closing with a large number of ships
on Eudamus, and in spite of the Rhodian's superiority in all other respects,
would have hemmed him in had not the signal which is customarily used to
call a scattered fleet together been given from the commander's ship. All the
ships which had won the day on the right immediately rushed to their
comrades' help. Now it was Hannibal and the ships round him which took to
flight; the Rhodians, however, were unable to pursue them as most of the
rowers were out of health, and therefore more quickly tired. Whilst they
were recruiting their strength with food as they lay on the water, Eudamus
from the turret of his ship was watching the enemy as they employed their
open ships to tow away the damaged and crippled ones, not much more than
twenty getting away uninjured. He called for silence and then said, "Come
and feast your eyes on a wonderful sight." They all got up, and after
watching the hurried flight of the enemy exclaimed, with almost one voice,
that they ought to follow them up. Eudamus' own ship had been repeatedly
struck, so he ordered Pamphilidas and Chariclitus to go in pursuit as far as
they could do so with safety. They kept up the chase for a considerable time,
but when Hannibal drew near the land they were afraid of being wind-bound
off the enemy shores, and so they returned to Eudamus with the captured
heptere which had been struck in the beginning of the battle, and with some
difficulty they succeeded in towing it to Phaselis. From there they sailed back
to Rhodes, not so much delighted at their victory as angry with one another
because they had not sunk or captured the whole of the hostile fleet, when it
was in their power to do so. So deeply did Hannibal feel this one defeat that
though he was very anxious to join the king's fleet as soon as he could, he
did not venture to sail beyond the coast of Lycia, and to prevent him from
being at liberty to do this the Rhodians sent Chariclitus with twenty ships of
war to Patara and the harbour of Megiste. Eudamus received instructions to
return to the Romans at Samos with seven of the largest vessels out of his
fleet and use all the influence he possessed and every argument he could
employ to induce the Romans to take Patara.
37.25
The
news of the victory followed by the appearance of the Rhodians caused
much rejoicing amongst the Romans; it was quite evident that if the
Rhodians were relieved from that cause of anxiety they would make all the
seas in that part of the world safe. But the departure of Antiochus from
Sardis and the danger of his seizing the cities on the coast forbade their
abandoning the defence of the shores of Ionia and Aeolis. Consequently,
they sent Pamphilidas with four ships to reinforce the fleet off Patara.
Antiochus had been busy collecting contingents from all the cities round him,
and had also sent a letter to Prusias the king of Bithynia. In this despatch he
bitterly complained of the Roman expedition to Asia; they had come, he
wrote, to deprive them all of their crowns so that there might be no
sovereignty but that of the Romans anywhere in the world; Philip and Nabis
had been reduced to submission; he, Antiochus, was to be the third victim;
like a spreading conflagration they would envelop all, as each lay nearest to
the one already overthrown. Now that Eumenes had voluntarily accepted the
yoke of servitude, it would be but a step from Antiochus to Bithynia. Prusias
was much perturbed by this letter, but any doubts or suspicions which it
might have created were set at rest by a letter from the consul and still more
so by one from the consul's brother, Africanus. In this letter he showed how
it was the uniform practice of the Roman people to enhance the dignity of
their royal allies by bestowing every honour upon them, and quoted
instances of his own policy in order to persuade Prusias to show himself
worthy of his friendship. The chieftains whom he had taken under his
protection in Spain he had left with the title of kings; Masinissa he had
established on his throne and on that of Syphax, who had expelled him, as
well, and now he was not only by far the most prosperous monarch in
Africa, but the peer in greatness and power of any monarch in the world.
Philip and Nabis, who had been enemies and whom T. Quinctius had
conquered, had still their thrones left them; in the case of Philip even the
payment of tribute had been remitted during the past year, his son who had
been a hostage was restored to him, and he had been allowed to recapture
some cities outside Macedonia without any interference from the Roman
generals. Nabis, too, would have retained his honour and dignity had not his
own madness and the treachery of the Aetolians proved fatal to him. Such
was the tenor of Africanus' communication. What did most to determine the
king's attitude was a visit from C. Livius, the late commandant of the fleet.
He came on a special mission from Rome and made the king understand how
much more certain the prospect of victory was for the Romans than for
Antiochus, and how much more inviolable and secure his friendship would
be in their eyes than in those of the king.
37.26
Now
that he had lost all hope of securing Prusias as an ally, Antiochus left Sardis
for Ephesus in order to inspect the fleet which had been fitted out and in
readiness for several months. It was the impossibility of offering an effective
resistance to the Roman army with the two Scipios in command rather than
any naval successes in the past or any well-grounded confidence he felt at
the time which made him interest himself in his fleet. For the moment,
however, there were some things to encourage him. He had learned that a
large part of the Rhodian fleet was at Patara and that Eumenes had gone
with all his ships to the Hellespont to meet the consul. The destruction of the
Rhodian fleet at Samos, as the result of treachery, also did something to
raise his spirits. These considerations led him to send Polyxenidas with his
fleet to try the chances of battle at all hazards, whilst he himself led his
forces to Notium. This place belongs to Colophon and is about two miles
distant from it and overlooks the sea. He wanted to get Colophon itself into
his power, for it was so near Ephesus that he could take no action by sea or
land which was not visible to the people of Colophon who at once informed
the Romans. When once the Romans heard that Notium was besieged he felt
sure that they would bring up their fleet from Samos to help their ally, and
this would give Polyxenidas his opportunity.
Accordingly he commenced the siege of the city in regular form; his
lines were extended equally in two directions down to the sea; on both sides
he carried the agger and the vineae up to the walls and the battering-rams
with their shelters were placed in position. Appalled at these dangers the
people of Colophon sent to L. Aemilius at Samos to implore him for his own
honour and the honour of Rome to come to their assistance. Aemilius was
chafing under his protracted inactivity at Samos, the last thing he was
expecting was that Polyxenidas, after being twice challenged by him in vain,
would give him an opportunity of fighting. He also felt it a humiliation to be
tied and bound to the assistance of besieged Colophon whilst the fleet of
Eumenes was helping the consul to transport his legions to Asia. Eudamus,
who had kept him at Samos, now with all the other officers urged him to go
to Colophon. They pointed out how much more satisfactory it would be to
relieve their friends or inflict a second defeat upon a fleet which had been
worsted once, and so wrest the command of the sea from the enemy, than it
would be if he were to abandon his allies, desert his proper sphere of action
by sailing to the Hellespont and so leave Asia at the mercy of Antiochus both
by sea and land.
37.27
As
their stores were all consumed, the Roman fleet left Samos with the intention
of sailing to Chios to get supplies. This island was a Roman granary and all
the transports from Italy directed their course thither. Coasting round from
the city to the opposite side of the island which looks north towards Chios
and Erythrae, they were on the point of sailing across when the praetor
received a despatch informing him that a large quantity of corn from Italy
had reached Chios, but that the vessels laden with wine had been detained by
storms. At the same time a report was brought to the effect that the Teians
had furnished the king's fleet with liberal supplies and had promised to give
them 5000 jars of wine. Aemilius was now half-way across, but he at once
diverted his course to Teos with the intention of making use of the
provisions prepared for the enemy, with the consent of the townsmen, or if
not, prepared to treat them as enemies. As they were steering for the land
some fifteen ships came into view off Myonnesus. The praetor thought at
first that they were part of the king's fleet and began to pursue them, then it
became evident that they were piratical barques and cutters. They had been
plundering along the coast of Chios and were returning with booty of every
description. When they saw the fleet they took to flight and owing to their
vessels being lighter and built especially for the purpose and also because
they were nearer the land, they outsailed their pursuers. Before the Roman
fleet got near them they made their escape into the harbour of Myonnesus
and the praetor, hoping to force their ships out of the harbour, followed
them though he was unacquainted with the locality. Myonnesus stands on a
headland between Teos and Samos, the point itself is a conical-shaped hill
running up from a fairly broad base into a sharp peak. It is approached from
the land side by a narrow path, and shut in from the sea by cliffs, which have
been so worn away at their base by the waves that in some places the
overhanging rocks project beyond the ships lying at anchor beneath them.
The Roman ships did not venture close in lest they should be exposed to
attacks from the pirates on the overhanging cliffs, but lay near the enemy
through the day. Just before nightfall they abandoned their fruitless task and
the next day arrived at Teos. After the ships had been drawn up in the
Geraesticum -a harbour behind the city -the praetor sent out his men to
plunder the surrounding country.
37.28
When
the Teians saw this devastation going on before their eyes they sent a
deputation, wearing suppliant emblems, to the Roman commander. In reply
to their protestations of innocence as to any hostility in either word or deed
against the Romans, he charged them with having assisted the enemy with
whatever supplies they needed, and told them how much wine they had
promised to Polyxenidas, and that if they would furnish the Roman fleet with
the same quantity he would recall his soldiers from their raid. On the return
of the deputation with this stern reply the townsmen were summoned by the
magistrates to an assembly that they might consult as to what they should
do. Polyxenidas meantime had heard that the Romans had moved from
Samos and, after chasing the pirates to Myonnesus, had anchored their ships
in the harbour and were plundering the Teian district. He proceeded with the
king's fleet from Colophon and, without betraying his movements, cast
anchor at an island opposite Myonnesus -the seafaring men call it Macris -on the very day, as it happened, that the Romans reached Teos.
From his position near the enemy he found out what they were
doing, and was at first in great hopes of defeating the Romans by the same
maneuver as that by which he had worsted the Rhodian fleet at Samos,
namely by blocking the mouth of the harbour. The situation was much the
same, the harbour is so shut in by the converging headlands that it is difficult
for two ships to come out abreast. Polyxenidas intended to seize these
headlands during the night and, after stationing ten ships off each to make a
flank attack on the enemy vessels as they came out, he was going to land the
troops from the rest of his fleet, as he had done at Panhormus, and
overpower the Romans on sea and land alike. His plan would have
succeeded but for the movements of the Roman fleet. As the Teians had
undertaken to comply with the praetor's requirements it was thought more
convenient, for the purpose of taking the supplies on board, to move into the
other harbour in front of the city. Eudamus also, it is stated, drew attention
to the disadvantages of the first harbour after two ships had smashed their
oars by fouling one another in the narrow entrance. A further consideration
which weighed with the praetor and induced him to change his moorings,
was the danger which threatened him from the land, as Antiochus had his
standing camp at no great distance.
37.29
When
the fleet had been brought round to the city, the sailors and soldiers went
ashore to obtain for each ship its share of the provisions, and especially of
the wine. Not a single man was aware of the proximity of Polyxenidas.
Towards midday a countryman was brought before the praetor, and reported
that a fleet had been lying in front of the island of Macris for two days, and
that a few hours ago some of the vessels looked as if they were preparing to
sail. The praetor was considerably alarmed at this unexpected intelligence,
and ordered the trumpeters to sound the assembly, so that those who were
dispersed over the fields might come back, whilst the military tribunes were
sent into the city to hurry the soldiers and sailors on board. The disorder was
just like that caused by an outbreak of fire or the capture of a city: some
were running into the city to recall their comrades, others were running out
of the city to rejoin their ships, and amidst confused orders, wild shouting,
and the braying of the trumpets, there was a general rush to the ships. Hardly
anyone could make out his own ship or get near it for the tumult, and the
confusion might have been attended with serious danger both on sea and
land had it not been for the prompt action of the praetor. Leaving Eudamus
to conduct his own operations, Aemilius led the way out of the harbour into
the open sea, and meeting each ship as it came up, assigned its place in the
line. Eudamus with his Rhodians remained along shore, in order that they
might embark without confusion and each ship sail out as soon as it was
ready. Thus the first line was formed under the praetor's eye, the Rhodians
brought up the rear, and the combined fleet sailed out to sea in battle
formation, as though the enemy were actually in sight. They were between
Myonnesus and the point of Corycus when they got their first view of the
enemy. The king's fleet, which was advancing in a long column, two ships
abreast, also deployed into line and extended its left far enough to be able to
envelop the Roman right. When Eudamus saw this, and realised that the
Romans could not make their line equal in length to that of the enemy, and
that their right would be enveloped, he speeded up his ships, which were by
far the swiftest in the whole fleet, and after extending his line as far as the
enemy's, placed his own vessel opposite to that of Polyxenidas.
37.30
And
now both fleets were everywhere in action. On the side of the Romans eighty
ships were engaged, twenty-two of which were Rhodian vessels. The enemy
fleet numbered eighty-nine, and of the largest classes of ships they had three
with six tiers of oars and two with seven. The Romans were far superior in
the stoutness of their ships and the bravery of their men; the Rhodians
equally had the advantage in the handiness of their vessels, the skill of their
helmsmen, and the training and discipline of the oarsmen. But they created
the greatest alarm among the enemy by their fire-ships; the one thing which
saved them at Panhormus proved here also the most effective means of
victory. When the king's ships swerved aside through fear of the flames, they
were unable to ram the hostile ships with their beaks, and at the same time
laid themselves open to be struck on the side; any ship that did close with
another was covered with the fire poured upon it, and they were thrown into
greater confusion by the fire than by the actual fighting. Still, as usual, the
fighting power of the soldiers was the main factor in the contest. The
Romans broke through the enemy's centre, and then working round they
attacked from the rear the ships which were engaged with the Rhodians, and
in a very short space of time Antiochus' centre and the ships of the left
division were being surrounded and sunk. Those on the right, as yet intact,
were more alarmed at the defeat of their comrades than at any danger which
threatened them. But when they saw their other vessels in the midst of the
enemy ships and Polyxenidas deserting his fleet and fleeing with all sails set,
they promptly hoisted their topsails, as the wind was favourable for those
making for Ephesus, and took to flight, after losing forty-two ships in the
battle, thirteen of which fell into the enemy's hands, the rest being either
burnt or sunk. Two Roman ships were complete wrecks, several were
damaged. One Rhodian vessel was captured through a remarkable accident.
On ramming a Sidonian vessel the blow shook the anchor out of the ship on
to the prow of the other, which it held with its fluke as though with a
grapple. In the confusion which followed the Rhodians backed water to get
clear of the enemy, but the anchor chain dragged, and becoming entangled
with the oars, swept off all those on one side of the ship. Thus weakened it
was captured by the very ship which had been rammed and made fast to it.
Such, in its main features, was the sea fight at Myonnesus.
37.31
Antiochus was now thoroughly alarmed.
Driven from the mastery of the sea, he despaired of being able to defend his
distant possessions and, adopting a policy which events subsequently proved
to be a mistaken one, he withdrew his garrison from Lysimachia to prevent
its being cut off by the Romans. It would not only have been easy to defend
Lysimachia against the first attack of the Romans, but the place could have
stood a siege through the whole winter and this check would have reduced
the besiegers to sore straits for provisions. Meantime there might have been
some opportunity for coming to terms and securing peace. Nor was
Lysimachia the only place which he gave up to the enemy after his naval
defeat; he also raised the siege of Colophon and retired to Sardis. From here
he sent to Cappadocia to ask help from Ariarathes, and to every place where
he could possibly collect troops. His one fixed object now was to decide
matters on the battlefield. After his victory Regillus Aemilius sailed to
Ephesus and formed his ships in line before the harbour. When he had thus
forced from the enemy a final admission of their renunciation of sea power
he sailed to Chios, whither he was directing his course before the naval
battle. Here the damaged ships were repaired, and as soon as this work was
finished he sent L. Aemilius Scaurus to the Hellespont with thirty ships to
convey the army across. By way of an honourable distinction he gave the
Rhodians a share of the plunder and also the spoils of the naval battle, and
then told them they might go home. Before doing so they took an active part
in transporting the consul's troops, and not till this task was completed did
they return home. The Roman fleet sailed from Chios to Phocaea. This city
lies in the innermost part of a bay; it is oblong in shape and the walls enclose
a space of about two and a half miles, then it narrows on either hand like the
sides of a wedge. The apex of the wedge is called Lamptera. Here the town
has a breadth of twelve hundred paces and from it a tongue of land stretches
seaward like a straight stroke almost through the centre of the bay. Where it
approaches the narrow mouth of the bay it forms two excellent and perfectly
safe harbours, facing in opposite directions. The one which looks north is
called Naustathmon from its affording anchorage for a large number of ships;
the other is close to Lamptera.
37.32
When
the Roman fleet had occupied these perfectly sheltered harbours the praetor
thought it advisable, before he laid regular siege to the place, to make
overtures to the magistrates and leading men of the city. When he found that
they were bent upon resistance he commenced his attack from two different
points. One quarter contained but few private buildings, a considerable space
being occupied by temples, and he brought up the rams at this part first and
began to batter the walls and towers. When the citizens had collected here
for its defence the rams were brought up against another section, and now
the walls were being laid in ruins in both directions. After they had fallen the
Roman soldiers began to fight their way over the ruins, but the townsmen
offered such a determined resistance that it was clear they found more help
from their arms and courage than from their walls. At length the risk to
which his men were exposed compelled the praetor to sound the retire, as he
was unwilling to expose them heedlessly to an enemy maddened by despair.
Though the actual fighting was put a stop to, the defenders did not even then
allow themselves any rest, they assembled from all quarters to repair and
strengthen what had been laid in ruins. Q. Antonius, who had been sent by
the praetor, appeared amongst them while they were thus engaged, and after
censuring their obstinacy pointed out that the Romans were more anxious
than they were that the struggle should not end in the destruction of their
city; if they were willing to desist from their madness they would have it in
their power to surrender on the same terms as they had formerly obtained
from C. Livius. On hearing this they asked for a five days' armistice in which
to deliberate, and meantime they tried to find out what prospect of help there
was from Antiochus. The envoys they had sent to the king brought back
word that they must not look for any support from him, and on this they at
last opened their gates after stipulating that they should not be treated as
enemies. After the praetor had announced his wish that those who had
surrendered should be spared, and whilst the standards were being borne into
the city, shouts of protest were raised everywhere amongst the troops, who
were furious at the Phocaeans, who had never been loyal allies but always
bitter enemies, getting off with impunity. At this cry, as though the praetor
had given the signal, the men ran off in all directions to sack the city. At first
Aemilius tried to stop them and call them back by telling them that it was
captured and not surrendered cities that were sacked, and even in the case of
these the decision rested with the general, not with the soldiers. When he
saw that passion and greed were too strong for his authority, he sent heralds
through the city with orders to summon all free men into the forum where
they would be safe from injury, and so far as his authority extended he kept
his word. He restored to them their city, their lands and their laws, and as
winter was now approaching he selected the harbours of Phocaea for the
winter quarters of his fleet.
37.33
Meantime the consul who had marched
through the districts of Aenus and Maronea received intelligence of the
defeat of the king's fleet at Myonnesus and the evacuation of Lysimachia.
The latter piece of intelligence gave him greater gratification than the former,
at all events when they arrived there, for they found the city packed with
supplies of every description as though these had been prepared against the
arrival of the army, for they had been looking forward to having to endure
the extremes of toil and hunger during the siege of their city. The consul
remained encamped here for some days to allow time for the baggage to
come in and also the sick who, worn out by illness and the length of the
march, had been left in all the fortified towns of Thrace. When all had been
taken in they resumed their march through the Chersonese and arrived at the
Hellespont. Here, thanks to King Eumenes, every preparation had been made
for the passage, and they went on board the ships which had been drawn up
at the different points and crossed over without hindrance or opposition as
though to friendly shores. The Romans had expected this to be the occasion
of a severe contest, and they were in high spirits when they found the way to
Asia open to them. They remained in camp at the Hellespont for some time,
as the holy days during which the Ancilia were borne in procession happened
to fall during their march. These days enjoined special religious duties on
Publius Scipio as one of the Salii, and kept him apart from the army,
consequently their advance was delayed till he rejoined them.
37.34
During
this interval Heraclides of Byzantium had arrived at the camp with
instructions from Antiochus to negotiate a peace. He had been under the
impression that when once the Romans had set foot in Asia they would,
without a moment's delay, advance against the royal camp, and their
remaining by the Hellespont made him very sanguine of obtaining favourable
terms. Heraclides, however, decided that he would not approach the consul
till he had interviewed P. Scipio, and indeed such were the king's
instructions. His hopes rested mainly on him, for Scipio's greatness of soul
and the consciousness that he had enough of glory made him most gentle and
considerate. All the world, too, knew what he had been when victorious in
Spain and in Africa, and there was also the fact that his son had been made a
prisoner and was in the king's hands. As to where or when or by what
mischance he had been taken prisoner the authorities differ as they do in
most other matters. Some assert that it was at the beginning of the war when
he was intercepted by the king's ships on his voyage from Chalcis to Oreum;
others say that after the landing in Asia he was sent with a troop of Fregellan
cavalry to reconnoitre towards the king's camp, and that when a large body
of cavalry galloped out to meet him, he retreated and in the confusion fell
from his horse and with two other troopers was overpowered, and under
these circumstances was brought to the king. It is generally admitted that the
youth could not have been treated and courted with greater kindness and
generosity even if peace with Rome still prevailed and the personal ties of
hospitality between the king and the Scipios had remained unbroken. For
these reasons the envoy waited for Scipio to come, and on his arrival he
approached the consul and asked him to grant him an audience that he might
deliver his instructions.
37.35
A full
council assembled to hear what he had to say. The purport of his speech was
as follows: "Many embassies have passed to and fro on the question of
peace, and have been fruitless; I entertain strong hopes of gaining it from the
very fact that those negotiators gained nothing. For the difficulty in former
discussions was the position of Smyrna, Lampsacus, Alexandra Troas and
the European city of Lysimachia. Of these Lysimachia has already been
evacuated by the king, so that you cannot say that he holds anything in
Europe. He is prepared to give up those which are in Asia, and any others in
his dominions which the Romans wish to claim on the ground that they are
on the side of Rome. He is also prepared to pay half the cost of the war."
These were the proposed conditions of peace. In the rest of his speech he
advised the council to remember the uncertainty of human affairs, to make a
moderate use of their own good fortune, and not treat the misfortunes of
others oppressively. Let them limit their dominion to Europe, even that was
an immense empire; it was easier to extend it by single acquisitions than to
hold it together in its entirety. If, however, they wanted to annex some part
of Asia, provided it was defined by clearly ascertained boundaries, the king
would, for the sake of peace and concord, allow his own sense of
moderation and equity to give way before the Roman greed for territory.
These arguments in favour of peace, which the speaker thought so
convincing, the Romans regarded as so much trifling. They considered it
only just that the king, who was responsible for starting the war, should bear
the whole cost of it, and that his garrisons should be withdrawn, not only
from Ionia and Aeolis, but from all the cities in Asia, which should be as free
as all the liberated cities in Greece, and this could only be effected if
Antiochus surrendered all his Asiatic possessions west of the Taurus range.
37.36
The
envoy came to the conclusion that, as far as the council was concerned, he
was not obtaining any reasonable terms, and in accordance with his
instructions he tried what he could do with Scipio in a private interview. He
began by telling him that the king would restore his son without ransom, and
then, ignorant alike of Scipio's character and Roman usage, he held out to
him the offer of an enormous bribe if he obtained peace through his
instrumentality, and also a full share in the sovereign power, with the sole
exception of the royal title. Scipio replied: "Your ignorance of the Romans
as a whole, and of me in particular to whom you have been sent, is the less
surprising when I see that you are ignorant of the situation of the man from
whom you have come. You ought to have held Lysimachia to prevent our
entering the Chersonese, or else you ought to have opposed us at the
Hellespont to prevent our passing into Asia, if you intended to ask for peace
from us as from those who were anxious about the issue of the war. But now
that you have left the passage into Asia open and have accepted not only the
bit but the yoke as well, what room is there for any discussion on equal
terms, since you will have to submit to our sovereignty? I shall look upon my
son as the greatest gift which the king's generosity could bestow; as to his
other offers, I pray heaven my circumstances may never be in need of them,
my mind at all events never will. In my public capacity as representing the
State I will neither take anything from him nor give him anything. What I can
give now is sincere advice. Go and tell him in my name to abandon hostilities
and accept any terms of peace that may be offered." These words did not
influence the king in the least, he regarded his chances in war as quite safe,
and this too at the very time when terms were proposed to him as though he
were already vanquished. For the present, therefore, he dropped all mention
of peace, and devoted all his care to preparing for war.
37.37
The
preparations for carrying out his plans being now completed, the consul
broke up his camp and advanced to Dardanus and then on to Rhoeteum, the
inhabitants of both cities coming out to meet him. He then marched to Ilium,
and after fixing his camp in the plain below the walls, he went up to the
citadel, where he offered sacrifices to Minerva, the tutelary deity of the
place. The Ilians did their utmost to show by their words and deeds the pride
they felt in the Romans as their descendants, and the Romans were delighted
at visiting their original home. A six days' march from there brought them to
the source of the Caicus. Here Eumenes joined them. He had intended to
take his fleet back from the Hellespont into winter quarters at Elea, but the
wind was against him, and for several days he was unable to round the Cape
of Lectos. Anxious not to miss the opening of the campaign he landed at the
nearest point, and with a small body of troops hurried on to the Roman
camp. Here he was sent back to Pergamum to expedite the delivery of
supplies and, after seeing the corn handed over to those appointed by the
consul to receive it, returned to the camp. The king's camp was near
Thyatira. When he heard that Scipio was detained at Elea by illness he sent
some of his officers to escort his son back to him. The boon was not only
grateful to the father's feelings, but it helped also towards his recovery. After
embracing his son to his heart's content, he said to the escort: "Take back
word that I thank the king; I cannot now show my gratitude in any other
way than by advising him not to go down to battle before he learns that I
have returned to camp." Although his 60,000 infantry and 12,000 or more
cavalry made the king hope at times for success in the battle, Antiochus was
swayed by the authority of the man on whom, in view of the doubtful issue
of the war, he had rested all his hopes of support, whatever might betide
him. Withdrawing beyond the river Phrygius he encamped in the
neighbourhood of Magnesia ad Sipylum, and in case the Romans should
attempt to force his lines while he was waiting, he surrounded his camp with
a fosse six cubits deep and twelve wide, and outside the fosse he threw up a
double rampart, on the inner edge he constructed a wall flanked at short
intervals with turrets, from which the enemy could be easily prevented from
crossing the fosse.
37.38
The
consul was under the impression that the king was at Thyatira, and he
marched for five successive days till he came down into the Hyrcanian plain.
When he heard that Antiochus had moved from there he followed in his
track, and encamped on the western bank of the Phrygius at a distance of
four miles from the enemy. Here a force of about 1000 cavalry mostly
Gallograeci, together with some Dahae and mounted archers from other
tribes, made a tumultuous rush across the river and charged the Roman
advanced posts. At first, as they were unprepared, there was some
confusion, but as the battle went on and the numbers of the Romans grew
with the reinforcements from the camp close by, the king's troops, wearied
and outnumbered, endeavoured to effect their retreat across the river. Before
they entered the stream, however, a considerable number were killed by their
adversaries, who were in close pursuit. For the next two days all was quiet,
neither side making any attempt to cross the river. On the third day the
whole of the Roman army crossed in a body, and formed camp about two
and a half miles from the enemy. Whilst they were measuring out the area of
the camp and busy entrenching it, considerable alarm and confusion were
created by the approach of a picked force of 3000 infantry and cavalry.
Those forming the advanced guard were much fewer in number, but they
maintained a steady resistance by themselves, not a single soldier being
called away from the working-parties in the camp, and as the fighting
progressed they repulsed the enemy, after killing 100 of them and taking 100
prisoners. For the next four days both armies stood in front of their ramparts
drawn up for battle; on the fifth day the Romans advanced into the middle of
the plain, but Antiochus made no forward movement, his front lines
remained in position less than a mile from their rampart.
37.39
When
the consul saw that he declined to give battle, he summoned a council of war
for the next day to decide what he was to do if Antiochus did not give them
the opportunity of fighting. Winter, he said, was coming on; either he would
have to keep the soldiers in their tents or else, if he wished to go into winter
quarters, operations would have to be suspended till the summer. For none
of their enemies did the Romans ever feel greater contempt. From all sides
they called upon him to lead them out to battle and to take full advantage of
the ardour of the soldiers. If the enemy would not come out, they were ready
to charge over the fosses and rampart and rush the camp, for it was not as
though they had to fight with so many thousands of men, but rather to
slaughter so many thousands of cattle. Cn. Domitius was sent to reconnoitre
the ground and find out at what point the enemy's rampart could be best
approached, and after he had brought definite and complete information it
was decided to move the camp on the morrow nearer the enemy. On the
third day the standards were advanced into the middle of the plain and the
line formed. Antiochus, on his side, felt that he ought not to hesitate any
longer lest he should depress the spirits of his own men and raise the hopes
of the enemy by declining battle. He led his forces out just far enough from
his camp to make it appear that he intended to fight.
The Roman army was practically uniform as regards both the men
and their equipment; there were two Roman legions and two of Latins and
allies, each containing 5000 men. The Romans occupied the centre, the
Latins the wings. The standards of the hastati were in front, then came those
of the principes, and last of all the triarii. Beyond these, whom we may call
the regulars, the consul drew up on his right, level with them, the auxiliary
troops of Eumenes who were incorporated with the Achaean caetrati,
amounting to about 3000 men; beyond them again were stationed nearly
3000 cavalry, 800 of which were furnished by Eumenes, the rest being
Romans. Outside these were posted the Trallian and Cretan horse, each body
numbering 500 troopers. The left wing was not considered to need so much
support as it rested on the river and was protected by the precipitous banks;
four squadrons of cavalry, however, were lined up at that end. This was the
total strength which the Romans brought into the field. In addition to these,
however, there was a mixed force of Macedonians and Thracians, 2000 in
all, who had followed as volunteers; they were left to guard the camp. The
sixteen elephants were placed in reserve behind the triarii; they could not
possibly stand against the king's elephants, of which there were fifty-four,
and the African elephants are no match for the Indian elephants even when
the numbers are equal, for the latter are much larger and fight with more
determination.
37.40
The
king's army was a motley force drawn from many nations and presented the
greatest dissimilarity both in the men and their equipment. There were
16,000 infantry in the Macedonian fashion. known as the "phalanx." These
formed the centre, and their front consisted of ten divisions; between each
division stood two elephants. They were thirty-two ranks deep. This was the
main strength of the king's army and it presented a most formidable
appearance, especially with the elephants towering high above the men. The
effect was heightened by the frontlets and crests on the animals, and the
towers on their backs on which stood the drivers, each accompanied by four
soldiers. On the right of the phalanx Antiochus stationed 1500 Gallograeci
infantry, and with them were linked up 3000 cavalry, clad in mail armour and
known as "cataphracti." These were supported by the "agema," another body
of cavalry numbering about 1000; they were a select force, consisting of
Medes and men drawn from many tribes in that part of the world. Behind
these in support were sixteen elephants. The line was continued by the royal
cohort called "argyraspides" from the kind of shield they carried. Then came
the Dahae, mounted archers, 1200 strong; then 3ooo light infantry, half of
them Cretans and half Tralles. Beyond these again were 2500 Mysian
bowmen, and at the end of the line a mixed force of Cyrtian slingers and
Elymaean archers.
On the left of the phalanx were 1500 Gallograeci infantry and 2000
Cappadocian, similarly armed and sent by Ariarathes, next to whom were
posted a miscellaneous force numbering 2700. Then came 3000 cataphracti
and the king's personal cavalry, 1000 strong, with somewhat slighter
protection for themselves and their horses, but otherwise closely resembling
the cataphracti, made up mostly of Syrians with an admixture of Phrygians
and Lydians. In front of this mass of cavalry were scythe chariots and the
camels which they call dromedaries. Seated on these were Arabian archers
provided with narrow swords four cubits long so that they could reach the
enemy from the height on which they were perched. Beyond them again a
mass of troops corresponding to those on the right wing, first Tarentines,
then 2500 Gallograeci cavalry, 1000 newly enlisted Cretans, 1500 Carians
and Cilicians similarly armed, and the same number of Tralles. Then came
4000 caetrati, Pisidians, Pamphylians and Lydians, next to these Cyrtian and
Elymaean troops equal in number to those on the right wing, and finally
sixteen elephants a short distance away.
37.41
The
king commanded the right in person, the left he placed in charge of his son
Seleucus and his nephew Antipater. The centre was entrusted to three
commanders, Minnio, Zeuxis and Philip; the latter was the master of the
elephants. The morning haze, which as the day advanced lifted into clouds,
obscured the atmosphere, and then a drizzling rain coming with the south
wind wetted everything. This did not inconvenience the Romans much, but it
was a serious disadvantage to the king's troops. As the Roman line was of
only moderate length, the indistinctness of the light did not obstruct the view
over the whole of it, and as it consisted almost entirely of heavy-armed
troops, the fine rain had no effect on their weapons which were swords and
javelins. The king's line, on the other hand, was of such an enormous length
that it was impossible to see the wings from the centre, let alone the fact that
the extremes of the line were out of sight of each other, and the wetting mist
relaxed their bows and slings and the thongs of their missile spears.
Antiochus trusted to his scythe chariots to throw the enemy ranks into utter
confusion, but they only turned the danger against their own side. These
chariots were armed in the following manner: On either side of the pole
where the yoke-bar was fastened spikes were fixed which projected forward
like horns, ten cubits long, so as to pierce anything that came in their way,
and at each end of the yoke-bar two scythes projected, one on a level with
the bar so as to cut off sideways anything it came against, the other turned
towards the ground to catch those lying down or trying to get under it.
Similarly two scythes pointing in opposite directions to each end of the axis
of the wheels.
The chariots thus armed were stationed, as I have already said, in
front of the line for had they been in the rear or the centre they must have
been driven through their own men. When he saw this, Eumenes, who was
quite familiar with their mode of fighting, and knew how much their
assistance would be worth when once the horses were terrified, ordered the
Cretan archers, the slingers and javelin men, in conjunction with some troops
of cavalry, to run forward, not in close order but as loosely as possible, and
discharge their missiles simultaneously from every side. What with the
wounds inflicted by the missiles and the wild shouts of the assailants, this
tempestuous onslaught so scared the horses that they started to gallop wildly
about the field as though without bit or bridle. The light infantry and slingers
and the active Cretans easily avoided them when they dashed towards them,
and the cavalry increased the confusion and panic by affrighting the horses
and even the camels, and to this was added the shouts of those who had not
gone into action. The chariots were driven off the field, and now that this
silly show was got rid of the signal was given, and both sides closed in a
regular battle.
37.42
These
useless shams, however, were soon to prove the cause of a real disaster. The
auxiliary troops who were posted in reserve next to them were so
demoralised by the panic and confusion of the chariots that they took to
flight and exposed the whole line as far as the cataphracti. Now that the
reserves were broken the Roman horse made a charge against these, and
many of them did not await even the first shock, some were routed, others
owing to the weight of their mail armour were caught and killed. Then the
remainder of the left wing entirely gave way, and when the auxiliaries who
were stationed between the cavalry and the phalanx were thrown into
disorder the demoralisation reached the centre. Here the ranks were broken
and they were prevented from using their extraordinarily long spears-the
Macedonians call them "sarisae" -by their own comrades who ran back for
shelter amongst them. Whilst they were in this disorder the Romans
advanced against them and discharged their javelins. Even the elephants
posted between the divisions of the phalanx did not deter them, accustomed
as they were in the African wars to evade the charge of the beast and attack
its sides with their javelins or, if they could get nearer to it, hamstring it with
their swords. The centre front was now almost entirely beaten down and the
reserves, having been outflanked, were being cut down from the rear. At this
juncture the Romans heard in another part of the field the cries of their own
men in flight, almost at the very gates of their camp. Antiochus from his
position on his right wing had noticed that the Romans, trusting to the
protection of the river, had only four squadrons of cavalry in position there,
and these, keeping in touch with their infantry. had left the bank of the river
exposed. He attacked this part of the line with his auxiliaries and cataphracti,
and not only forced back their front, but wheeling round along the river,
pressed on their flank until the cavalry were put to flight and the infantry,
who were next to them, were driven with them in headlong flight to their
camp.
37.43
The
camp was in charge of a military tribune, M. Aemilius, son of the M. Lepidus
who a few years later was made Pontifex Maximus. When he saw the
fugitives coming towards the camp he met them with the whole of the camp
guard and ordered them to stop, then, reproving them sharply for their
cowardly and disgraceful flight, he insisted on their returning to the battle
and warned them that if they did not obey him they would rush blindly on to
their ruin. Finally he gave his own men the order to cut down those who first
came up and drive the crowd which followed them back against the enemy
with their swords. The greater fear overcame the less. The danger which
threatened them on either hand brought them to a halt, then they went back
to the fighting. Aemilius with his camp guard -there were 2000 of them,
brave soldiers -offered a firm resistance to the king who was in eager
pursuit, and Attalus, who was on the Roman right where the enemy had been
put to flight at the first onset, seeing the plight of his men and the tumult
round the camp, came up at the moment with 200 cavalry. When Antiochus
found that the men whose backs he had seen just before were now resuming
the struggle, and that another mass of soldiery was collecting from the camp
and from the field, he turned his horse's head and fled. Thus the Romans
were victorious on both wings. Making their way through the heaps of dead
which were lying most thickly in the centre, where the courage of the
enemy's finest troops and the weight of their armour alike prevented flight,
they went on to plunder the camp. The cavalry of Eumenes led the way,
followed by the rest of the mounted troops, in pursuing the enemy over the
whole plain and killing the hindmost as they came up to them. Still more
havoc was wrought among the fugitives by the chariots and elephants and
camels which were mixed up with them; they were not only trampled to
death by the animals, but having lost all formation they stumbled like blind
men over one another. There was a frightful carnage in the camp, almost
more than in the battle. The first fugitives fled mostly in this direction and
the camp guard, trusting to their support, fought all the more determinedly in
front of their lines. The Romans, who expected to take the gates and the
rampart, were held up here for some time, and when at last they did break
through the defence they inflicted in their rage all the heavier slaughter.
37.44
It is
stated that 50,000 infantry were killed on that day and 3000 of the cavalry;
1500 were made prisoners and 15 elephants captured with their drivers.
Many of the Romans were wounded, but there actually fell not more than
300 infantry, 24 cavalry and 25 of the army of Eumenes. After plundering
the enemy's camp the Romans returned to their own with a large amount of
booty; the next day they despoiled the bodies of those killed and collected
the prisoners. Delegates came from Thyatira and Magnesia ad Sipylum to
make the surrender of their cities. Antiochus, accompanied in his flight from
the field by a small number of his men, and joined by more on the road,
arrived at Sardis about midnight with a fairly numerous body of troops. On
learning that his son Seleucus with some of his friends had gone as far as
Apamea, he too, with his wife and daughter, started for the same city, after
handing over the defence of Sardis to Xenon and appointing Timon governor
of Lydia. The townsmen and the soldiers in the citadel ignored their
authority and mutually agreed to send delegates to the consul.
37.45
Almost simultaneously with these
delegates others came in from Tralles, Magnesia on the Maeander and
Ephesus to offer the surrender of their cities. Polyxenidas, on getting news
of the battle, had left Ephesus and taken his fleet as far as Patara in Lycia,
but apprehending an attack from the Rhodian squadron which was lying off
Megiste, he went ashore and made his way overland with a small contingent
into Syria. The cities of Asia Minor placed themselves under the protection
of the consul and the dominion of Rome. The consul was now at Ephesus
and Publius Scipio went there from Elea as soon as he was able to bear the
fatigue of travelling. Shortly before this a herald from Antiochus arrived
who, through the good offices of Publius Scipio, obtained the consent of the
consul to negotiations for peace being opened on the part of the king. A few
days later Zeuxis, who had been governor of Lydia, and Antipater, the king's
nephew, also arrived. They first had an interview with Eumenes, who they
supposed would be the strongest opponent of peace owing to his
long-standing quarrels with the king, but found him in a more conciliatory
mood than either they or Antiochus had hoped for. They next approached
Scipio and through him the consul. At their request a full meeting of the
council of war was held for them to publish their instructions. Zeuxis spoke
first. "We have not so much," he said, "to speak on our own behalf as to ask
you, Romans, in what way we can atone for our king's error and obtain
peace and forgiveness from you, his conquerors. You have ever shown the
greatest magnanimity in pardoning the kings you have conquered. With how
much greater magnanimity ought you to act in this hour of victory which has
made you masters of the world! It behoves you now to lay aside contention
with all men and be like the gods, the protectors and fosterers of the whole
human race."
It had been decided before the envoys came what reply should be
given them. Scipio Africanus was the spokesman, and is reported to have
expressed himself to the following effect: "Out of all those things which are
in the power of the immortal gods we have these which they have
vouchsafed to give us. Our self-control and moderation, which depend upon
strength of mind, we have kept unchanged in every turn of fortune, and we
keep them so today; prosperity has not elated them, adversity has not
depressed them. To mention no other instance, I would offer you Hannibal
as a proof of this if I could not adduce you yourselves as an example. After
we had crossed the Hellespont, before we saw the king's camp, before we
saw his army, whilst the contest was still undecided and the issue of the war
uncertain, we laid before you when you came to treat of peace, conditions as
between equal powers. Now that we are victors we offer the same
conditions to you whom we have vanquished. Keep clear of Europe;
evacuate the whole of that part of Asia which lies on this side the Taurus.
For the expenses incurred in the war you will give us 15,000 Euboean
talents, 500 down and 2500 as soon as the senate and people of Rome have
confirmed the peace, and then 1000 annually for twelve years. It is also our
will that 400 talents be paid to Eumenes and the rest of the corn which was
due to his father. When we have agreed on these conditions, it will be some
guarantee to us that you will carry them out if you give us twenty hostages
to be selected by us. But we shall never feel certain that there will be peace
with Rome wherever Hannibal is, and before all else we demand his
surrender. You will also give up Thoas the Aetolian, the prime mover in the
Aetolian war, who instigated you to take up arms against us in reliance on
them, and made them do the same in reliance on you. With him you will hand
over Mnasilochus the Acarnanian, and the Chalcidians, Philo and Eubulidas.
The king will make peace when his fortunes are at a lower ebb, because he is
making it later than he should have done. If he hesitates now, let him know
that it is not so easy for the pride of monarchs to be brought down from the
summit of greatness to a moderate position as it is for it to be hurled from
that stage to the lowest depths." The envoys had been instructed by the king
to accept any terms. Arrangements were accordingly made for the despatch
of delegates to Rome. The consul distributed his army in winter quarters at
Magnesia on the Maeander, at Tralles and at Ephesus. A few days later the
hostages from the king were brought to the consul at Ephesus, and the
envoys arrived who were to go to Rome. Eumenes left for Rome at the same
time as the envoys, and they were followed by delegations from all the
communities in Asia.
37.46
While
these events were occurring in Asia two of the proconsuls returned to Rome
-Q. Minucius from Liguria and Manius Acilius from Aetolia. They both
expected to enjoy a triumph, but when the senate had heard their account of
what they had done, they refused the request of Minucius and unanimously
granted a triumph to Acilius, and he rode into the City in celebration of his
victory over Antiochus and the Aetolians. There were carried in the
procession 230 of the enemy's standards, 3000 pounds of uncoined silver,
113,000 Attic tetrachmi, 249,000 cistophori, and numerous heavy vases of
embossed silver, as well as the silver household furniture and magnificent
apparel which had belonged to the king. There were also 45 golden crowns
presented by various allied cities, and a mass of spoils of every description;
36 prisoners of high rank, the generals of Antiochus and the Aetolians, were
also led in the conqueror's train. Damocritus, the Aetolian leader, had
escaped from prison a few nights previously, and the guards chased him to
the bank of the Tiber, where he stabbed himself before they could catch him.
One thing was lacking -soldiers to follow the commander's chariot. In every
other respect it was magnificent, both as a spectacle and as the celebration of
a splendid victory.
These triumphal rejoicings were marred by gloomy news from
Spain. Six thousand men of the Roman army, under the command of the
proconsul L. Aemilius, had fallen in an unsuccessful battle against the
Lusitanians near the town of Lyco; the survivors fled to their camp, which
they had difficulty in defending, and finally retreated by forced marches, as
though fleeing from the enemy, into friendly territory. Such was the report
received from Spain. A deputation arrived from Placentia and Cremona in
Gaul, and were introduced to the senate by L. Aurunculeius. They
complained of the scarcity of men; some had been carried off by the
casualties of war, others by illness, and some had left owing to the
annoyance from the Gauls in their neighbourhood. The senate decreed that
the consul C. Laelius should, if he approved, draw up a list of 6000 families
to be distributed between the two colonies, and L. Aurunculeius was to
nominate the commissioners for settling the new colonists. Those nominated
were M. Atilius Serranus, L. Valerius, P. F. Flaccus, L. Valerius and C. F.
Tappo.
37.47
Not
long afterwards, as the date of the consular elections was approaching, the
consul C. Laelius returned from Gaul. In pursuance of the decree which the
senate had made before his arrival, he enrolled colonists to reinforce the
population of Cremona and Placentia, and he also brought forward a
proposal which the senate adopted for founding two new colonies on land
which had belonged to the Boii. A despatch was received at this time from
L. Aemilius giving an account of the naval battle at Myonnesus, and stating
that L. Scipio had transported his army into Asia. A day of thanksgiving was
ordered for the naval victory, and on the following day thanksgivings and
prayers that the encampment of the Roman army for the first time on the soil
of Asia might bring success and happiness to the Republic. The consul
received instructions to sacrifice each day twenty full-grown victims. A keen
struggle arose over the consular elections. M. Aemilius Lepidus was a
candidate, but he was everywhere unpopular, owing to his having left his
province of Sicily in order to pursue his candidature without consulting the
senate as to whether he might do so. The other competitors were M. Fulvius
Nobilior, Cn. Manlius Volso and M. Valerius Messala. Fulvius was the only
one elected, none of the others secured the requisite majority of votes.
Fulvius, on the following day, co-opted Cn. Manlius; he had succeeded in
getting Lepidus defeated, and Messala was at the bottom of the poll. The
new praetors were two Fabii -Labeo and Pictor, the latter had been
consecrated a Flamen Quirinalis that year -M. Sempronius Tuditanus, Sp.
Postumius Albinus, L. Plautius Hypsaeus and L. Baebius Dives.
37.48
After
the new consuls had assumed office a rumour -so Valerius Antias tells us -gained wide currency in Rome to the effect that the two Scipios -Lucius and
Africanus -had been invited to meet Antiochus for the purpose of receiving
back the young Scipio, and that they were arrested, the king's army at once
led against the Roman camp, which was captured, and the entire Roman
force wiped out. It was further stated that the Aetolians gained fresh courage
from this, and refused to carry out the commands laid upon them; their
leaders went to Macedonia, Dardania and Thrace to raise a force of
mercenaries. Valerius goes on to say that it was reported that A. Terentius
Varro and M. Claudius Lepidus were sent by the propraetor A. Cornelius
from Achaia to carry this news to Rome. He supplements this tale by
informing us that on their appearance before the senate the Aetolians were
questioned on this among other matters, and asked from whom they had
heard that the Roman commanders were made prisoners by Antiochus and
their army destroyed, and that they stated in reply that they had been so
informed by their envoys, who were with the consul. I have no other
authority for this story, and whilst in my opinion it lacks confirmation, I have
not passed it over as entirely groundless.
37.49
Upon
the appearance of the Aetolians before the senate, their own interest and the
situation in which they were placed demanded that they should make a full
admission of guilt and a humble request for pardon, whether for their error
or their crime. Instead of this they began by recounting the services they had
rendered to the Roman people and contrasting the courage they had
themselves shown in fighting against Philip with that of the Romans. This
insolence offended the ears of their audience, and their raking up old and
forgotten incidents reminded the senators how much more they had done to
injure Rome than to benefit her. Thus the men who needed compassion only
evoked irritation and anger. They were asked by one senator whether they
would place themselves at the disposal of the Roman people, by another
whether they would have the same friends and enemies as Rome, and on
their making no reply they were ordered to leave the House. The senate
were unanimous in insisting that as the Aetolians were still entirely on the
side of Antiochus and their aggressive temper depended solely on their hopes
of him, they were unmistakably enemies to Rome, and, as such, war must be
waged against them and their defiant spirit crushed. What made them still
more angry was the duplicity of the Aetolians in suing for peace whilst they
were actually carrying war into Dolopia and Athamania. Manius Acilius, the
conqueror of Antiochus and the Aetolians, proposed a resolution which the
senate adopted, namely that the envoys should be ordered to quit the City
that day and to leave Italy within a fortnight. A. Terentius Varro was sent to
escort them on the road, and they were warned that if any Aetolian delegates
went to Rome except with the permission of the Roman commander and
accompanied by a Roman officer, they would be treated as enemies. With
this warning they were dismissed.
37.50
The
consuls now brought before the senate the allocation of provinces. It was
decided that they should ballot for Aetolia and Asia. The one to whom Asia
fell was to take over L. Scipio's army together with reinforcements
amounting to 4000 Roman infantry and 200 cavalry and 8000 infantry with
400 cavalry furnished by the Latins and allies. With this force he was to
conduct the war with Antiochus. The other consul was to take over the army
in Aetolia, and he was commissioned to raise reinforcements in the same
number and proportion as his colleague. He was also required to fit out and
take with him the ships which had been got ready the year before, and not to
confine his operations to Aetolia, but to sail across to the island of
Cephalania. He was further requested to go to Rome for the elections, if he
could do so consistently with the interests of the State, for in addition to the
appointment of the annual magistrates it was resolved that censors also
should be chosen. If circumstances prevented his leaving his post, he was to
inform the senate that he could not be present at that time. Aetolia fell to M.
Fulvius and Asia to Cn. Manlius. The praetors' ballot followed. Sp.
Postumius Albinus received the civic and alien jurisdiction; M. Sempronius
Tuditanus, Sicily; Q. Fabius Pictor -the Flamen Quirinalis -obtained
Sardinia; Q. Fabius Labeo was assigned the naval command; Hither Spain
fell to L. Plautius Hypsaeus, and Further Spain to L. Baebius Dives. It was
decreed that one legion and the fleet which was in the province at the time
should be allotted to Sicily, and also that the new praetor should order the
Sicilians to supply two-tenths of their corn, one-tenth to be sent into Asia,
the other into Aetolia. The same requisition was made on Sardinia, and that
corn was to be sent to the same armies as the Sicilian supply. L. Baebius in
Spain received reinforcements to the extent of 1000 infantry and 500
cavalry, as well as 6000 infantry and 200 cavalry from the Latins and allies,
so that each of the Spanish provinces might have one legion in full strength.
Amongst the magistrates of the previous year, C. Laelius retained his
province and his army for another year, as did also P. Junius in Etruria and
M. Tuccius in Bruttium and Apulia.
37.51
Before
the praetors left for their provinces a dispute arose between P. Licinius, the
Pontifex Maximus, and the Flamen Quirinalis, Q. Fabius Pictor. There had
been a similar dispute many years previously between L. Metellus and
Postumius Albinus. Metellus was Pontifex Maximus at the time, and had
prevented Albinus, the newly elected consul, from accompanying his
colleague to the fleet at Sicily. On the present occasion, P. Licinius had
detained the praetor from going to Sardinia and kept him at his sacred
duties. The question was hotly debated both in the senate and in the
Assembly, orders were made on both sides, sureties accepted, fines imposed,
the authority of the tribunes invoked and appeals laid before the Assembly.
At last the claims of religion prevailed and the Flamen was ordered to obey
the Pontiff's direction; the fine imposed upon him was remitted by order of
the people. The praetor was very angry at losing his province and wanted to
resign his office, but the senate exerted their authority to prevent this and
decreed that he should exercise the jurisdiction over aliens. The levies were
now completed in a few days, for there were not many men to be called up,
and the praetors left for their provinces. Unauthorised rumours began to
spread through Rome about the events in Asia, and a few days later definite
information and a despatch from the commander-in-chief reached the City.
The rejoicing at their arrival was not due to the relief from present anxieties -for they had nothing to fear as to what the vanquished king could do in
Aetolia -so much as to his having lost his former prestige; for when they
began the war they looked upon their enemy as formidable both through his
own power and through his having Hannibal to direct the campaign. They
adhered, however, to their decision to send the consul into Asia, and thought
it wise to maintain the present strength of their forces, in view of the
probability of a war with the Gauls.
37.52
Shortly after this L. Scipio's lieutenant,
M. Aurelius Cotta, accompanied by the deputation from Antiochus, arrived
in Rome. as did also Eumenes and the Rhodians. Cotta made his report of
the proceedings in Asia to the senate, and they ordered him to lay it before
the Assembly. A three days' thanksgiving was proclaimed and orders were
given for forty full-grown victims to be sacrificed. Then Eumenes was
received in audience. He began with a few words of thanks to the senate for
having delivered him and his brother from a state of siege and rescuing his
realm from the attacks of Antiochus. He went on to congratulate them upon
their successes by sea and land and their expulsion of Antiochus, after he had
been routed and driven out of his camp, first from Europe and then from the
whole of Asia on this side the Taurus. What services he himself had rendered
he preferred that they should learn from their own commanders rather than
from him. His words were listened to with universal approval, and the
senators urged him to lay aside all modest reserve and tell them frankly what
he considered would be a fitting return from the senate and people of Rome;
the senate, he was assured, would be more ready to do what his services
merited than he could either ask or expect. To this the king replied that if the
choice of rewards were left to him he would, now that he had the privilege
of consulting the Roman senate, gladly avail himself of the advice of the
highest order in the State, so that his desires might not be thought
extravagant or his requests lacking in modesty. As, however, it was they
who were to be the givers, he thought it much more fitting that they should
themselves determine the extent of their munificence towards his brothers
and himself. Notwithstanding this protest the senators continued to press him
to state his wishes. This friendly contest lasted some time, the senate ready
to grant whatever the king asked for, and the king maintaining a modest
reserve, each leaving the decision to the other and animated by a courtesy in
which neither party would be outdone. As no definite conclusion was
reached the king at last left the House, but the senators adhered to their
opinion that it was absurd to suppose that the king should not know what
expectations he entertained or what requests he had come to make. He knew
best what would be most advantageous to his dominions, he was much more
familiar with Asia than the senate were; he must therefore be recalled and
forced to express his real sentiments and wishes.
37.53
The
king was brought back into the senate house by the praetor and requested to
speak his mind. "I should," he began, "have persisted in my silence, senators,
had it not been that you will presently call in the delegates from Rhodes, and
after they had been heard it would have been necessary for me to speak. It
will be all the more difficult for me to say what I have to say, because their
demands will apparently not be in any way opposed to my interests or in any
way affect you. They will plead the cause of the city-states of Greece and
will say that they ought to be declared free. If they gain their point, who can
doubt that they will sever from us not only those cities which will be
declared free, but also those which from ancient times have been tributary to
us, and after placing them all under obligation for so great a kindness will
hold them nominally as allies but really as subjects, wholly under their
dominion? And while they grasp at this immense power they will pretend
that it does not in any way concern their interests, and that you are only
doing what is right and proper and consistent with your policy in the past.
Do not let these professions deceive you, you will have to be on your guard,
lest you not only lower the status of some of your allies and raise unduly that
of others, but also place those who have borne arms against you in a better
position than those who have been your allies and friends. As regards myself,
I would rather be thought by anyone to have yielded within the limits of my
rights, so far as other things are concerned, than to have shown excessive
obstinacy in maintaining them; but when it is a question of being worthy of
your friendship, of giving you every proof of affection and goodwill, of
upholding the honour which comes from you -in such a contest I cannot
resign myself to defeat. This is the most precious inheritance I have received
from my father. He was the first of all who dwell in Greece or Asia to be
admitted to your friendship, and he preserved it with unbroken and
unchanging loyalty to the end of his life. Nor was it only in heart that he was
a good and faithful friend. He took his part in all the wars that you have
waged in Greece, he assisted you by sea and land and provided you with
supplies of all kinds to an extent beyond anything which your other allies
have done. And at last, whilst he was seeking to persuade the Boeotians to
accept your alliance, he became unconscious in the middle of his speech, and
shortly afterwards expired. Treading as I have done in his footsteps, I could
not have shown in any way greater goodwill or a stronger desire to cherish
your favour than he did, for those indeed were unsurpassable. That I have
been able to go further than he did in actual achievement, in services
rendered, in the sacrifices which duty imposes, is due to the opportunities
afforded by the circumstances of the time, by Antiochus and your war in
Asia. Antiochus, when monarch of Asia and a part of Europe, offered to give
me his daughter in marriage and to restore at once the cities which had
revolted from us, and he also held out great hopes of enlarging my
dominions in the future if I would join him in fighting against you.
"I will not pride myself on never having been false to you; I would
rather dwell upon those things in which I showed myself worthy of the
friendship which has existed from very ancient times between you and my
dynasty. I assisted your commanders with my military and naval forces in a
way in which none of your allies can be compared with me; I supplied your
commissariat both by land and sea; I took part in every one of the sea fights
which occurred in so many different places; I never spared myself in toil or
danger; I experienced what brings the worst suffering in war -a siege, and
was shut up in Pergamum with my life and realm in imminent danger. After I
had been relieved, in spite of the fact that Antiochus on the one side and
Seleucus on the other were threatening the citadel and heart of my kingdom,
I left my own interests to protect themselves and went with the whole of my
fleet to the Hellespont to meet your consul, L. Scipio, and assist in
transporting his army. When once your army had landed in Asia I never left
the consul's side. No Roman soldier was more regularly in his place in the
camp than I and my brothers were; there was no expedition, no cavalry
action, in which I was not present; I took my place in the battle line and held
the post which the consul assigned to me.
"I shall not ask, senators, who, in respect of services rendered in
this war, can be compared with me; there is none out of all the peoples or
monarchs whom you hold in high honour with whom I would not dare to
compare myself. Masinissa was your enemy before he was your ally, nor was
he friendly to you while his crown was safe and he could have given you
military help, but when he was a homeless fugitive and all his forces were
lost he sought refuge in your camp with a solitary troop of cavalry. And yet,
because he stood by you loyally and effectively against Syphax and the
Carthaginians, you have not only restored to him his kingdom, but by adding
the richest part of the dominions of Syphax to it you have made him the
most powerful of African kings. What reward or honour then do we seem in
your eyes to deserve, we who have never been your enemies, but always
your friends? Not only in Asia have my father, my brothers and myself taken
up arms on your behalf, but far from home in the Peloponnesus, in Boeotia,
in Aetolia, in the wars with Philip and Antiochus and the Aetolians, on sea as
well as on land. Someone will say, 'What, then, do you ask for?' As you
insist, senators, upon my speaking freely, I must comply. If, then, your
intention in removing Antiochus beyond the Taurus range is that you may
hold those lands yourselves, I would rather have you than any others as my
neighbours, nor do I see how my kingdom could be more secure or less
liable to disturbance under any other arrangement. But if you purpose to
retire and withdraw your armies from those parts, I would venture to
suggest that there is none of your allies more worthy to occupy the
territories you have conquered than myself. But I may be told it is a splendid
thing to liberate cities from servitude. I think so too, if they have done
nothing hostile to you. But if they have taken part with Antiochus, how
much more worthy of your wisdom and justice is it to study the interest of
allies who have done you good, rather than the interest of your foes."
37.54
The
king's speech gave great pleasure to the senators, and it was easy to see that
they were prepared to do everything in a generous and ungrudging spirit. As
one of the Rhodian envoys was absent, the delegation from Smyrna was
introduced, and they were highly commended for having chosen to endure
every extremity rather than give themselves up to Antiochus. Then the
Rhodians were received in audience. Their spokesman commenced by stating
how their friendship with the Roman people began and what services they
had rendered, first in the war with Philip and then in that with Antiochus. He
continued: "Nothing in the whole conduct of our case, senators, is more
difficult or painful than our having to enter into controversy with King
Eumenes. We are bound to him more than to any other monarch by personal
and (what we feel most) political ties of hospitality. It is not, however, our
own feelings but nature itself which sets us at variance; we, free ourselves,
are pleading for the liberty of others, but kings will have all subservient and
submissive to their rule. But however this may be, we find ourselves more
embarrassed by respect and regard for the king than by any difficulty in
stating our case, or any likelihood of involving you in a perplexed discussion.
For if you could not honour and reward a monarch who is your friend and
ally, and has done you good service in this very war, otherwise than by
giving up free cities to a state of servitude under him, you would have to
choose one of two alternatives. Either you would have to send away a
friendly monarch unhonoured and unrewarded, or you would have to depart
from your settled policy and sully the glory you have acquired in the war
with Philip by enslaving so many cities. But your good fortune entirely
releases you from the necessity of either stinting your gratitude to a friend or
tarnishing your glory. Through the favour of the gods your triumphal
success is not more glorious than it is rich in results, sufficient to clear you
from what I might call your debt to him. Lycaonia, Pisidia, the Chersonese,
and all the adjacent portions of Europe are at your disposal, and the addition
of any one of these countries would enlarge the king's dominions to many
times their present size; if all were given him they would put him on a level
with the greatest of monarchs. It is then open to you to enrich your allies
with the prizes of war, and at the same time to avoid any departure from
your settled policy, and to bear in mind the reason you alleged for your war
with Philip and your present war with Antiochus, and the course you
pursued after Philip's defeat, the course which we desire and expect you to
take now, not more because you took it then, than because it is the right and
proper course to take. There are various good and sound pretexts for taking
up arms. Some fight to obtain territory, others villages, others fortified
towns, others ports and a strip of sea-coast. You did not covet these things
before you possessed them, nor can you possibly covet them now when the
whole world is beneath your sway. You fought for the honour of your
commonwealth and the renown which you enjoy throughout the whole race
of man, who have long looked upon your sovereignty and your name as only
second to the immortal gods. To gain and acquire these things has been an
arduous task, I am inclined to think it is a harder task to defend them. You
have undertaken to protect from the tyranny of monarchs the liberties of an
ancient people famous for their military reputation, and for all that is
commendable in refinement and learning. Now that the nation has placed
itself as a whole under your protection as clients, it is incumbent on you to
show yourselves its patrons for all time. Those Greek cities which stand on
their ancient soil are in no way more Greek than those colonies which have
gone forth from them into Asia; they have changed their land but not their
character or their blood. We have ventured -each city amongst us -to vie in
dutiful rivalry with our parents and our founders in all honourable and
praiseworthy arts and excellences. You have, most of you, visited the cities
of Greece and Asia: we are at no disadvantage compared with them, except
that we are at a greater distance from you. If the native temperament of the
Massilians could have yielded to the influence of their soil they would have
been long ago barbarised by the wild untamed tribes all round them, but we
are given to understand that they are held in as much honour as though they
were living in the heart of Greece. They have preserved their language, their
dress, their personal habits, but above all, they have maintained their laws
and customs and their open, straightforward character, untainted by any
contact with their neighbours. The Taurus range now forms a frontier of
your empire, and all within that line ought not to appear distant to you.
Wherever your arms have penetrated there should the laws of Rome also
penetrate. Let barbarians, who have always the commands of their masters
for laws, keep their kings to their joy; the Greeks submit to their fate, but
they have the same love of freedom that you have. At one time they too
grasped at empire in their own strength, now they pray that where the seat of
empire, is there it may remain; they count it enough to protect their freedom
with your arms.
"'But,' it may be replied, 'some cities took sides with Antiochus.'
Yes, and others before that with Philip; the Terentines sided with Pyrrhus.
Not to mention others, Carthage remains free, under her own laws. See,
senators, how you are bound by this precedent which you yourselves have
established. You will surely bring yourselves to refuse to the grasping
ambition of Eumenes what you refused to the dictates of a just resentment.
We leave you to judge with what effective and loyal service we Rhodians
assisted you in this late war, and indeed in all the wars which you have ever
waged on those shores. Now that peace is settled we suggest a course such
that, if you approve of it, the whole world will regard the use you make of
your victory as a more striking proof of your greatness than even the
winning it." This speech was felt to be quite befitting to the greatness and
majesty of Rome.
37.55
After
the Rhodians the envoys from Antiochus were called in. They took the usual
line of those who ask for pardon, and, after acknowledging that the king was
in the wrong, implored the senators to let their decision be guided more by
their own clemency than by the fault of the king, for he had suffered
punishment enough, and more than enough. They concluded by begging the
senate to confirm by their authority the peace granted by L. Scipio on the
terms which he had imposed. The senate decided that this peace should
stand, and a few days later it was ratified by order of the Assembly. The
formal treaty was concluded in the Capitol with Antipater, the son of the
king's brother, who was the head of the delegation. After this, audience was
given to other deputations from Asia. They all received the same reply,
namely that the senate, in accordance with ancient usage, would send ten
commissioners to investigate and settle affairs in Asia. The main provisions
of the settlement, however, would be these: All the territory on this side the
Taurus, which had been included within the limits of Antiochus' kingdom,
would be assigned to Eumenes, with the exception of Lycia and Caria, as far
as the Maeander; these were to be annexed to the republic of Rhodes. Of the
other cities in Asia, those which had been tributary to Attalus were to pay
their taxes to Eumenes, those which had paid tax to Antiochus were to be
free from all taxation to a foreign power. The ten commissioners were: Q.
Minucius Rufus, L. Furius Purpurio, Q. Minucius Thermus, Ap. Claudius
Nero, Cneius Cornelius Merula, M. Junius Brutus, L. Aurunculeius, L.
Aemilius Paulus, P. Cornelius Lentulus and P. Aelius Tubero.
37.56
They
received full powers to make what arrangements were necessary on the spot;
the settlement as a whole was determined by the senate. The whole of
Lycaonia, both Phrygias, Mysia, the royal forests, the countries of Lydia and
Ionia with the exception of those towns which were free on the day of the
battle with Antiochus, Magnesia ad Sipylum which was specially named, that
part of Caria called Hydrela which touches the confines of Phrygia, together
with its forts and villages as far as the Maeander and all the towns which
were not free before the war, Telmessus and its camp except what had
belonged to Ptolemy of Telmessus -all these above-mentioned places were
ordered to be given to Eumenes. To the Rhodians were assigned all Lycia
with the exception of Telmessus and the camp and the district which had
belonged to Ptolemy -these were not given to either Eumenes or the
Rhodians. The Rhodians had also that part of Caria which lies south of the
Maeander and faces Rhodes, together with the towns, villages, forts and
lands bordering on Phrygia, exclusive of the towns which had been free
before the battle with Antiochus. The Rhodians expressed their gratitude for
these concessions, and then they introduced the question of the city of Soli in
Cilicia. They explained that this people, in common with themselves, were
originally a colony from Argos, and from this kinship there had always
existed a feeling of brotherhood between them, and they now asked as a
special favour that this city might be exempted from servitude under the
king. The envoys of Antiochus were recalled and the matter was discussed
with them, but they refused to agree to the proposal. Antipater appealed to
the provisions of the treaty and maintained that it was a violation of those
provisions; the Rhodians were trying to secure, not Soli alone, but the whole
of Cilicia, and wanted to transcend the limits of the Taurus. On the Rhodians
being recalled the senate explained how strongly the king's envoy had
opposed the concession, and further assured them that if the Rhodians
thought that the matter touched their honour and dignity the senate would
find an easy way of overcoming the legate's obstinacy. This evoked still more
profuse thanks, but at the same time they said that they were prepared to
give way to the arrogant claims of Antipater rather than afford a pretext for
upsetting the peace. So the status of Soli remained unchanged.
37.57
During
this time, deputies from Massilia brought word that the praetor L. Baebius
whilst on his way to Spain to take up his command had been intercepted by
the Ligurians, a large part of his escort killed and he himself wounded. He
succeeded in escaping with a few followers but without his lictors to
Massilia, where after three days he expired. On receipt of this intelligence the
senate decreed that P. Junius Brutus, who was administering Etruria as
propraetor, should hand over his government and army to whichever of his
lieutenants he decided upon and start at once for Further Spain, which was
to be his province. This decision of the senate and the despatch announcing
it were sent to Etruria by the praetor Sp. Postumius, and Publius Junius set
out for Spain L. Aemilius Paulus, who in after years won a great reputation
by his defeat of Perseus, had been in charge of this province and the previous
year had met with a reverse, but notwithstanding this he raised a force of
irregulars and fought a pitched battle with the Lusitanians. The enemy were
routed, 18,000 were killed, 2300 made prisoners and their camp stormed.
The report of this victory made matters quieter in Spain. On December 13th
of this year the colony of Bononia was founded in pursuance of a senatorial
decree, the three commissioners being L. Valerius Flaccus, M. Atilius
Serranus and L. Valerius Tappo. The colonists numbered 3000; the equites
received each seventy jugera, the other settlers fifty. The land had been taken
from the Boii who had themselves formerly expelled the Etruscans from it.
The censorship this year was an object of ambition with many men
of distinction, and as though it were not important enough in itself to excite
keen competition, it provoked a still more exciting contest of a different
character. The rival candidates were T. Quinctius Flamininus, P. Cornelius
Scipio, L. Valerius Flaccus, M. Porcius Cato, M. Claudius Marcellus and
Manius Acilius Glabrio, the conqueror of Antiochus and the Aetolians at
Thermopylae. The last-named was the popular candidate owing to the fact
that he had had numerous opportunities of distributing largesse and so had
placed a considerable number of men under obligations to him. Many of the
nobility were extremely angry at such preference being shown for a "new
man" and two of the tribunes of the plebs, P. Sempronius Gracchus and C.
Sempronius Rutilus, fixed a day for his impeachment on the charge of
neglecting to carry in his triumphal procession or deposit in the treasury a
large part of the royal treasure and the plunder gathered in the camp of
Antiochus. The evidence given by the staff officers and military tribunes was
conflicting. A conspicuous witness who came forward was M. Cato; the
authority which he had acquired by the uniform tenor of his life was
somewhat impaired by his being a rival candidate for the censorship He gave
evidence to the effect that the gold and silver plate which he had noticed
amongst the royal booty when the camp was taken, he had not seen in the
triumphal procession. At last Glabrio, mainly with the object of creating
odium against him, gave out that he was abandoning his candidature since a
competitor who was as much a "new man" as himself, and therefore the
object of silent indignation amongst the nobility, was defaming him by
perjured evidence.
37.58
The
prosecutors demanded a fine of 100,000 ases. The discussion which ensued
extended over two sittings of the Assembly; at the third, the defendant had
already withdrawn from his candidature, and as the people refused to vote
on the fine the tribunes abandoned all further proceedings. T. Quinctius
Flamininus and M. Claudius Marcellus were elected censors. L. Aemilius
Regillus, who had inflicted the decisive defeat on Antiochus' naval
commander, was received about this time by the senate in the temple of
Apollo outside the City. After hearing his statement of what he had done,
with what large hostile fleets he had engaged and how many of their ships he
had either sunk or captured, the senate unanimously accorded him a naval
triumph. He celebrated his triumph on February 1st, and in the procession
were carried 49 golden crowns, 34,200 Attic tetrachmas and 132,300
"cistophori " -a far less amount of specie than might have been expected in a
triumph over the king. This was followed by public thanksgivings ordered by
the senate for the successful conduct of affairs in Spain by L. Aemilius. Not
long afterwards L. Scipio arrived in the City. Not to be outdone by his
brother Africanus in the matter of surnames, he wanted to be called
"Asiaticus." He enlarged upon his services in the senate and also before the
Assembly. Some people alleged that the war had loomed larger in the
popular view than its real difficulty warranted; it had been brought to a close
in one memorable battle and the glory of that victory had been shorn of its
splendour at Thermopylae. But rightly judged the battle at Thermopylae was
won over the Aetolians much more than over the king, for with what
proportion of his total strength did he fight there? In the battle in Asia the
whole power of Asia was in the field, the massed forces were drawn from
every nation to the furthest limits of the East.
37.59
Deservedly, therefore, was the utmost
possible honour paid to the immortal gods for having made a crushing
victory an easy one also, and a triumph was decreed to the commander. He
celebrated this on the last day of the intercalary month, the day before March
1st. As a spectacle his triumph was a grander one than that of his brother
Africanus, but to anyone who recalls the circumstances and forms an
estimate of the risk incurred in each of the two battles, it can bear no
comparison with it any more than you can compare the two Roman generals
with each other or Antiochus as a strategist with Hannibal. In the procession
were borne 224 military standards, 134 models of towns, 1231 tusks of
ivory, 234 golden crowns, 137,420 pounds of silver, 224,000 Attic
tetrachmas, 331,070 "cistophori," 140,000 gold pieces of Macedonian
coinage, 1424 pounds' weight of chased and embossed silver plate and 1024
pounds of similar articles in gold. Among the prisoners were generals,
prefects, and nobles attached to Antiochus' court, as many as thirty-two of
these were led before the victor's chariot. Each legionary soldier received 25
denarii, each centurion twice and each trooper three times this amount, and
after the triumph they all received double pay and a double ration of corn.
The consul had given them the same allowance after the battle in Asia. His
triumph was celebrated about a year after he had gone out of office.
37.60
The
consul Cn. Manlius landed in Asia and the praetor Q. Fabius Labeo joined
the fleet almost at the same time; the consul, however, did not lack material
for a war, in this case with the Gauls. Through the defeat of Antiochus the
sea had been cleared of the enemy, and Q. Fabius was considering what he
ought to devote himself to so that he might not appear to have received a
province where there was nothing to do. He thought the best thing to do
would be to sail across to Crete. Cydonia was at war with Gortynia and
Gnossus, and it was reported that a large number of Roman and Italian
prisoners were kept in slavery all over the island. Fabius set sail from
Ephesus and as soon as he touched the coast of Crete he sent messengers to
the various cities requiring them to lay down their arms, search out all the
prisoners in their towns and villages and bring them in. They were also to
send representatives to him with whom he could settle matters which
concerned the common interests of Crete and Rome. The Cretans took no
notice of these orders and, with the exception of Gortynia, no city restored
the prisoners. Valerius Antias tells us that as many as 4000 prisoners were
restored out of the whole island, as hostilities were threatened in case of
non-compliance, and he adds that was the sole reason why Fabius, who had
done nothing else whatever, induced the senate to grant him a triumph.
Fabius sailed back to Ephesus and from there despatched three ships to the
coast of Thrace with orders for the withdrawal of Antiochus' garrisons from
Aenos and Maronea in order that these might be free cities.
End of Book 37