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The following account of the town meeting in Boston on the subject of the Treaty, will serve as an explanation to some parts of the preceding Echo.

TOWN-MEETING—ON THE TREATY.

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The commercial Treaty between the United States and the British nation, as agreed to by Mr. Jay, having been made public by Mr. Mason, one of the Senators from Virginia—the citizens of this town, after having perused the same, and finding that the commerce of this country and almost every privilege as a free, sovereign and independent nation had been surrendered to the British, could not refrain from expressing their disapprobation of the instrument. A petition was handed to the Selectmen, signed by a number of respectable and independent citizens, requesting them to call a meeting to know the sentiments of the inhabitants on this important question.

On Friday last the citizens accordingly assembled—consisting of about 1500 persons. The merchants, tradesmen, and other citizens formed the assembly, and after choosing the Hon. Thomas Dawes, for Moderator, they proceeded to consider the subject on which they were called together.

After reading the petition, Dr. Jarvis opened the meeting, by observing that the crisis was important—that the happiness and future tranquillity of this country were in a great measure hazarded on the principles involved in the Treaty—If it was ratified, the commerce of the United States must eventually fall a sacrifice to the embarrassments of the British—That no reciprocity was contemplated in any article, and that it was an insidious plan on the part of the British to injure our allies the French, and might involve this country in a war with that powerful Republic. The Doctor repeatedly paused and called on the citizens to show in


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what instance the United States could be benefited by the adoption?

At length he was answered by Mr. J. Hall, who did not pretend to vindicate any part of the Treaty, but only observed as to the propriety and constitutionality of the town acting on the subject. That we had constituted the respective departments of the government, and that it was our duty to suppose that they had acted from the best evidence before them, for the interest of the United States.

Doctor Jarvis and Mr. J. Blake, junior replied to his objections, by advocating the right of the people, more especially of a town in its corporate capacity, to assemble to express their sentiments on all matters in which their interest was concerned—that by the Constitution this privilege was allowed them and that it was an inherent principle in a free government for the people to exercise this right. He adverted to the calling the people together to approbate the President's proclamation for impartial neutrality, and retorted that those persons who were secretly and openly opposed to this meeting, were some of the very persons who called the town together on that occassion. That if the people then had a right to approbate they now had an equal right to disapprobate; —more especially as a Treaty was an instrument of that nature, that when it was ratified, it could not be set aside by the Legislature, which was the only security the people had in case of legislative acts being disapproved of by them—That there was no doubt but that the opinion of the people on this subject would be agreeable to the President; for as he acted for the general interest, he could not be displeased at their expressing their sentiments on so interesting a question.

Mr. Hall again observed that if that meeting was not altogether unconstitutional, it would at least look like an attempt to controul the doings of the Executive—it would (if he might be allowed the expression) be “unsenatorizing the Senate.”


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Dr. Jarvis in reply, said that the observation of the gentleman was not strictly true—How could the proceedings of this town “unsenatorize the Senate?”—Will not the Senators at the next Congress assemble as usual, notwithstanding the meeting of this town? They were elected by the people, but they could not be broken by them—But, says the Doctor, (with an expression that would have done honour to a Cicero) I fear that if the opinion of that gentleman prevails, it will “unpopularize the people!”

A motion was made to read the Treaty, but it was observed that as it had been so universally read by the citizens, it would be a needless delay of the business. The subject was accordingly considered at large, and most of the articles observed on, and proved to the satisfaction of the audience, that it was ruinous and destructive to the commerce, rights, and interest of this country.

The question was then called for, and put by the Moderator, whether the citizens of the town approved of the Treaty? Not a single hand appeared in favour of it? But when the negative was called for, a cloud of near fifteen hundred hands were displayed in the Hall.

The spirit and order of the meeting was as great as ever appeared on any former interesting subject.

The Hon. Judge Dawes, Judge Tudor, Wm. Cooper, and Dr. Eustis, spoke in terms most unequivocal and decidedly against the Treaty and of the propriety of the meeting. In fact there seemed but one mind on the subject—unanimity prevailed in condemning the Treaty in all its parts. The only question was the right of acting, and this was the objection of but one man. But the people felt themselves degraded in the suggestion, and spurned with a manly indignity, at the revival of a sentiment agitated during our struggles against the arbitrary measures of George the Third.

A committee of fifteen gentlemen were appointed to report the reasons in writing, which led to the disapprobation of the Treaty, viz.—


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Charles Jarvis, Thomas Dawes, William Tudor, Benjamin Austin, jun. William Little, Thomas Walley, William Cooper, Nathaniel Fellows, Samuel Brown, Stephen Gorham, John Sweetser, Perez Morton, William Eustis, George Blake, and Joseph Blake, jun.

The town meeting was accordingly adjourned to Monday (this day) at ten o'clock.

It is requested a general attendance will be given this day, to hear the report of the committee.

MONDAY.

At ten o'clock, agreeably to adjournment, the inhabitants again met at Faneuil Hall, in numbers equal to the meeting of Friday.

Dr. Jarvis observed, the committee thought it improper to proceed upon the Treaty before it was publicly read. He moved the reading of it, which accordingly took place.

After the perusal of the Treaty was over, Dr. Jarvis, in the name of the committee, made a report of the resolutions they had drafted, for the consideration of the town. On motion of Judge Tudor, these resolutions were taken up by paragraphs, in which manner they were severally unanimously adopted.

[The Selectmen conceiving it would be indecorous to suffer a copy to be published before they were laid before the President, we are deprived of the opportunity of laying these important Resolutions before our readers; and a deference to the Selectmen, prevents our giving that partial sketch which memory might enable us to do.]

On motion, it was ordered, that an express be immediately dispatched to the President, by the Selectmen, with the Resolutions which have been passed.

After passing the resolutions, on motion of Mr. Austin, a vote of thanks was passed to Stephens Thomson Mason, one of the Senators from Virginia, for his patriotism in publishing the copy


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of the Treaty, which has enabled us to prevent the impending danger of its ratification.

A vote of thanks passed to the Moderator, and the meeting was dissolved.

The following is the answer of President Washington to the address of the Selectmen of Boston, in pursuance of the directions of the before mentioned Town Meeting.

Gentlemen,

In every act of my administration, I have sought the happiness of my fellow-citizens. My system for the attainment of this object has universally been, to overlook all personal, local and partial considerations; to contemplate the United States as one great whole; to consider that sudden impressions, when erroneous, would yield to candid reflection; and to consult only the substantial and permanent interests of our country.

Nor have I departed from this line of conduct on the occasion which has produced the resolutions contained in your letter of the 13th instant.

Without a predilection for my own judgment, I have weighed with attention every argument which has any time been brought into view. But the Constitution is the guide which I never can abandon. It has assigned to the President the power of making treaties, with the advice and consent of the Senate. It was doubtless supposed that these two branches of government would combine without passion, and with the best means of information, those facts and principles upon which the success of our foreign relations will always depend; that they ought not to substitute for


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their own conviction the opinions of others; or to seek truth through any channel but that of temperate and well-informed investigation.

Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the manner of executing the duty now before me. To the high responsibility attached to it I freely submit; and you, gentlemen, are at liberty to make these sentiments known, as the grounds of my procedure. While I feel the most lively gratitude for the many instances of approbation from my country I can no otherwise deserve it than by obeying the dictates of my conscience.

With due respect,

I am—gentlemen,

Your obedient

GEO. WASHINGTON. United States, 28th July, 1795.