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Richard Edwards, Publisher of Church-and-King Pamphlets and of William Blake by G. E. Bentley, Jr.
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Richard Edwards, Publisher of Church-and-King Pamphlets and of William Blake
G. E. Bentley, Jr.

Richard Edwards was a member of the great book-selling family of Edwards of Halifax whose shops flourished from 1749 to 1826 in both Halifax and London. The founder of the firm, William Edwards (1722-1808), built up a flourishing business in Halifax specializing in second-hand and antiquarian books. He was also a book publisher in a small way, but he was best known as a creator of fine bindings, and the styles of bookbinding he created or perfected are what most connoisseurs associate with the name of Edwards of Halifax.

William Edwards had four sons who entered the bookselling business: James Edwards (1756-1816), the best known and most successful member of the family, whose extraordinarily fashionable bookshop in Pall Mall flourished from 1784 to about 1800, when he retired, rich and contented; John Edwards (1758-92), who was in partnership with his brother James in the Pall Mall shop until his death in Paris in 1792 and about whom very little is known; Thomas Edwards (1762-1834), who kept up the Halifax shop very successfully from his father's death until he retired about 1826; and Richard Edwards (1768-1827), who established a second Edwards bookshop in New Bond Street by 1791, published some ephemeral pamphlets and two important illustrated books, and retired from business into obscurity about 1798, just when his most important books were first reaching the public. He is a minor member of an important book-binding, book-selling and publishing family, a man with few claims upon the attention of posterity—except that about 1794 he commissioned William Blake's 547 extra-ordinary folio illustrations to Edward Young's Night Thoughts and published the first part of the text with forty-three engravings by Blake in 1797. This was by far the largest commission Blake ever received, and it had crucial effects upon his life, his art, and his poetry. It offered him a real possibility of fame and fortune,


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it vitally affected his long manuscript Prophecy called Vala or The Four Zoas (?1796-?1807) written at just this time, and its commercial failure, after Blake had invested in it more time and energy than he could well spare from the work of the world, helped him to determine to leave London and the great world and independence for the seaside village of Felpham and dependence upon one man and obscurity. The man responsible for these effects upon the work and life of the great painter and poet deserves to be better known.

Considering the contemporary fame of his father William Edwards and his brothers James and Thomas Edwards and the tardy fame of his extraordinary edition of Young's Night Thoughts (1797) with William Blake's designs, Richard Edwards remains a surprisingly shadowy figure. Except for his distinguished family and for his one act of publishing genius, surpassing that of any other member of his family and probably of any other commercial publisher of his time, Richard Edwards did very little which warrants the attention of posterity. The interest of his career focuses upon his brief and sensational patronage of William Blake—and upon the contrast of this act with the rest of his life.

Bookseller, and Civil Servant

Richard Edwards, the last of the eight children of William Edwards, was born in Halifax near four o'clock in the morning of 16 March 1768 and baptised by Mr. Ralph at Northgate End Chapel, like the rest of his siblings, on 17 April.[1] He doubtless grew up near and in his father's bookshop, and by the time the name of the firm was expanded to William Edwards and Sons, Booksellers, early in 1780, when he was eleven, his career in the book trade was probably determined. Presumably he helped out in the shop, wrapping parcels and running errands, and he is likely to have worked in the Edwards of Halifax bindery as well.

It may have been about 1789, when he was twenty-one, that Richard Edwards came to London. It seems likely that the young man worked with his brother James at 102 Pall Mall for a time, to learn London ways and to meet London booksellers and bibliophiles. The imprint of Edwards & Sons, Pall Mall or Messrs Edwards, 102 Pall Mall on six publications of 1790-91[2] may imply that the two brothers were acting together as publishers then. It is clear at least that before the end of 1791 Richard "was placed by his father as a Bookseller in [142 New] Bond Street",[3] then as now a very fashionable milieu. His imprint from this address appears on books published from January 1792 through 1798, and he is listed here in Kent's Directory for 1795-97 and in Lowndes's Directory for 1799 but not in that of Kent for 1800. No contemporary reference to the shop by customer or competitor is known.

The best, indeed practically the only, indication of the stock which Richard Edwards offered in his shop is contained in the four-page list of "Books [which] may be had of R. EDWARDS, Bookseller, No. 142, BOND-STREET",


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which was printed integrally with the first edition of De Coetlogon's Human Reason (1792). This also offered in general
☞French Books of Reputation regularly imported.—Foreign Books of Prints, and Antiquities, and Books of History, Science, &c. in all Languages, may be had as above, of the best Editions, and in the most elegant Variety of Bindings.
The forty unpriced works included books in French, Italian, Latin, and Greek, and illustrations of ruins, medals, birds, insects, and voyages.

Perhaps the most striking feature of Richard Edwards's shop-list is "the most elegant Variety of Bindings" in which the works are offered. Presumably many were bound for Richard Edwards, some of them perhaps in Edwards of Halifax style. Certainly he arranged to have books bound in the Edwards of Halifax style, for a set of the ten-volume Description of England and Wales (1770-75) and Young's Night Thoughts (Rivington, Longman, Dilly, Dodsley, Cadell, Otridge, 1787) were bound in Edwards of Halifax Etruscan calf with orange-grey tickets indicating that they were "Sold by / R. Edwards / —N. 142— / NEW BOND STR.t"[4]

This is an ambitious list for a young bookseller in his first year of independent business, but it is not at all in the same class as James Edwards's first Catalogue when he was opening his shop in 1785. And it appears to be the only catalogue of his shop which Richard Edwards ever issued.

On 22 January 1793, when he was twenty-four, "Mr. Edwards, of New Bond-street, [was married] to Miss Chapman, of Exton, co. Rutland." The fact that the ceremony was recorded in The Gentleman's Magazine (LXIII [Feb 1793], 184) among Marriages of Considerable Persons suggests that Richard Edwards was known then at least to the book world and to John Nichols, the editor of The Gentleman's Magazine, if not to the beau monde. No child from the marriage is known, and it seems likely that his wife died young, perhaps in late 1797 or early 1798.

Whatever the cause, Richard Edwards gave up publishing and bookselling some time after June 1798, the latest date in his imprints, when he was thirty. He became instead a civil servant, through the good offices of Earl Spencer, the First Lord of the Admiralty and perhaps the greatest book-collector of his day. Richard Edwards may well have had book dealings with Earl Spencer at 142 New Bond Street; it would be pleasant to think that his contact with Earl Spencer came when he sold him a splendid coloured copy of Young's Night Thoughts (1797)—and pleasanter yet to believe that James or Richard gave the book to Earl Spencer in gratitude for the appointment. It is more likely, however, that the appointment came through James Edwards, who had been crucially important in the formation of Earl Spencer's collection.[5]

Richard Edwards "relinquished business about 1799, on being presented by Earl Spencer to the appointment of Head Registrar of [the Vice Admiralty Court of] Minorca".[3] The island had been captured from Spain in November 1798; the order to the Judge of the High Court of Admiralty to prepare the


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necessary patent for Richard Edwards is dated 1 April 1799; and he sailed for the Mediterranean in June.

According to this Patent, he was constituted

Registrar and Scribe of the Acts, Causes, and Businesses whatsoever . . . in the Vice Admiralty Court within the Island of Minorca . . . together with all and every the Fees, Salaries, Incomes, Regards, Rights, Profits[,] Commodities, Emoluments, [and] appurtenances . . .[6]
—probably his income was derived largely or entirely from Fees rather than from Salaries.

He may not have stayed very long or profitably in the island, for in a document dated 1 August 1799, presumably at Mahon, Minorca,

I Richard Edwards Esq.r do hereby . . . appoint D. Peter Ramis, to be my Deputy as aforesaid, during my pleasure herein only . . . . and to receive all Fees, Emoluments, Salaries, benefits, rights and regards whatsoever unto me belonging, as fully and intirely as if I myself were present . . . for the which Fees, Emoluments, &c the said D. Peter Ramis is and shall be accountable unto me weekly, reserving unto himself . . . one fourth of the whole . . . .[7]
Thus the office of Registrar seems to have been farmed to Richard Edwards, who in turn entered into a share-cropping agreement with Don Pedro Ramis. The dates suggest that Edwards entered into the agreement almost as soon as he reached the island, and he may have left the island within weeks of his landing. At any rate, he can have profitted from the avails of his office for scarcely as long as three years, "till the surrender of that Settlement [on 14 June 1802 under the Peace of Amiens]. Unfortunately his residence in a tropical country brought on a liver complaint, from the effects of which he never recovered."[3] If, as the document above suggests, he was in Minorca only a few weeks, he must have contracted his tropical liver complaint very quickly indeed. When he returned to England, at least by mid-1802, he may well have been broken in health, though he lived another quarter century.

High Elms, from which Richard Edwards was married[8] and in which he lived for several years, was off the St Albans Road, just North of London, at Watford. The house was near St Albans—and it was probably there that his brother James about 1800 "began to enjoy the calm retirement of the country, in the neighbourhood of Old Verulam."[9] It must have been about this time that he inscribed "Richard Edwards High Elms" on the first drawing of each of the great folio volumes of Blake's watercolours to Young's Night Thoughts.

Richard Edwards had retired twice by the time he was thirty-five. He may have had a pension when he retired from government service in ill health, but he must have lived chiefly on his considerable personal fortune. He resided for a number of years at High Elms, but in his will of 12 August 1822 he described himself as "Richard Edwards late of High Elms in the county of Hertford but now residing in the City of Bath Esquire." His persistent liver complaint may have induced him to leave cool, damp England for "Saint Omers in ffrance", where he added codicils to his will on 16 July 1822 and 28


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March 1825 and where he died 10 October 1827 "of chronic inflammation, in his 59th year. . . . He has left a widow and five sons, to lament the loss of a most affectionate husband and father".[3] In his will he left most of his (unspecified) property to his "dearly beloved wife Mary", including the "furniture pictures . . . vases trinkets Jewels China . . . wines books carriage . . . [and] the use of all my Silver plate" plus the use of the house in du Poiroir Street, St. Omer. He directed that £3,000 should go to each of his daughters and his father's gold watch to his eldest son. The rest of the property, evidently controlled by his marriage settlement, was to go to his sons, the interest thereof to "be paid to my said dear wife so long as she shall continue my Widow".[10]

Ephemeral Publishing 1792-96

Richard Edwards of New Bond Street had a hand in—or at least an imprint on the titlepage of[11] —at least thirty-seven publications from 1792 through 1798:

  • Richard Edwards's Publications in Chronological Order
  • 1792
  • 1. Anon., History of the Reign of George the Third 2. Anon., Review of . . . the Parliament of 1784 3. Anon. (Plain Man), Ten Minutes' Caution 4. [William Cooke] Memoris of Hildebrand Freeman 5. [C. E. De Coetlogon] Hints to the People of England 6. [C. E. De Coetlogon] The Nature . . . of Human Reason; also 2nd Edition 7. C. E. De Coetlogon, The Peculiar Advantages of the English Nation 8. Magazin des Savans, I (Jan-May) 9. [Francis Wrangham] Reform: A Farce
  • 1793
  • 10. Anon., A Brief Review of Parliamentary Reformation 11. Anon., Opinions . . . for the Support of Government 12. Anon. (Philo-Patriae), A Letter to a Friend Concerning the Effects of the French Revolution on the People of England 13. L. C. Bigot de Saint-Croix, Histoire de la Conspiration du 10 Aout 1792 14. [E. D. Clarke] A Tour through the South of England 15. ?C. E. De De Coetlogon, A Concise Sketch of the Life and Character of Moses 16. ?C. E. De Coetlogon, Essay on the Nature of True Virtue 17. C. E. De Coetlogon, The Patriot King, and Patriot People 18. [C. E. Coetlogon] Reflections . . . on the Murder of Louis the Sixteenth 19. C. E. De Coetlogon, Ten Sermons 20. Mrs Thomasen Head, The Pious Mother
  • 1794
  • 21. D. Alexander, Treatise on the Croup; also 2nd Edition 22. J. R. Brissot, To his Constituents [Tr Wm Burke, perhaps assisted by his cousin Edmund]
  • 1795
  • 23. Anon., A Collection of . . . Tracts . . . from the Sommers-Collection 24. Anon., Lodowick, 6 vols. 25. [Archibald Cochrane] Earl of Dundonald, A Treatise . . . [on] Agriculture and Chemistry
  • 1796
  • 26. Anon., An Address to both Houses of Parliament, 2nd Edition 27. William Cooke, Conversation: A Didactic Poem 28. [J. Merigot] Views and Ruins in Rome, 2 vols. (1796-98) 29. Joseph Strutt, The Dress and Habits of the People of England, Vol. I 30. [Charles Symmons] Inez, a Tragedy 31. John Vancouver, An Enquiry into . . . Poverty 32. Edward Young, Night Thoughts prospectus
  • 1797
  • 33. [J. Merigot] Views and Ruins in Rome (1796-98) 34. Edward Young, Night Thoughts
  • 1798
  • 35. [J. Merigot] Views and Ruins in Rome (1796-98) 36. A New and General Biographical


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    Dictionary, 15 vols. 37. George Vancouver, A Voyage . . . to the North Pacific Ocean, 3 vols.

For a few of these works, Richard Edwards was merely the co-publisher of a book probably initiated by his prosperous elder brother James (No. 28-29, 34), and in later years he joined a few congeries independent of his brother (No. 24, 36). However, for most of them Richard Edwards acted a remarkably independent rôle: For nine of them he is the only publisher (No. 3-4, 6, 12-13, 22, 25-26), for fourteen more the titlepage says the work was Printed for R. Edwards (No. 2, 5, 7-11, 14, 18, 23, 30-32), and in three more (No. 17, 20, 28), Richard Edwards's name is listed first in a congery, in defiance of the apparent convention that booksellers were named in chronological order of their membership in the City companies. For most of these works, the chief commercial initiative and risk was probably that of Richard Edwards.

This is not to say, of course, that most of these works are of independent or significant importance. An unusually high proportion (fifteen of thirty-seven) appeared anonymously. Seven of Richard Edwards's publications (No. 1, 4, 15-17, 19, 27) are so fugitive that no copy appears to have survived in The British Library, Bodley, the hundreds of North American collections covered by The National Union Catalog, The Eighteenth Century Short Title Catalogue, or anywhere else I have looked. At first, 1792-93, the works he initiated were very modest in size (only five are over one hundred pages) and in price (averaging 2s 3d), and the highest price of a work for which Richard Edwards bore the prime responsibility was £1.5.0, or £1.1.0 for the first part (the only part printed) of Young's Night Thoughts (1797), one of the last works he issued.

Perhaps his first act in the publishing business was to establish his own journal, the Magazin des Savans: or Literary Miscellany, in part to puff his own publications. A proposal was evidently issued in the late Autumn of 1791, to which a correspondent replied on Christmas day in a letter published in the January 1792 number. This first number was probably accompanied by the engraved titlepage indicating that it was "Printed for R. Edwards N.142. New Bond Str.t & Halifax Yorkshe & J. Parsons Paternoster-Row".[12] The editor gave his name as James Merlin, but this may be a pseudonym, perhaps for Richard Edwards.

The editor of the Magazin des Savans had a strong biographical bent and sponsored, if he did not write, the accounts of Dr John Brown, the Duchess of York, the Duke of Argyll, the Earl of Bute, and the King of Sweden. The author of biographical anecdotes of the Duke of Argyll was so "violently indisposed" [in April 1792] that he could not continue the biography in the May number, and this indisposition may have given the restive co-publishers an opportunity to reorganize their somewhat infirm journal. In the June issue there was an abrupt change of publisher and, apparently, of editor. A letter to Literary Correspondents in the June issue announced great improvements in the manner of arrangement and variety of matter, several


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series were abruptly discontinued, the title was altered on the typeset titlepage (probably issued with the June number) to Monthly Register of Literature, or Magazin des Savans, and in Vol. II-III (July 1792-Feb 1793) the Magazin des Savans title was dropped entirely. Coincident with these changes, Richard Edwards, whose name appeared on the engraved titlepage and in the imprint for May 1792, disappeared from the imprint for June 1792 and thereafter, being replaced by J. Owen as publisher in Piccadilly opposite Bond Street. The coincidence of change of style (?and editor) and change of publisher suggests that Richard Edwards was at least closely associated with the editor of the Magazin des Savans, if he was not himself the editor, as well as the publisher, and that the putsch which removed him (or his protégé) as editor drove him from among the publishers as well.

The Magazin des Savans was neither very enterprizing nor very interesting as a journal. From the dedication to Her Royal Highness the Princess Frederica-Charlotta-Ulrica-Carolina, Duchess of York and Albany, Princess Royal of Prussia, &c.&c.&c. to its anecdotal biographies of monarchs and noblemen, it had decidedly aristocratic tendencies. It clearly proposed to teach and inform through its monthly moral essays ("on Moral Honesty", "On Gaming", "on Natural and Political Liberty", "on Pride"), its sections on Antiquities and on Arts and Sciences, and in its historical extracts from foreign and domestic publications, and to delight with anecdotes, engravings, and poetry. One of its poetical correspondents was "W. B.", whom one would like to think was William Blake, then working for Richard's brother James on engravings for Stedman's Surinam, though no verse by him was printed in the Magazin des Savans. The journal's sentiments were benevolent rather than political, as in the constitution proposed for the African colony of Bulam, later published in Wadstrom's generous Essay on Colonization, Part II ([?J. Edwards], 1795). The closest approaches to politics in these first four numbers are in the account of the trial of a Gordon rioter (1780) and a speech by Fox (two pages) balanced by Burke's reply (nine pages). The works seem derivative even by the standards of magazines, with sections in the first four numbers copied from Barrett's History of Bristol, Coxe's Travels, Col. Humphry's life of Putnam, speeches of Burke and Fox, the New York Daily Advertiser, The Times, and the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy (to name only those which are identified explicitly). Despite the French title, which might have alarmed anti-Jacobins, the only explicitly Gallic subject is the two-page list of "New Books just Imported" from France which appears in the last number bearing Richard Edwards's imprint.

It was probably not a very profitable journal, as its brief life and departing publishers may suggest, and today it is very uncommon, no complete run of it having been located.

The first part (24 pp.) of the anonymous History of the Reign of George the Third was published by Richard Edwards and John Parsons with the April number of their Magazin des Savans. Richard Edwards may have been the author of the History, for the publication of the book ceased in April


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1792, after 24 pages, when Edwards lost control of its vehicle of publication.

Almost all Richard Edwards's publications advertise their Church and King fervour. In his most prolific years, 1792 and 1793, when he published nineteen works, Richard Edwards gave no author on the titlepages of eleven of them, and eight were by the vocal royalist Charles Edward De Coetlogon. It seems at least possible that one or more of the anonymous works is by Richard Edwards. Among the works which he initiated or was a prime mover in, only Merigot's Views and Ruins in Rome (1796-98) and Young's Night Thoughts (1797) are works worthy of much remark.

A few details about Richard Edwards may be gleaned from these works. He was probably a private friend of his chief author, Charles Edward De Coetlogon, and he seems to have been one ("R. E.") of the "small circle of [five] friends" who signed the dedication to De Coetlogon's Human Reason (1792), along with Charles De Coetlogon himself ("C. D."). He was evidently the editor or author of several of his own publications, such as the Magazin des Savans (Jan-May 1792), History of the Reign of George the Third (1792), Tracts . . . from the Sommers-Collection (1795), Merigot's Rome (1796-98), and Young's Night Thoughts (1797), and he probably entered into his publications in this respect more extensively than any other member of his family. He was evidently on friendly terms with others of his authors besides De Coetlogon, and Vancouver wrote the Advertisement to his Enquiry into . . . Poverty (1796) in his shop. Young E. D. Clarke was in such a hurry to publish his Tour (1793) that he did not read the proofs for it—presumably Richard Edwards did so for him.

Richard Edwards doubtless had his share of difficulties with his authors and books. De Coetlogon "hoped the Booksellers will wa[i]ve their usual profits" in sales of his Patriot King (1793) for the benefit of the exiled French clergy, and most copies of Clarke's Tour (1793) were "destroyed or lost", evidently at the instigation of their embarrassed author.

Most of these works are, of course, remarkably fugitive. Doubtless they were of sufficient interest to contemporaries to return the publisher's investment on most of them but scarcely justifying another edition or the attention of posterity. A few of Richard Edwards's publications were in the public domain, such as Mrs Head, The Pious Mother (1650, 1793), Tracts . . . from the Sommers-Collection (1795), Strutt, Dress . . . of England, I (1796), and Young's Night Thoughts (1742, 1797), but most originated with Richard Edwards. Only three achieved popularity sufficiently rapidly to justify a second edition by Richard Edwards—Alexander, Croup (two editions, 1794), [De Coetlogon] Human Reason (two editions, 1792), and Anon., Address to both Houses of Parliament (2nd Edition, 1796)—but several were later reprinted by other publishers: Anon., Ten Minutes Caution (1792), Bigot de Saint Croix, Histoire de la Conspiration (1793), Cooke, Conversation (1796), Strutt, Dress, Vol. I (1796), [Symmons] Inez (1796), [Merigot] Views and Ruins in Rome (1796-98), Vancouver, Voyage (1798), and Young's Night Thoughts (1797). In the last list, the works of importance are Strutt's Dress, Merigot's Rome,


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Vancouver's Voyage, and Young's Night Thoughts, and of these Richard played an important rôle only in Merigot and Young.

It is a small list, rather narrowly focused on politics, history, and religion, but there are a few publications of a more liberal or practical interest. Richard Edwards's commercial independence as a publisher is noteworthy. He published fifteen works entirely by himself, and he called on the assistance of other publishers for only ten. Further, he never published with the same group twice.

In all, Richard Edwards had twenty-three co-publishers for the works he initiated, but with fifteen of these he was associated only once, and six of them (including Edwards of Halifax) were provincial booksellers. He appeared twice or more with only eight of them, but these were the most distinguished in the list, including Debrett (four times), James Edwards (four), Edwards of Halifax (two), Egerton (two), Rivington (four), Robinson (two), and White (three). It is striking that he only cooperated in publishing with his brother James in 1796-98, after he had finished his apprenticeship, as it were, in the second half of his publishing career, and that these are among the more respectable and non-political of his publications. Richard Edwards was not often associated with distinguished publishers, but during the latter part of his career he was in better company.

Richard Edwards had comparatively slight interest in the appearance of his volumes during most of his career. In the majority of them the typography and presswork are, at best, indifferent, and in only six of 1793-1797 is the identity of the printer even recorded: No. 13 ([John Lane] At the Minerva Press), No. 20 (J. Brook of Huddersfield), No. 22 (Sampson Low), No. 27 (J. Nichols), No. 29 (At the Philanthropic Reform), and No. 30 (R. Noble). Of these, Richard Edwards probably had little to do with the production of No. 20, 22, 27; Sampson Low is a distinctly humble practitioner of his art and mystery; and the Minerva Press was notorious for the intellectual and typographical slovenliness of its publications. Of the works for which Richard Edwards bore a prime responsibility, only Merigot's Rome (1796-98) and Young's Night Thoughts (1797) are ambitious or distinguished in appearance.

Not only were Richard Edwards's publications not elegant in appearance; most of them were not even illustrated. Only six works which he originated had plates, and most of these were negligible: Magazin des Savans, I (1792): 11 plates, mostly technical—portraits and music—rather than beautiful; Wrangham, Reform (1792): 1 plate, a learned joke; De Coetlogon, Reflections . . . on the Murder of Louis the Sixteenth (1793): a sentimental frontispiece; Clarke, Tour (1793): 11 aquatints, mostly unsigned; Merigot, Views and Ruins in Rome (1796-98): 62 handsome and ambitious aquatints; Young, Night Thoughts (1797): 43 plates designed and engraved by William Blake.

Only in the last years of his publishing career was Richard Edwards much concerned with the elegance or beauty of his publications, and it is chiefly for these that he should be remembered.


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The Great Illustrated-Book Publisher: Merigot's Rome (1796-98)

The first ambitious and illustrated work on which Richard Edwards's name as publisher appeared was A Select Collection of Views and Ruins in Rome and Its Vicinity Executed from Drawings Made Upon the Spot in the Year 1791.[13] The work was probably issued in fifteen parts each containing four plates and a sheet of letterpress. The drawings appear to be by Vien, but most of the commercial enterprise and labour were J. Merigot's who aquatinted and published the plates. The first twelve engravings, dated 1 March 1796, bear only Merigot's name as publisher, but after this brave start, enough for three numbers, there was a seven-month pause. Probably Merigot, like other ambitious engravers such as William Blake, had discovered that his time, talent, and modest financial resources did not permit him to act effectively as publisher at the same time that he was actively producing his books for sale. To make the work commercially successful, he had to bring in someone with capital and publishing experience, and Richard Edwards, who apparently expected to publish the first part of Young's Night Thoughts in June 1796 (the date on half the plates), may have been eager to participate in such an ambitious undertaking. The risk to himself must have been comparatively slight, since Merigot was providing designs and engravings, the raison d'être of the book, and the chief additional expenses for a single part were for setting a sheet of text and buying paper on which to print plates and text. Probably after the Spring of 1796, Merigot provided the engraved copperplates for his Views and Ruins in Rome and Richard Edwards (and later others) paid for paper, setting the text, printing, paper covers, sewing, labels, warehousing, advertising, and selling the work in parts—a total probably considerably less than Merigot's fair wages as an engraver.

Four more numbers, bearing the imprint on the plates of J. Merigot & R. Edwards, were issued in October (No. 4-5), December 1796 (No. 6), and February 1797 (No. 7-9). Perhaps the titlepage to the first Part of the work, dated 1797, appeared with No. 7.[14]

There was then a long hiatus of just over a year, during which Edwards must have been busy with the Night Thoughts again. His integral Advertisement to the Night Thoughts is dated 22 December 1796, and the rest of its plates with imprints after June 1796 are dated in January, March, and June 1797. It was only after the first part of the Night Thoughts was published in November 1797 that work seems to have begun again on Merigot's Rome.

There was a renewed burst of activity with Merigot's book in the Winter and Spring of 1798; No. 8-10 were published in February, No. 11-13 in March, No. 14 in April, and No. 15, the last for Part I and probably with its half-title, in June 1798.

On the completion of Part I of Merigot's Rome, with its sixty-two large, handsome plates, Richard Edwards's connection with the work apparently terminated. Indeed, it may have finished a little before then, for the undated engraved half-title, probably issued with No. 15, bears the imprint only of J. Hearne, who has no other known connection with Part I. By then Robinsons


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and White, who with Richard and James Edwards had published the Part I title-page dated 1797, were probably in control, perhaps having bought Merigot's share in the work (on condition that Merigot continue to make the aquatints at piece-rates). Richard Edwards may have divided his share with his brother James, who also appears on the 1797 Part I titlepage. When James Edwards went out of business about 1799, his share of Merigot's book went to his successor R. H. Evans of Pall Mall, and that of Richard went to James Edwards's old friend Faulder. The Part II titlepage of [?June] 1799 thus bears the imprint of Robinsons and White (as in the Part I 1797 title-page) and of Faulder and Evans (in place of Richard and James Edwards). The new consortium obviously found the work profitable, for it was repeatedly reprinted on paper watermarked 1806, 1815, 1818, and 1821-24 with various misleading undated titlepages, one of which carried the name of Richard Edwards long after he had gone out of business. Merigot's Rome was regarded as a vendible asset also in the Edwards family, for Thomas Edwards offered three copies in his 1815 catalogue, four in that of 1818, and four (including "the Original Drawings") in that of 1826.

Richard Edwards's recorded connection with Merigot's book was entirely creditable, and it is likely to have been profitable as well—at least it must have been profitable to his successors, who reprinted it repeatedly. It seems likely, therefore, that Richard Edwards's termination of his part in the enterprise came about simply because he was leaving business. His motives probably did not include dissatisfaction with his share in Merigot's book. It may have been that Earl Spencer owed James Edwards a favour for his part in the acquisition for Lord Spencer of County Reviezki's library, and Richard Edwards profited from it.

Young's Night Thoughts (1797)

Richard Edwards was in 1794 a publisher of very modest ambition and accomplishment. He had published only one work costing more than 3s (Clarke's Tour at 10s 6d) and only two works with more than two plates or 250 pages (Magazin des Savans and Clarke's Tour, each with eleven plates). Most of his works were conservative political and religious pamphlets of little note except to their authors and publisher.

However, great changes were in the air in 1794. The standards of British typography, book design, and binding had made enormous strides in the previous three decades and now rivalled those of France and Holland and Italy. In particular, book illustration had been radically transformed by Alderman Boydell's great Shakespeare Gallery (1786-1805) and by his chief rivals, Macklin's Poets' Gallery (1788 ff) and Bible (1791-1800), and Bowyer's Historic Gallery (1792-1806) of illustrations to Hume's History of England. These great undertakings, costing tens of thousands of pounds apiece, involved most of the great English painters of the day, with commissions of up to £1,000 for a single painting, all the great line engravers in England, who were paid up to £800 for a single folio plate, and the best printers such as


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Bensley and Bulmer. Type, ink, and printing houses were created for the purpose. Each publisher had a fashionable Gallery to which the public flocked to see the annual exhibitions of specially commissioned huge paintings, and each sustained public interest by issuing their works in parts over more than a decade, at a cost to the subscriber of up to £105 (for Boydell's Shakspeare).

There were a number of illustrious illustrated folio publications which grew up in the shadows of these giants, such as Boydell's Milton (3 vols., 1794-97), his edition of Farington's History of the River Thames (1794, 1796), and Thornton's Flora (1797-1807), but they were only seriously rivalled by one other British illustrated literary work, and that was the edition of Young's Night Thoughts undertaken by the twenty-six-year-old publisher of cautious commonplaces, Richard Edwards. There was a striking incongruity both between Richard Edwards's previous publications and his public obscurity as compared to those of the titans whom he was challenging, and between the craftsman of genius whom he commissioned to make all his designs and all his engravings, William Blake, as compared to the scores of famous Royal Academy painters and engravers employed to illustrate Bowyer's Hume, Boydell's Shakspeare, and Macklin's Bible.

William Blake was an extraordinary choice for such a Church-and-King publisher as Richard Edwards. For one thing, Blake made his living as an obscure engraver of other men's designs—he was not and could not be a Royal Academician. Before the Night Thoughts was published in 1797, he had signed his name to only twelve designs for four commercially published books,[15] and of the most ambitious and recent of these, a translation of Burger's Leonora (1796) rivalling that published by James Edwards, a caustic reviewer remarked that the figures represented "distorted, absurd, and impossible monsters", exemplifying "the depraved fancy of one man of genius, which substitutes deformity and extravagance for force and expression, and draws . . . imaginary beings, which neither can nor ought to exist."[16]

For another thing, Blake was a political and religious radical who wore the white cap of liberty openly in the streets of London, who deplored the unimaginative singularity of "One King, one God, one Law",[17] and who was in fact tried for sedition in 1804. It is difficult to believe that William Blake and Richard Edwards had much in common politically, religiously, morally, or socially.

Finally, even as an engraver Blake was not widely admired or even known in 1794, though he was then thirty-seven and near the height of his power as a line-engraver. Before 1794, he had made engravings for about thirty commercial books issued by six different booksellers (eleven of them published by Joseph Johnson), but very few were in folio size, he had received no commission for an engraving, much less for a design, for the great Galleries of Boydell,[18] Macklin, and Bowyer, and he had never been named with honour as an engraver in a review. Indeed, though he had illustrated his own works profusely, he had never made a substantial series of designs for a


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major literary work.[19] It is, therefore, not easy to see what drew William Blake and Richard Edwards together.

They did, however, have a number of interests in common. Both were artists and craftsmen who specialized in copying work by other men to decorate books. Blake's chief commercial patron before 1795 was Joseph Johnson, who was a good friend and commercial colleague of James Edwards, and in 1792 and 1793 Blake was engraving sixteen or more plates for J. G. Stedman's Expedition to Surinam which was published by Joseph Johnson and James Edwards. Further, Blake was particularly intimate during these years with Henry Fuseli,[20] who was a close friend of both Joseph Johnson and James Edwards, and whose ambitious edition of Milton, with plates by (inter alia) William Blake, was announced by Johnson and Edwards in 1791. It would not be at all surprising if Blake were known to Richard Edwards through Henry Fuseli, with whom Richard Edwards must have been acquainted because of his brother, or through Joseph Johnson, with whom he published books in 1794 and later, or through James Edwards—or through all three. Whatever the origin of the connection of the two men, it resulted in the most ambitious commercial work either ever undertook, one which rivalled the very greatest illustrated literary works of that time, or almost any other, in England, those published by Boydell, Macklin, and Bowyer.

We may be able to guess a little more confidently at the reasons why Young's Night Thoughts was chosen as the vehicle of their collaboration. Beyond the motives given by Edwards in his integral advertisement, we may remark that Charles Edward De Coetlogon, for whom Edwards had published eight books in 1792-93, had also published an illustrated edition of Young's Night Thoughts (London: Chapman, 1793). It seems extremely likely that Edwards was aware of this edition and was influenced by it and by De Coetlogon to commission illustrations to Young's Night Thoughts himself.

Another incentive for the project was probably Richard Edwards's acquisition of a set of first and early editions of the nine parts of Night Thoughts (1742-45), "the Author's own copy"[21] with "The Author's signature" on "the blank leaf".[22] The first intention may have been merely to make an elaborately extra-illustrated copy.[23] If an engraved edition had originally been in contemplation, it is unlikely that they would have used the uniquely valuable author's copy as their text, with all the necessary hazards from an engraver's inky fingers. Further, there would have been little point in making hundreds of extra designs, far more than could ever be published, or in colouring the ink outlines elaborately. But such colouring and such profusion would be perfectly appropriate for an extra-illustrated work. A little later James Edwards's good customer Richard Bull added thousands of extra-illustrations to the Macklin Bible (1791-1800) for his daughter Elizabeth,[24] and John Gray Bell added some ten thousand designs to another set of the same work.[25] Blake himself made a series of 116 watercolours in 1797 in illustration of Gray's Poems (1790) for his good friend John Flaxman—and the method of mounting


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the text leaves in larger leaves for the designs is just like that used by Edwards for Young's Night Thoughts. It may not have been until the Night Thoughts were well under way that publication of them was thought of.

The beginning of the project was probably in 1794. Thomas Edwards, who later offered the watercolours for sale, wrote that Blake "was employed for more than two years" on the drawings,[26] presumably before the book was published in November 1797 and probably before the first plates were dated in June 1796. Each text leaf—over 260 of them—was laid in a window cut into 1794 / J Whatman paper, c. 12” X 16”, for Blake's watercolours, and, probably after the watercolours were completed, these in turn were set into windows of yet larger Imperial folio leaves with an ornamental ruled border round the design-leaf. The pages were consecutively numbered in brown ink, lines to be illustrated were ticked (sometimes two per page) in the margin in pencil by Edwards (or Blake),[27] and Blake set to work with extraordinary energy, making an average of five designs every week for over two years. When Blake had finished the 537 huge watercolours surrounding the text on each side of the leaf, two splendid separate designs were removed from their places in the sequence to form frontispieces (see Pl. 1 here), and the designs were sumptuously bound by Benedict in red morocco "extra", with the leaves gilt. After Richard Edwards had returned from Minorca in 1802, he wrote in each volume "Richard Edwards High Elms", the name of the house he seems to have shared with his brother James.

Blake asked £105 but was paid £21 for his work, or about 9d for each design. This is indeed a "despicably low" price, as J. T. Smith called it[28] —Blake was paid a guinea a design by his faithful patron Thomas Butts in 1799—but it is at least possible that Blake exceeded his commission in the number of drawings he produced. It seems unlikely that Richard Edwards and Blake would have begun on such an heroic scale, and Blake, as the more impetuous of the two, may well have been carried away by his enthusiasm for Young while Richard Edwards stuck to his original bargain for payment. Blake may also have been looking forward to the commission for the engravings. That Blake did not regard himself as ill-used is indicated by the fact that he went on to make engravings for Richard Edwards—and he did not grumble about Edwards in his letters and Notebook as he did about other patrons of the time such as Joseph Johnson, William Hayley, and R. H. Cromek.

The drawings themselves are astonishing (see Pl. 1). As Thomas Edwards wrote enthusiastically in 1826:

It would be difficult, if not impossible, to convey to those at a distance and who have not seen this magnificent Work, an adequate, or even a faint idea of the singular nature of these most extraordinary and sublime conceptions of our Artist . . . . To embody . . . and give it [Young's poem] a visible form and reality, required the skill of a great Artist, and the poetic feeling of the original author combined. . . . It may truly be averred, that a more extraordinary, original, and sublime production of art has seldom, if ever, been witnessed since the days of the celebrated Mich. Agnolo, whose grandeur and elevation of style it greatly resembles, and this alone, if he had left no


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other work of merit, would be sufficient to immortalise his name, and transmit it to posterity, as that of an Artist of the very highest order. This was the late Mr. Fuseli's opinion.[29]

Young's meditative poem was, of course, one of the most popular in an age fascinated by death, but it had not previously been illustrated in an important series of designs. Indeed, before Blake's were published in 1797, the only significant illustrations of it were those by his friend Thomas Stothard, conceived after Blake had begun his series and was well through his engravings, and published in 1798. Blake's series remains not only the greatest suite of designs for Young's poem but the only important one ever undertaken. It is also one of the great series illustrating any author.

The watercolours were enormously important for Blake in a number of ways. For one thing, they formed the largest commission in terms of number of drawings he had received—or for that matter was ever to receive. For another, he used in them ideas already mooted in his own works in Illuminated Printing and drew on them in many of his later works.[30] For another, his most ambitious Prophecy, Vala or The Four Zoas, over four thousand lines, was written at just this time (?1794-?1807), and its subtitle, "A Dream of Nine Nights", indicates its structural relation to the nine Nights of Young's poem. (Much of Vala was written on proofs for the Night Thoughts engravings.) For another, the Night Thoughts watercolours must have occupied his time to the exclusion of more profitable labour, and it is notable that his own publications in Illuminated Printing cease in 1795, not to be resumed until 1804 or later. His commissions from other booksellers had resulted in an average of seventeen plates a year for books dated 1790-93, but in 1794-96 they averaged just five. And the watercolours were probably the occasion for one of his most extraordinary experiences: As he told Thomas Phillips, who was painting his portrait in 1807:

I was one day reading Young's Night Thoughts, and when I came to that passage which asks "who can paint an angel," I closed the book and cried, "Aye! Who can paint an angel?"

A voice in the room answered, "Michael Angelo could."

"And how do you know?", I said, looking round me, but I saw nothing save a greater light than usual.

"I know," said the voice, "for I sat to him; I am the arch-angel Gabriel."

"Oho!" I answered, "you are, are you: I must have better assurance than that of a wandering voice; you may be an evil spirit—there are such in the land."

"You shall have good assurance," said the voice, "can an evil spirit do this?"

I looked whence the voice came, and was then aware of a shining shape, with bright wings, who diffused much light. As I looked, the shape dilated more and more: he waved his hands; the roof of my study opened; he ascended into the heaven; he stood in the sun, and beckoning to me, moved the universe. An angel of evil could not have done that—it was the arch-angel Gabriel.[31]

We do not know when Edwards commissioned Blake to engrave his designs for the Night Thoughts or what the terms of the agreement were. It seems likely that their agreement was a cooperative one, Blake to provide designs and engraved copperplates, Edwards to pay for setting the text in


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type, for paper, printing text and then designs (on the same leaves), labels, collation, putting the leaves in wrappers, stitching, warehousing, and advertising—though there was precious little advertising. Such agreements were not uncommon then or later. On 18 October 1795 Alderman Boydell "recommended to Northcote to join with some engraver and share profit & loss [of Northcote's ten designs of 'The Progress of Virtue and Vice'] with him as the only way of proceeding now.—Northcote talked of exhibiting them."[32] Joseph Farington, who reports this proposal, had a similar arrangement with Boydell for his History of the River Thames (1794 [i.e., 1796]), paying the mere author of the text (William Combe) on a daily basis—which, as it happens, ate up all the profits. Farington reported on 18 July 1800 that his friend the artist Robert Smirke was going to ask the engraver William Daniell to "execute the Aqua Tinta part of the Plates He proposes to do of subjects from Tom Jones.—I thought it wd. be a good plan & that He might offer William Daniell a fourth of the property for his trouble."[32] James Edwards's collaborators E. & S. Harding were engravers who organized books of views or portraits and then persuaded publishers to share the expenses of publishing with them. William Hodges had such an arrangement for his Select Views in India (1794) and Travels in India (1793) published by James Edwards, which Richard Edwards is very likely to have known about, and Blake's own engravings for Job (1826) and Dante (1824 ff.) were published on a cost-sharing arrangement with John Linnell—though Blake was paid first, and the profits did not materialize until long after his death. Indeed, Richard Edwards's arrangement with the engraver Merigot for his Select Collection of Views and Ruins in Rome and Its Vicinity (1796-98) is very likely to have required Merigot to provide designs and engravings and Richard Edwards to pay the other expenses.

Such an arrangement would explain a number of anomalies in the Night Thoughts (1797). For one thing, there is no reference at all on the titlepage to engravings, which to posterity seem the very raison d'être of the edition, and there seem to have been fewer copies of the "Explanation of the Engravings" printed than of the rest of the work—or at any rate some copies lack it. This is what one would expect if the work were to be issued both with and without the engravings—and at least one copy has survived without engravings.[33] Perhaps the arrangement was that Richard Edwards should sell the unillustrated state, for which he had paid all the expenses, and that either the profits or the copies of the illustrated state should be shared with Blake. As a sharer of the risk, Blake would thus have no more cause to repine at the lack of profit than Edwards. Both had, in any case, expected to be rewarded chiefly in fame—and neither lived to see this expectation realized. Yet another indication that responsibility for the text was peculiarly Richard Edwards's may be seen in the fact that one copy was printed on vellum, as in a number of James Edwards's publications, and that it lacks the illustrations (Sotheby, 27-30 June 1906, lot 685).

For another thing, Edwards says emphatically in his integral Advertisement that "he has shrunk from no expence in the preparing" of "the present


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edition". If, as seems likely to me, this statement applies to the printed text but not to the cost of the engravings, it might not be much of an exaggeration—though in excluding the plates it is somewhat disingenuous. Lack of advertising and faulty register and collation aside, this is in most respects a sumptuously and expensively produced publication on the best folio paper, with generous margins, handsomely printed by Noble. If, on the other hand, the statement applies to engravings as well as to text, it leans on the far side of hyperbole to prevarication. Neither the £21 of which we know nor any other plausible payment to Blake is likely to have provided him with fair engraver's wages for his extraordinarily extensive labour.

Blake eventually made forty-three engravings (see Pl. 2)—and expected to make about 107 more. At a very modest £5.5.0 each for these outline folio plates,[34] he should have expected £225.15.0 for those he engraved (plus the cost of the copper). It is exceedingly unlikely that Richard Edwards's expenses for the rest of the work came to anything like this total. "All expenses" for seventy-seven and a half sheets of Clarke's Tour (1793) cost Richard Edwards and his co-publisher £140, perhaps excluding the expenses of the eleven aquatints, while there were only twelve and a half sheets of text in Night Thoughts plus one of separate engravings. It is true that thirty-nine pages had to be printed twice, once with text and once with engravings, and that printing from engravings costs a good deal more than printing from type—but printing a short run, say 250 copies, was likely to be one of the smallest expenses of a book, much less than for paper, composing the text—or engravings. The speculator whose investment was heaviest in Young's Night Thoughts (1797) was probably William Blake, and his risk and eventual loss in cash and fame were probably a good deal larger than those of Richard Edwards.

When the decision was made to publish some of Blake's Night Thoughts designs, the watercolours in the first four Nights (only) were examined to mark which should be "Engraved".[35] Since the box in which the text appeared in both the watercolour and the 1797 edition was slightly closer to the inner margin than to the outer, Blake had to know, before he began his engravings, whether a design appearing on (say) a recto in the watercolours would be on a recto or a verso in the new printed version; if it were to be on a verso, the design would have to be reversed in the engraving (as happened ten times). The text had to be very carefully estimated (cast off) to determine how many pages there would be and where each page of the text would end, and, probably then, the selected watercolours were inscribed "[To be] Engraved" or "[To be] Engraved reversed".[36] (This casting off was fallible, for the engraved designs on pp. 25, 40, and 63 illustrate text on the previous pages. It may have been such a defect in casting off which caused the omission in 1797 of the last 58 lines of text for Night II, including the text for the engraving on p. 41.) Many but not all the designs published in 1797 are thus marked, and two (No. 63 and 107) so marked among the watercolours were not engraved. There was similar confusion with the text printed in 1797, for


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pp. 20 and 61 there have asterisks identifying a line illustrated, but no engraving appeared for that line.

There are a number of major differences between the folio engravings for Young's Night Thoughts and those for Boydell's Shakspeare, Macklin's Bible, and Bowyer's Hume. For one thing, all the Night Thoughts plates were designed by the same artist, all were copied (and sometimes altered) by the same engraver, and the artist and engraver were the same man. For another, the designs were integral with the text, printed on the same pages, not scattered penuriously on separate leaves. For another, a far higher proportion of text is illustrated in Young's Night Thoughts (1797) than in any of its rivals. For another, Boydell's, Macklin's, and Bowyer's plates were highly finished engravings—or at least they were advertised as such—whereas Blake's were outline engravings only (though they were not advertised as such). A highly finished folio plate took months or even years to engrave—Blake's for Hogarth was two years in progress—and it would have been quite impossible for Blake to give high finish to the forty-three plates published in 1797, not to mention the 150-200 intended for all nine Nights, within the time that a bookseller could afford to wait.

A special advantage of outline rather than highly finished engravings was that they could be more easily and effectively hand-coloured, and such colouring may have been part of the original intention (as E. J. Ellis, The Real Blake [1907], 83, suggests). Certainly Blake did colour a number of copies of the published edition (see below), though he very rarely did so for his other commercial book illustrations[37] —many of which are highly finished engravings. Perhaps the plan was always for Blake to be given copies of the Night Thoughts to colour, as part of his share of the profits of the work. The colouring of these engravings, creating a luminous beauty like that of the watercolours, adds an aesthetic dimension to the Night Thoughts never contemplated by Boydell, Macklin, and Bowyer and makes Blake's coloured Night Thoughts plates rarer, more extraordinary, more valuable, and more beautiful than the works of his more expensive and famous rivals.

Boydell and his great competitors had to coordinate the work of painter, engraver, and proof-printer. Blake worked far more efficiently and expeditiously by doing all this work himself; the artist never had to wait for the engraver to take the plate to a proof-printer, for he pulled the proofs himself. Seventy-one proofs for Night Thoughts have survived, including three or four of some plates, revealing extraordinary and important changes in the engravings, and almost certainly there were more proofs. The savings in time and money achieved by having the artist take his own proofs were probably important. And probably most important of all, they mean that the same hand and imagination were responsible for all the preliminary stages of the engravings. Indeed, it is even possible that Blake printed the finished engravings in commercial quantities himself, as he did the quarto plates for Hayley's Life . . . of William Cowper (1803-04). If so, his earnings thus may have been substantial. At the standard rate of 6s per hundred pulls, the cost of printing two hundred and fifty copies each of forty-three plates would


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have been £32.5.0, a sum equal to perhaps six months income for the Blakes in some years.

The best way to encourage patrons to subscribe to such an edition was to let them see specimens, and Boydell had his Shakspeare Gallery, Macklin his Poets' Gallery, and Bowyer his Historic Gallery[38] to display their designs to be engraved—though they never had so many as 537 unpublished designs to show at once. It was probably for this purpose that a copy was made of one of the Night Thoughts designs on vellum,[39] perhaps to exhibit at the shop of James Edwards in Pall Mall or of Robert Bowyer in Pall Mall, where "Specimens may be seen". Presumably the original watercolours themselves were to be seen in the shop of Richard Edwards in Old Bond Street, and it would not be surprising if some of the watercolours were put on display at the Royal Academy Library, as Blake's designs for Blair's Grave apparently were in 1805.[40] At any rate, they were seen by a surprising number of Royal Academicians.

Evidently it was at first expected that the Night Thoughts would be published in June 1796, and 71% of the plates with imprints bear the date of 27 June 1796. The chief known advertisement for the work is a little flyer which probably appeared early in the year:


EARLY in JUNE will be published, by subscription, part the first of a splendid edition of this favorite work, elegantly printed, and illustrated with forty very spirited engravings from original drawings by blake.

These engravings are in a perfectly new style of decoration, surrounding the text which they are designed to elucidate.

The work is printed in atlas-sized quarto, and the subscription for the whole, making four parts, with one hundred and fifty engravings, is five guineas;—one to be paid at the time of subscribing, and one on the delivery of each part.—The price will be considerably advanced to non-subscribers.

Specimens may be seen at edwards's, No 142, New Bond-Street; at Mr. edwards's, Pall Mall; and at the historic gallery, Pall-Mall; where subscriptions are received.[41]

The Prospectus promised four Parts with 150 engravings in all. While at first it may seem surprising that the first Part should have contained four of the nine Nights, the text for these four Nights forms only a little more (28.7%) than 25% of the whole work anticipated in the Prospectus. In the 1797 text, eighty-eight pages of text have thirty-nine engravings (44% of the text-pages have illustrations), plus eight pages of new preliminaries and four frontispieces. These eighty-eight pages represent 61% of the 144 pages of Nights I-IV in the 1740s editions which they were copying. It seems plausible to expect that these proportions would have been maintained in successive Parts of the Edwards edition of Night Thoughts.

By extrapolating from these proportions, we may calculate that the four Parts of the Edwards edition of Night Thoughts would probably have been formed as follows:


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Part  Nights  Preliminaries  Pages of text  Percentage of pages  Plates  Frontispieces 
One  I-IV  88  28.7%  39 
Two  V-VI  69  19%  30 
Three  VII-VIII  85  28.3%  37 
Four  IX  73  23.5%  32 
14  315  99.5%  138 
(Edwards omitted the two extra pages of Preliminaries in the original Night I and presumably therefore would have omitted the two extra in Night V, the four extra in Night VI, and the six extra in Night VII.)

This would have given a total of 332 pages (including one blank page at the end of Parts Two through Four) and 147 plates, totals which are in reasonable conformity to the Prospectus advertisement for "four parts, with one hundred fifty engravings".

Notice also that the Prospectus says that the engravings are "to elucidate" Young's poem, not merely to embellish it; this is indeed an ambitious claim. Finally, notice the extraordinarily modest cost of the undertaking: £5.5.0 for 150 large engravings and about thirty sheets of text. Boydell's Shakspeare, Macklin's Bible, and Bowyer's edition of Hume's History of England cost far more than this, up to £105 for Shakspeare, with far fewer plates, though they had much more text (eleven volumes for Shakspeare) and highly finished engravings rather than just outlines. The 1797 Night Thoughts was an extraordinary bargain for those with guineas to spare.

However, few book-lovers had guineas to spare just then. Blake's acquaintance the engraver Abraham Raimbach lamented "the abject and almost expiring state to which the fine arts had been reduced" about 1796; "Everything connected with them was, of course, at the lowest ebb".[42] The English war with France had not only cut off the crucial export trade in illustrated books but had caused inflation and a general calling in of credit. The Night Thoughts was advertised and published at a time peculiarly difficult for the arts of luxury.

It may have been the flyer for the Night Thoughts which helped to stimulate the first recorded responses among artists. Joseph Farington may have been thinking of Blake's watercolours when he wrote on Friday 19 February 1796: "West, Cosway & Humphry[43] spoke warmly in favour of the designs of Blake the Engraver, as works of extraordinary genius and imagination.—Smirke differed in opinion, from what He had seen, so do I."[32]

Blake's good friend Nancy Flaxman, the wife of the distinguished sculptor, certainly was well informed about Blake's project, if not about his poet, for she wrote on 16 March 1796:

apropos of Young[,] Edwards has inserted the letter press close cut of Youngs [Night Th del] into the large margins making a folio Size[;] this a friend of ours is ornamenting with most beautiful designs in water colours[.] The man who does it, is himself


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a Native Poet [& an Artist del] & sings his wood notes [unfettered by any rule del] whose genius soars above all rule[;] twill be a very lily of the valley [a mountain daisy del] or the meadow queen, twill be in short the choicest wild flower in Linneas System. Tell in your next the name of it—I never read the Bard in question & have him not in my collection, but [soon I will both read & possess. I have hopes it will be publishd e'er I am much older for del] from what little I have seen in his writings they seem like orient Pearls at random strung.[44]
Her expectation that the Night Thoughts would be "published e'er I am much older" seems to confirm the presumption that it was to be published in June 1796. Another such confirmation comes in the diary of Joseph Farington, who wrote on 24 June 1796:

Fuseli called on me last night & sat till 12 oclock. He mentioned Blake, the Engraver, whose genius & invention have been much spoken of. . . .

Blake has undertaken to make designs to encircle the letter press of each page of 'Youngs night thoughts.['] Edwards the Bookseller, of Bond Str employs him, and has had the letter press of each page laid down on a large half sheet of paper. There are abt 900 pages.[45] —Blake asked 100 Guineas for the whole. Edwards said He could not afford to give more than 20 guineas for which Blake agreed.—Fuseli understands that Edwards proposes to select abt 200 from the whole and to have that number engraved as decorations for a new edition.—[32]

Notice that the £21 seems to be for the drawings only; the proposal to publish the designs is subsequent—and probably separate. It would be pleasant to think that it was Blake's inventions for Night Thoughts which "have been much spoken of".

Whatever Edwards's expectations, only twenty-two of Blake's plates were finished by June 1796, and publication could not take place then. Six months later, Edwards believed the first part was ready, he wrote an Advertisement which was published in the book, and he may even have had the text set in type, with the titlepage date 1797. His Advertisement was a curiously muted affair:


In an age like the present of literature and of taste, in which the arts, fostered by the general patronage, have attained to growth beyond the experience of former times, no apology can be necessary for offering to the publick an embellished edition of an english classick; or for giving to the great work of Young some of those advantages of dress and ornament which have lately distinguished the immortal productions of Shakspeare and of Milton.

But it was not solely to increase the honours of the british press, or to add a splendid volume to the collections of the wealthy, that the editor was induced to adventure on the present undertaking. Not uninfluenced by professional, he acted also under the impulse of higher motives; and when he selected the Night Thoughts for the subject of his projected decoration, he wished to make the arts, in their most honourable agency, subservient to the purposes of religion; and by their allurements to solicit the attention of the great for an enforcement of religious and moral truth, which can be ineffectual only as it may not be read.

From its first appearance in the world, this poem has united the suffrages of the criticks in the acknowledgement of its superior merit. . . .

The principal charges which have been urged against this poem, and which in some degree may have affected its popularity, are the dark tints of its painting; and the obscurities which occasionally occur in it to retard the progress of the reader. . . .


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On the immediate subject of the present edition of this valuable work the editor has only to say that he has shrunk from no expence in the preparing of it; and that to make it as worthy in every respect as possible of the public favour has been the object of his particular and solicitous attention. It has been regarded by him, indeed, not as a speculation of advantage, but as an indulgence of inclination;—as an undertaking in which fondness and partiality would not permit him to be curiously accurate in adjusting the estimate of profit and loss. If this edition, therefore, of the Night Thoughts be found deficient in any essential requisite to its perfection, the circumstance must be imputed to some other cause, than to the oeconomy or negligence of the editor.

Of the merit of Mr. Blake in those designs which form not only the ornament of the page, but, in many instances, the illustration of the poem, the editor conceives it to be unnecessary to speak. To the eye of the discerning it need not be pointed out; and while a taste for the arts of design shall continue to exist, the original conception, and the bold and masterly execution of this artist cannot be unnoticed or unadmired.

Dec. 22d. 1796.

This is an odd piece of puffing, clearly aiming at the lofty judiciousness appropriate to a National Edition. Edwards seems to solicit comparison with the "dress" (?typography) and "ornament" (designs) of the Boydell Shakspeare and Milton, and he appeals, as they did, to national pride, as we might expect from his lex et rex publications. His interest in making the work "subservient to the purposes of religion" is also consonant with his religious pamphlets of 1792-93. He devotes several paragraphs to a discussion of the merits of the poem, oddly stressing its "dark tints" and "obscurities", and he only reaches "the immediate subject of the present edition" in the penultimate paragraph and then chiefly to say that the editor (and publisher) cannot be accused of "oeconomy" or "negligence".[46] Blake's engravings are mentioned only in the last paragraph because "the editor conceives it to be unnecessary to speak" of the designs, whose "original conception, and . . . bold and masterly execution . . . cannot be unnoticed or unadmired." The discrete double negative yet makes a bold challenge to contemporary taste, however. As Blake wrote about 1810, "from all Quarters" he had heard the accusation, "'he can conceive but he cannot Execute'",[47] and it was common to allege that what Lamb called his "wild designs" show "less of art than genius". Edwards's claim that Blake's "execution" was "bold and masterly" echoed Blake's opinion but not the public's. Such an unconventional conclusion by a publisher striving for conventionality suggests that he had been advised in this point by some friend of Blake's, such as Fuseli.

But, believing that Blake's designs "cannot be . . . unadmired", Edwards was surely negligent not to give some indication of what is admirable in the most expensive and important feature of this edition. Their spiritual daring, their artistic originality, their brilliant commentary upon Young's poem, man, and God surely deserve at least passing remark. The explanation for such silence may lie in an English reluctance to speak about art—great art should speak for itself—and the greatest illustrated books of the day rarely devoted much space to praising their engravings. The difference was that Boydell, Macklin, Bowyer, and others had previously focused attention exclusively


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upon the designs of their famous painters through exhibitions and through catalogues and reviews of those exhibitions. The Night Thoughts designs by the obscure William Blake were known to the general public only through two very brief advertisements—and through the engravings themselves.

About the time Edwards wrote his account of the Night Thoughts, he placed an advertisement or notice of it in the first volume of the Monthly Epitome and Catalogue of New Publications, I (Jan 1797), 79:

Young's Night Thoughts, with Etchings and Engravings, in Four Parts, Atlas sized 4to. to Subscribers 51.5s to Non-subscribers 61.6s. (Part I. in a few days.) Edwards, Bond-street.
The reference to "Etchings and Engravings" may mean that Edwards wished to press forward to publication even with plates which had been etched with needle and acid but not yet engraved with the burin (his separate flyer of June speaks only of "engravings"), but if so he was disappointed, for the plates bear dates of January, March, and June 1797, and the work was not published, apparently, until November. The only information in the Monthly Epitome not in the June flyer is that the price to Non-Subscribers was £6.6.0—previously the sum was not specified.

Once again a Night Thoughts advertisement seems to have stimulated gossip about it in the artistic world. On 12 January 1797 Farington, Hoppner, Stothard, Rigaud, and Opie met on Royal Academy business at Wright's Coffee House, and Farington recorded in his Diary: "We supped together and had laughable conversation. Blakes eccentric designs were mentioned. Stothard supported his claims to Genius, but allowed He had been misled to extravagance in his art, & He knew by whom [Fuseli].[48] —Hoppner ridiculed the absurdity of his designs, and said nothing could be more easy than to produce such.—They were like the conceits of a drunken fellow or a madman. 'Represent a man sitting on the moon, and pissing the Sun out—that would be a whim of as much merit.'—Stothard was angry mistaking the laughter caused by Hoppners description.—"[32]

The work was apparently published in the Autumn of 1797, when James Edwards sold a copy to William Roscoe, as he indicated in his bill of 2 January 1798: "Nov 6 . . . Young's N. Thot.s No. 1/1£/1s/. 1 Sub. 1/1. [£]2.2—". Nancy Flaxman may have been referring to the publication of the book when she wrote in early November 1797 to "My Good Friend" "Signora B—" that her previous epistle, which never arrived, probably "contain'd to the best of my Remembrance an Account of Some designs made by a friend of ours for your favorite Bard—Young[.] Blake is the artists name, 'Native Poet he['] &c one who has sung his wood notes wild—of a Strong & Singular Imagination[;]—he has treated his Poet most Poetically—Flaxman has employ'd him to Illuminate the works of Grey for my library—".[49]

There was no review of any kind, and the work may scarcely have been published. Perhaps Richard Edwards was distracted in the Winter and Spring of 1798 in publishing the parts of Merigot's Rome, which had been suspended


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(January 1797-January 1798) while Night Thoughts Part I was published. At any rate, no sale of or immediate reaction to it is known, and thirteen years later Crabb Robinson reported that the Edwards edition of Night Thoughts "is no longer to be bought, so excessively rare has it become".[50] (By this he presumably meant that it was no longer available from the dealers of whom he first enquired.)

Within a few months of the publication of the Night Thoughts, Richard Edwards probably knew that he was going out of business. In 1796 he had been involved in the publication of four very ambitious illustrated works—Strutt's Dress Vol. I ([?July] 1796-[?Feb] 1797), Merigot's Rome Vol. I (Oct 1796-Jan 1797), Young's Night Thoughts (announced for June [?1796]), and Vancouver's Voyage (announced May 1797, published August 1798)—but this was apparently too much for him to manage. He suspended publication of Merigot's Rome (January 1797-January 1798) and abandoned Strutt's Dress (by March[?] 1797) while the Night Thoughts was being completed (Jan-Nov 1797), and Night Thoughts may have been suspended in its turn when Merigot's Rome Vol. I was resumed (Feb-June 1798). He evidently withdrew from Vancouver's Voyage in May 1798. By mid-1798 Richard Edwards withdrew from publishing Merigot's Rome and probably from bookselling entirely.

When he was going out of business, he needed to dispose of his stock. The obvious buyer was his brother James, but already, by 3 November 1797, James had determined "to reduce my Stock to a very complete private Library".[1] Richard may have chosen to sell his stock of Night Thoughts to R. H. Evans, James Edwards's successor in 1799, who became the publisher with Blake of Hayley's Designs to A Series of Ballads (1802) or to Faulder, to whom he evidently sold his share of Merigot's Rome. Certainly the remainder of the Night Thoughts (1797) did not turn up in the sales of his brothers James and Thomas in 1799, 1804, 1815, 1818, 1826, and 1828.

When Richard Edwards was disposing of his stock, he is likely to have given some copies of Night Thoughts to Blake in payment for his engraving work, and Blake in turn coloured and sold several of them. Copies with elaborate and sometimes wonderfully beautiful colouring were sold to Blake's contemporaries Thomas Butts (his chief patron in 1794-1810), Mrs Bliss (sold in 1826 for £4.4.0), Sir John Soane, Thomas Gaisford, Samuel Boddington, George John Spencer (Earl Spencer), "W. E." (?William Ensom), and John S. Harford Jr.[51] Coloured copy Q is inscribed "This Copy was coloured for me by Mr Blake / W. E." and Copy R (Harford's): "This copy colrd by W. Blake". The colouring in some examples may have been repeated from Blake's master copy by Mrs. Blake or others, for Copy C is signed "W. Blake" and identified "as pattern", presumably as the model for colouring other copies, and there are at least two patterns of colouring in copies of Young's Night Thoughts, one of c. 1797 and one of c. 1805.

If a number of copies of Night Thoughts did pass into Blake's possession, he would have had little difficulty accommodating them when he had a whole house to himself in which to range in Lambeth in 1790-1800 but would have had considerable difficulty transporting them to and from Felpham, where he


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lived 1800-1803, and storing them in his small flats in London on his return (1803-27). One reason for the difficulty contemporaries experienced in purchasing Blake's Night Thoughts may have been the fact that Blake had no appropriate London shop or house from which to sell them; if he did receive a number of copies at once, he probably had to keep them in a warehouse.

Probably one of the most important copies he coloured was that for Earl Spencer, the greatest English collector of his day and a special customer and friend of James Edwards, who was responsible for Richard Edwards's appointment in Minorca. James and Richard Edwards both had special reason to be grateful to Earl Spencer, and his copy was made extra special not only in its colouring but in its binding and in having duplicate, uncoloured engraved titlepages to compare with the coloured ones.[52]

Blake had hoped for fame from his Night Thoughts engravings, but, though he must have been paid significant sums for colouring the engraved outlines, he was disappointed in the public response to the book—or rather in the lact of response. On 26 August 1799 he wrote to his friend George Cumberland:

I live by Miracle . . . . For as to Engraving in which art I cannot reproach myself with any neglect yet I am laid by in a corner as if I did not Exist & Since my Youngs Night Thoughts have been publishd Even Johnson & Fuseli have discarded my Graver. . . .

[William Blake's Writings, (1978), 1529]

The work to which he had devoted years of his time and the best of his genius was a failure in the marketplace and with the critics.

There were so few accounts of it during the lifetimes of its publisher and illustrator that they may be recorded in detail.

On Sunday 10 March 1811 Crabb Robinson "shewed W[illiam]. H[azlitt]. Blake's Young. He saw no merit in them as designs" (Blake Records [1969], 229). Crabb Robinson himself found Blake so remarkable that he wrote an article about him for the first issue of the German periodical called Vaterländisches Museum, in which he said that the engravings

are of very unequal merit; sometimes the inventions of the artist rival those of the poet, but often they are only preposterous translations of them, by reason of the unfortunate idea peculiar to Blake, that whatsoever the fancy of the spiritual eye may discern must also be as clearly penetrable to the bodily eye. So Young is literally translated, and his thought turned into a picture. Thus for example the artist represents in a drawing Death treading crowns under foot, the sun reaching down his hand, and the like. Yet these drawings are frequently exquisite. We hear that the publisher has not yet issued a quarter of the drawings delivered to him by the artist and has refused to sell the drawings, although a handsome sum was offered him for them.[53]
The "handsome sum" refused for the drawings may be estimated by the £300 asked for them in the 1821 catalogue of Richard Edwards's brother Thomas, though this was reduced to £52.10.0 in his auctions of 1826 and 1828—and still found no buyer.

One of the few enthusiasts for the book was Thomas Frognal Dibdin, who wrote: "there are few books of which I love to turn over the leaves, more assiduously and carefully, than 'Young's Night Thoughts,' emblazoned by his


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[Blake's] truly original pencil."[54] In a schoolboy text of Virgil, the editor R. J. Thornton said that "The Illustrations of this English Pastoral are by the famous Blake, the illustrator of Young's Night Thoughts, and Blair's Grave" (Blake Records, 271), and Charles Lamb identified Blake in a letter of 15 May 1824 as "a most extraordinary man . . . whose wild designs accompany a splendid folio edition of the Night Thoughts."[55]

Two final comments of 1830, three years after the deaths of the illustrator and publisher, indicate the ambivalence towards the designs still felt by men of taste a third of a century after they were issued. The first is by Allan Cunningham: "Some of those designs were in keeping with the poems, but there were others which alarmed fastidious people; the serious and the pious were not prepared to admire shapes trembling in nudity round the verses of a grave divine. In the exuberance of Young there are many fine figures; but they are figures of speech only, on which art should waste none of its skill."[56] Whatever faults modern eyes may discover among the beauties of Blake's designs for Young, we are not now normally so reluctant to tolerate shapes trembling in nudity in illustration of exuberant figures of speech.

Cunningham's ambivalence is expressed at greater length in Edward Bulwer Lytton's anonymous "Conversation with an Ambitious Student in Ill Health" published in the New Monthly Magazine, XXIX (Dec 1830), 518-519:

L. . . . I saw a few days ago, a copy of the 'Night Thoughts,' which he [Blake] had illustrated in a manner at once so grotesque, so sublime—now by so literal an interpretation, now by so vague and disconnected a train of invention, that the whole makes one of the most astonishing and curious productions which ever balanced between the conception of genius and the ravings of positive insanity. I remember two or three [of his illustrations], but they are not the most remarkable. To these two fine lines—

'Tis greatly wise to talk with our past hours,
And ask them what report they bore to heaven;'

he has given the illustration of one sitting and with an earnest countenance conversing with a small shadowy shape at his knee, while other shapes, of a similar form and aspect, are seen gliding heavenward, each with a scroll in its hands. The effect is very solemn. Again, the line—

'Till death, that mighty hunter, earths them all,'

is bodied forth by a grim savage with a huge spear, cheering on fiendish and ghastly hounds, one of which has just torn down, and is griping by the throat, an unfortunate fugitive: the face of the hound is unutterably death-like.

The verse—

'We censure Nature for a span too short,'
obtains an illustration literal to ridicule.—A bearded man of gigantic statu[r]e is spanning an infant with his finger and thumb. Scarcely less literal, but more impressive, is the engraving of the following:—
'When Sense runs savage, broke from Reason's chain,
And sings false peace till smother'd by the pall!'

You perceive a young female savage, with long locks, wandering alone, and exulting—while above, two bodiless hands extend a mighty pall, that appears about to fall upon the unconscious rejoicer.

A. Young was fortunate. He seems almost the only poet who has had his mere metaphors illustrated and made corporeal.

[Blake Records, 401-402]


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No great number of copies of Young's Night Thoughts (1797) was ever in circulation,[57] and Richard Edwards seems scarcely to have attempted to advertise or sell it vigourously. His lassitude about it may have been connected with his personal situation, leaving off business within the year. Few buyers sought for the work, and some of those who did, like Crabb Robinson, had great difficulty finding it. Commercially, the book must have been a failure.

As the sparse comments quoted above suggest, it was scarcely a critical success either. Hazlitt the art critic "saw no merit in them as designs", though Dibdin the bibliographer loved looking at the engravings. Most who looked at the designs with care probably thought, as Crabb Robinson, Allan Cunningham, and Bulwer Lytton did, that they were both "preposterous" and "exquisite", at once "grotesque" and "sublime". Almost a century passed before there was an extended and appreciative commentary on the designs, by F. J. Shields in Gilchrist's Life of William Blake (1880), and another century passed after that before all the watercolours were published in a book together, many for the first time (1980). It has been left for the present generation to conclude that Blake's designs for Young's Night Thoughts are among the greatest imaginative feats of that or any age—and that the career of the publisher who called them forth is worth recording in detail.

Richard Edwards is a minor member of an important family of booksellers, bookbinders, and publishers. What we know of his shop, his pamphlets, and his career indicates a man not remarkable for ambition, taste, energy, or accomplishment. We do not know when he encountered Blake or why he patronized him—but we do know that his patronage elicited from one of the most astonishing geniuses of the age almost a quarter of his surviving watercolours and by far the most ambitious of his commercial undertakings. The paradox of Richard Edwards's deserved obscurity before 1795 and his apparently unwitting brilliance in commissioning Blake's Night Thoughts designs is as wonderful in its way as the paradox of Blake's grotesque and sublime engravings themselves.



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Page 315

Further information on the subject may be found in my as-yet-unpublished book on The Edwardses of Halifax: The Making and Selling of Beautiful Books in London and Halifax 1749-1826 by William, John, Richard, Thomas, and especially JAMES Edwards, The Medicean Bookseller.


Quoted from T. W. Hanson's Edwards of Halifax, an incomplete holograph MS in the Bodleian Library (dates of composition up to at least 1965), hereafter cited as Hanson. Hanson's work as a whole is full of valuable information, much of it (like this) difficult to recover. Hanson published two important articles on the Edwards family, on which all subsequent work must in part depend: "Edwards of Halifax: Book Sellers, Collectors and Book-Binders", Halifax Guardian, Dec 1912 and Jan 1913, reprinted in Papers, Reports, &c. Read before the Halifax Antiquarian Society, 1912 (Halifax [1913]), 142-200, and "Richard Edwards, Publisher", Times Literary Supplement, 8 Aug 1942, p. 396 (largely summarizing the previous works).


Gentlemen's Magazine, XCVII (Nov 1827), 478, obituary of Richard Edwards.


Quaritch Catalogue 668 (1949), lot 106 (Hanson, p. 263), and (for Night Thoughts) GEB.


See "The bookseller as Diplomat: James Edwards, Lord Grenville, and Earl Spencer in 1800", Book Collector, XXXIII (1984), 471-485. Note that The Spencer Papers, [ed. J. S. Roberts & Richmond], Publications of the Navy Records Society Vol. XLVI, XLVIII, LVIII-LXIX [1913-14, 1923-24], omit "all documents relating to promotions and patronage" (I, viii).


Public Record Office ADM2/ 1067, p. 231, and ADM1/ 1035, A458, generously cited to me by N. A. M. Rodgers, Assistant Keeper, Search Department, Public Record Office.


The holograph MS is a folded legal-size folio of English paper (water-marked T Hooke & Son / 1798) written with the transfer of patent rights on two and a quarter pages to which Richard Edwards "Set my hand, and Seal" on 1 August 1799, witnessed by Peter Rodrigez & Prats and Peter Sitges. The document was seen by my friend Robert Latona by pure serendipity in a bookshop in Palma de Mallorca, where it had been brought by its owner for an opinion as to its vendibility; Mr Latona pursued it vigorously when the document went to earth and secured it for me.


Gentlemen's Magazine, LXXIII (Oct 1803), 985. According to Richard Edwards's will, the marriage settlement was made on 19 March 1807.


Gentlemen's Magazine, LXXXVI (1816), 180 (obituary of James Edwards).


Public Record Office Prob 11/ 1741. I cannot easily account for his address given in the obituary in the Leeds Intelligencer, 25 Oct 1827: "after only a few days' illness, Richard Edwards Esq of Weybridge, Surrey, youngest son of the late William Edwards of Halifax" (Hanson, p. 275B). Perhaps the information had come from George Payne of Weybridge, who identified Richard Edwards's handwriting in the codicil of his will.


See also James Edwards's Catalogue (1785), Bolton, History of . . . Fungusses, II (1798), Bible prospectus (1790), The Book of Common Prayer (1791), M.D., Sacred Poetry (1790), Pinkerton, Medallic History (1790), Carr, Poems (1791), Bibliotheca Parisiana (1791), and Dutens, Table [?1790] published by Edwards & Sons, or by Messrs Edwards, Pall Mall.


By May 1792 the publishers Edwards and Parsons had been joined by five others. In all, eighteen publishers were listed in the magazine (seven of them in the provinces), though never more than eleven at once.


He was one of four publishers of Joseph Strutt's Dress and Habits of the People of England Vol. I, Parts 1-?8 ([July] 1796-[?Feb 1797]), but the chief publisher of Strutt was probably his brother James. Richard Edwards's name does not appear on the prospectus for Strutt Part 9 (?March 1797) or on the title-page of Vol. II ([?Oct] 1799).


This Part I 1797 titlepage is something of an enigma, for it bears (in addition to that of R. Edwards) the names of two publishers ([James] Edwards of Pall Mall and Robinsons of Paternoster Row) who are never recorded on its plates, and it omits all reference to Merigot, whose name is on all the plates with dated imprints.


Not counting, of course, his own works in Illuminated Printing, such as Songs of Innocence (1789), The Marriage of Heaven and Hell (?1790-93), and The Book of Urizen (1794) which he coloured and sold in such small numbers that no more than a dozen copies of most have survived.


British Critic, VIII (Sept 1796), 277—see Blake Records (1969), 54-55. The design reprobated illustrates Night Thoughts but is not from Blake's suite of designs for Richard Edwards.


Book of Urizen (1794), pl. 4—see William Blake's Writings (1978), 243.


Blake did engrave one small folio duplicate plate for the Boydell Shakspeare in 1799, and he had made a splendid folio engraving for Boydell after Hogarth's Beggar's Opera painting in 1788.


His great series of illustrations for the works of other men were all in the future: Young (1794-97), Gray (1797), The Bible (1799 ff.), Milton (1800 ff.), Job (1818-26), Bunyan (?1824), and Dante (1824-27). He had engraved six of his own rather tame designs for Mary Wollstonecraft's Original Stories published by Joseph Johnson in 1791.


"When Flaxman was taken to Italy [1787-94], Fuseli was giv'n to me for a season", Blake letter of 12 Sept 1800 (William Blake's Writings [1978], 1537). The anonymous "Explanation


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of the Engravings" in the 1797 Night Thoughts has been tentatively attributed to Fuseli (e.g., in Blake Books [1977], 638).


1826 and 1828 Thomas Edwards catalogues; the 1821 catalogue refers to "the Author's original Copy", singular.


1821 Thomas Edwards catalogue (not repeated in those of 1826 and 1828): "The Bookbinder from inattention lost the blank leaf with the Author's signature." Since there was only one "Author's signature" in the nine parts, presumably in Night I, we may wonder whether Nights II-IX had belonged to Edward Young, particularly since some are not first editions.


As Hanson suggests (p. 266). See also Fuseli's comment of 24 June 1796, below.


Seen in Traylen's bookshop (Guildford) in 1978.


See E. B. Bentley & GEB, "Bishop Phillpotts Library, The Franke Parker Bequest and its Extra-Illustrated Macklin Bible 1800", Book Collector, XXIX (1980), 378.


In May 1826 Winstanley sale, lot 1076. The 1821 catalogue says "they occupied nearly two years of the time" of Blake, and the unreliable Allan Cunningham says vaguely, "The name of Blake now [1794] began to be known a little, and Edwards, the bookseller, employed him to illustrate Young's Night Thoughts" (Lives of the Most Eminent British Painters, Sculptors, and Architects [1830], II, paragraph 19—see Blake Records [1969], 487). Note that Richard Edwards apparently published nothing in 1794 save Alexander's Croup, probably initiated by James Edwards.


Occasionally the line asterisked in the 1797 text as engraved is not the same as the line ticked for the same design in the watercolour. In the text with the watercolours, some lines are underlined, corrected, or annotated in crayon.


J. T. Smith, Nollekens and His Times (1828)—see Blake Records (1969), 461. For the £21 price, see Fuseli's comment on 24 June 1796 below.


10 May 1826 Thomas Edwards sale, lot 1076; the opinion of "the late Mr. Fuseli" (d. 1825) is not recorded elsewhere. Thomas Edwards's 1828 catalogue, lot 1130, said:

"It is scarcely possible to present the collector with an adequate, or even faint idea of the singular nature of these most extraordinary and sublime conceptions of the artist. . . . In point of composition and design, the present production is certainly superior [to his designs for 'Blair's Grave'], and is alone sufficient to immortalize the name of Blake as an artist of the highest order."
The designs were first made publicly visible when they were given in 1929 to the British Museum Print Room, but they were not reproduced all together until 1980, when scores were reproduced for the first time in William Blake's Designs for Edward Young's Night Thoughts, ed. D. V. Erdman, J. E. Grant, E. J. Rose, & Michael Tolley (1980).


For designs similar to those in Night Thoughts, see William Blake's Writings (1978), 5, 8, 13, 40, 96, 230, 633, 1072, 1075, 1100, 1119, 1138, 1157, 1234, 1241, 1292, 1728.


Allan Cunningham, The Cabinet Gallery of Pictures (1833), I, 11-13—see Blake Records (1969), 183; the paragraphing is mine.


Quoted from the complete transcript of The Diary of Joseph Farington, ed. K. Garlick & A. Macintyre, Vol. I-VI (1978-79), mostly verified from the manuscript in the Royal Library, Windsor.


See "Young's Night Thoughts (London: R. Edwards, 1797): A New Unillustrated State", Blake: An Illustrated Quarterly, XIV (1980), 34-35, describing a copy with the initials J E which may have belonged to James Edwards.


Blake was paid £5.5.0 apiece for his much smaller outlines for Flaxman's Iliad (1805) and Hesiod (1817), and on 19 Aug 1841 Flaxman wrote to T. H. Whitaker that "outline . . . engraving including the Copper plate will cost 6 Guineas if done by Mr. Blake the best engraver of outlines" (Blake Records [1969], 152, 579-80, 233).


A single engraving for Night V was offered in the William Blake catalogue (?1930) of Francis Edwards (no relation to Edwards of Halifax), but it has not since been traced.


We may be fairly confident that Blake had not seen the 1797 printed text before he began his engravings, for had he done so he surely would have filled the blank spaces on


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the short pages at the end of each Night. In the engravings for these pages, the boxes left for the text are much larger than the text in them, leaving ugly, irrelevant blank windows.


Blake coloured one set each of Hayley's Ballads (1805), Virgil, Pastorals (1821), and his own Job (1826) but did not do so for his other series of engraved designs in commercial books: Mary Wollstonecraft, Original Stories (1791), Burger, Leonora (1796), Hayley, Designs to A Series of Ballads (1802). Numerous copies of Stedman's Surinam (1796; 1806; 1813) including Blake's engravings after Stedman have been commercially coloured (not by Blake), and an advertisement claimed that the plates in The Wit's Magazine (1784) including those by Blake, were available in colour, but none has been recorded, and Blake is unlikely to have coloured them in any case. A copy of Blake's designs to Blair's Grave (1813) with "hand colored" engravings is recorded by Robert N. Essick, "New Information on Blake's Illuminated Books", Blake: An Illustrated Quarterly, XV (1981), 13, without identification of the hand which coloured the plates.


D. V. Erdman et al seem to think that The Historic Gallery belonged to James Edwards (William Blake's Designs for Edward Young's Night Thoughts, I [1980], 87).


See R. R. Wark, "A Minor Blake Conundrum", Huntington Library Quarterly, XXI (1957), 83-87; the fine copy was probably not made by Blake, for the walking staff has been unaccountably omitted from the naked pilgrim's upraised hand. The vellum text is that of 1797 in a variant (probably proof) state, most of the differences being in capitals.


Blake Records (1969), 169, 172, 192-193. It is notable that they were not exhibited at the Royal Academy annual exhibitions, perhaps because the Royal Academy then excluded watercolours as they did later.


Quoted from the original in the John Johnson Collection of Printed Ephemera in Bodley; see Blake Records (1969), 59.


Memoirs and Recollections of the Late Abraham Raimbach, Esq. Engraver, ed. M.T.S. Raimbach (1843), 22; see Blake Records (1969), 58.


Ozias Humphry was an important collector of Blake's works—he may just have acquired a number of them (see "Ozias Humphry, William Upcott, and William Blake", Humanities Association Review, XXVI [1975], 116-122)—and Richard Cosway was a friend of Blake's, but there is no known direct connection between Blake and Benjamin West or Robert Smirke.


British Library Add. MSS 39,780, f. 212; the letter is a draft, and the recipient is unidentified.


Edwards seems to have provided 900 pages (450 half-sheets) of 1794 J Whatman paper, but, as there were only 537 drawings requiring 269 half-sheets, there should have been some 362 pages or 181 half sheets left over. This surplus Blake used for proofs of the engravings of Night Thoughts (47 leaves in Vala, 24 in Harvard) and, presumably after 1797 when it was clear that no more engravings or proofs would be needed, for the fair copy of his Vala (19 leaves), for his Gray designs about 1797 (58 leaves), and perhaps for printing his own illuminated works (over 100 leaves in Visions of the Daughters of Albion [copies F, G], America [A-B], Europe [A, C], and Urizen [B, D]). This presumes the accuracy of Farington's report of what Fuseli remembered, and this is somewhat suspect, since the flyer mentions 150 engravings and Fuseli 200.


He must, however, be responsible for the unexplained omission of a block of 58 lines of Young's poem.


"Public Address" in Blake's Notebook, p. 25—see William Blake's Writings (1978), 1052. Thomas Edwards's 1821 catalogue repeated Richard Edwards's claim: "This work is, perhaps, unequalled for the boldness of conception, and spirit of execution [i.e., spirited execution?] exhibited in the masterly designs of Mr. Blake."


"Many People are So foolish [as] to think they can wound Mr Fuseli over my Shoulder[;] they will find themselves mistaken" ("Public Address" in Blake's Notebook p. 53—see William Blake's Writings [1978], 1033).


British Library Add. MSS 39,790, ff. 3-4, undated (watermark: 1795) and unaddressed; in the letter she says she has seen the Hares on their return from France and Germany—and the Hares reached London by 1 Nov and stayed there until 4 Nov 1797 (J. C. A. Hare, Memorials of a Quiet Life [1872], 127-129).


[Crabb Robinson] "William Blake Künstler, Dichter, und Religiöser Schwärmer", Vaterländisches Museum, I (1811): "gar nicht mehr in Buchladen zu haben, so wie überhaupt äusserst selten geworden ist", echoed by F. A. Ebert, Allgemeines Bibliographisches Lexikon, II (1830): "nicht mehr im Handel zu habend und äusserst selten ist" (tr. A. Brown [1837]: "no longer to be met with in the market and is extremely scarce"—see Blake Records, 453, 441, 375-376). Crabb Robinson did buy a copy of Blake's Night Thoughts on 27 Dec 1810 for £1.11.6 (Blake Records, 578), slightly more than the £1.5.0 per Part advertised.


See Blake Books (1977), 642-646, 956-957, recording the provenance of twenty coloured copies; two more are known, one in Detroit Public Library and one in private hands. Uncoloured copies were owned by Blake's contemporaries William Godwin, Joseph Thomas, Robert Scott, Louis or Nicholas Schiavonetti (96 loose plates), William Thane (a copy of Blair's Grave extra-illustrated with plates from Young), and Caroline Bowles (later Southey) (Blake Records [1969], 41n3, 166, 193, 227n1, 398n1).


Blake etched a private portrait of Earl Spencer about 1813.


Blake Records, 433; Ebert (op. cit.), echoing Robinson again, says that Blake's designs for Young, "although very unequal, are yet often of superior merit, but express the unfortunate idea of wishing to interpret Young literally" (Blake Records, 376). Far from issuing 25% of Blake's designs, Edwards had published only about 8% of them.


T. F. Dibdin, Reminiscences of a Literary Life (1836), 784-789—see Blake Records, 243. In his Library Companion (1824), 734, Dibdin wrote: "I love to read that portion of the poem, published in folio form, with the bizarre but original and impressive ornaments by Blake" (Blake Records, 289).


Blake Records, 284. The obituary of Blake in the Gentleman's Magazine, XCVIII (Oct 1827), 337-338 (Blake Records, 356) was the only one to take note of his designs for Night Thoughts.


Allan Cunningham, Life of Blake in his Lives of the Most Eminent British Painters, Sculptors, and Architects (1830), II, paragraph 19—see Blake Records, 487. Cunningham speaks of "poems", plural, because the Night Thoughts was originally issued as nine self-contained poems.


In a fairly extensive search on five continents, I have located over seventy copies in public collections, and perhaps there are no more than two or three times this total in private hands. It is by no means a rare book, but it is not common.