University of Virginia Library

John Trundle and the Book-Trade 1603-1626
by
Gerald D. Johnson [*]

A catalogue of the books issued by John Trundle in the first decades of the seventeenth century would not have impressed the serious-minded reader of his own, or later, time. Here are no translations of the classics, no weighty folios of history or legend, not even any collections of sermons. Instead there are reports of sensational news, accounts of monsters and miracles, advice on "how to live," and sketches of rogues and murderers, together with ballads on similar subjects. There is a scattering of play titles, including the first, "bad" quarto of Hamlet, Middleton and Rowley's A Faire Quarrell and Dekker's The Whore of Babylon. There are as well some topical works by Dekker, and, later on, a few titles by John Taylor, the "water-poet." But the catalogue shows that Trundle devoted most of his twenty-three years in the trade to the publication of pamphlet literature meant to catch the eye of the lower-class reading public.

Trundle missed few opportunities to exploit the public's taste for news of the current sensation. His rogues gallery exhibits several notable malefactors, including the famous highwayman Gamaliel Ratsey, and James Franklin and Anne Turner, agents in the murder of Sir Thomas Overbury. One of his "monsters," the famous serpent or dragon of Sussex, was still being referred to years after its original appearance in print. And one of his last publications recounts the adventures of Richard Peeke, later celebrated as "Dick of Devonshire." When the present scene failed him, he republished old stories with dates expunged or fresh dates inserted, or he offered translations of astonishing news from foreign lands. Of course, other publishers of this time brought out such titles and engaged in similar practices, but none of them seems to have cultivated this area as assiduously as did Trundle, and few of them gained Trundle's reputation for the publication of such items.

Trundle's notoriety may be judged from the number of references to him in the contemporary literature. Ben Jonson, for example, in introducing topical references into the revision of Every Man in His Humour, has Edward

Knowell refer to a letter sent to his father: "Well, if he read this with patience, Ile be gelt, and troll ballads for Mr. IOHN TRVNDLE, yonder, the rest of my mortalitie" (1.3.62-4, Herford and Simpson ed.). Like that of Nathaniel Butter, Trundle's name made a pun irresistible. Thus the anonymous author of Lachrymae Londinenses, 1626 (STC 16573), cautions the reader against the many "Spuriall Pamphlets, which the Presse hath of late already spewed out, (Broods of Barbican, Smithfield, and the Bridge, and Trundled, trolled and marshalled vp and downe along the Streets . . .)" (B2-2v, quoted by Wilson, Plague Pamphlets, pp. 245-246). And John Taylor, in Taylors Motto, 1621 (STC 23800), refers to the "monstrous newes [that] came Trundling in my way . . ." (E2v). That Trundle was not averse to such publicity is suggested by the fact that the latter title is one of his own publications (with Henry Gosson). So pervasive was Trundle's reputation that it outlived him for a number of years. Alexander Gill, in his satirical verses on Jonson's Magnetic Lady, advises that "As for the Press, yf thy Playe must Come toote; Let Thomas Purffoot or Iohn Trundell doo'te . . ." (Quoted in Herford and Simpson, 11:346-8). Gill was writing later than 1632, at least six years after Trundle's death.[1]

Though Trundle cannot be seen as an important publisher, if that is measured by the number of significant intellectual or literary titles, his career is nonetheless of interest to a student of the book-trade. An analysis of his methods in the pursuit of manuscripts and his practices in bringing the editions to the public throws light upon the commercial negotiations involved in the transmission of texts. This area of the trade has received scant attention, at least during Trundle's time. As John Feather has remarked: "bibliographers

have to study the book trade as a trade, and to try to recover some of the understanding of its commercial arrangements which were common knowledge among its members. To ignore this, is to ignore a factor which has always been central to the production of books: the factor of profit" (p. 8). Trundle published the majority of his books in collaboration with other stationers, though he also functioned independently in a few instances where books were concerned and usually in the production of ballads and broadsides. A study of his connections with his associates helps to define the areas of specialization that were appearing in the trade at this time.

The following article on Trundle's career is divided into three parts. The first is biographical; the second examines his relationships with other stationers; and the third investigates his tactics in the pursuit of copy and comments on the publication history of some of his more interesting titles.

I

John Trundle, the "sonne of John Trundell late of Barnet in the county of Hertford yoman Deceased," was apprenticed to Ralph Hancock, stationer, for a period of eight years from 24 June 1589, the contract being recorded on 26 March 1590.[2] This delay in recording the apprenticeship evidently got Hancock into trouble, for on this same date he was fined three shillings, four pence, "for kepinge a prentise vnpresented, contrary to order" (Arber, 2:862). If Trundle was at the usual age of twenty-four when he became a freeman in 1597, he must have been born about 1573. The parish register of Chipping Barnet, held at the Hertfordshire County Hall, Hertford, contains no baptismal records earlier than 1603, and, though some transcripts do survive, there is a gap between 1570-1574. The original register, however, does record the marriage of a John Trundle and a Joan (last name unrecorded) on 7 October 1565. This John Trundle was buried on 27 March 1577, after which his widow, Joan Trundle, remarried a Robert Law on 7 October 1577. The inventory of the goods and chattels of this John Trundle shows that he was not a wealthy man. The total worth of his estate amounted to thirteen pounds, eleven shillings. He must have been a trader in livestock and/or cured meat, for prominent in the inventory are "fyve kyne" valued at six pounds, a "weaninge calfe" at six shillings, a "nagge" at sixteen shillings, and twenty-four "flitches of bacon" at four pounds. Joan Trundle made her mark at the foot of this document (Hertforshire County Hall, Ms A25/881).

Trundle, presented by Hancock, took up his freedom on 29 October 1597 (Arber, 2:720). He had married Margery Parton some two years earlier, on 4 September 1595, in the parish of St. Giles, Cripplegate, where Hancock's

shop was apparently located.[3] The register of this parish also records the christening of "Elizabeth, daughter of Iohn Trundell, prynter" on 15 November 1599 and her burial thirteen days later. On 27 December 1600, another "Elizabeth, daughter of Iohn Trundell, stationer" was christened in this parish (Miller, p. 35). I was unable to find any records of Trundle in this or adjacent parishes for the years 1600-1624, although imprints of books during this period suggest that the Trundles continued to live there (see below).

In 1624 Trundle rented space from St. Bartholomew's Hospital, in the area known as West Smithfield, just outside the Hospital Gate, for which he paid a fee of three pounds. The General Accounts Ledger of the hospital notes this payment annually through 1628. The parish register of St. Bartholomew's the Less, however, records the burial of "John Trundle London Stationer" on 12 December 1626. The administration of his goods and chattels, by his widow Margery, was recorded in January 1627 (Guildhall Library, Ms 9050/6, folio 22). I was unfortunately unable to find an inventory of his property.

Margery Trundle carried on the business from the Smithfield address for the next two years, which explains the continued payment of the rent. The parish register records her burial on 9 April 1629. The business evidently did not prosper in her hands. The Churchwarden's Account Book records a charitable payment of twelve shillings to her in 1629, and she died indebted to the English Stock. On 4 May 1629 the Court of the Stationers' Company allowed the ballad partners to pay this debt in return for the rights to her copies (Jackson, p. 210). On 1 June 1629 the Register records the payment of four pounds, seventeen shillings, eight pence, in return for six books and twenty-four ballads "Together with all other Booke and Ballades. that belonged of Right to the said Marg. Trundle" (Arber, 4:213).

Given the nature of Trundle's business, it is not surprising that he did not distinguish himself in the Company. He was apparently never elected to the Livery, nor did he serve in any official capacity. On the other hand, he was a relatively law-abiding member. He was fined only three times: in 1605, for keeping an apprentice past the normal term (Jackson, p. 438. The apprentice was apparently "Willm Butler"; see McKenzie, p. 128); in 1614 for printing a book without entrance (Jackson, p. 68 and p. 455); and in 1619 "for being absent the last qr day" (Jackson, p. 464). His name also appears in

the records as one of the petitioners against the Boislore-Wood-Symcock patent (Greg, Companion, p. 168).

In 1603 Trundle set up shop "in Barbican, neere Long lane end" (imprint in STC 16743.3). In 1606, coincidental with his entrance of "The picture of No bodye" (Arber, 3:308) and his publication of the play Nobody and Somebody, he introduced the "signe of No-body" to distinguish his shop in Barbican (BEPD, #229). According to imprints, he remained at this location through 1620 (STC 13507, 1613; STC 11089 and 17386.5, 1615; STC 20744, 1616; STC 25292, 1620). In 1623 his address is also given as "att the nobodye in Barbican" in the bill filed by Gervase Markham against a number of defendants who had allegedly reneged on their subscription to him (quoted in Bentley, 2:682-3). In 1624, as described above, Trundle moved to Smithfield, at the Hospital Gate (imprints in STC 17308.5, 1624; STC 6520 and 20823, 1625; STC 19529, 1626. STC 10412, 23239, and 19278 are undated but bear this imprint or variations of it). The sign of Nobody was, however, still associated with Trundle after 1624. The anonymous authors of The Run-awyaes [sic] Answer (STC 24562, 1625), in their preface, "intreate Some-Body to step to No-Body in Smithfield, neere the Hospitall Gate. . ." (A3).[4] Many of the publications in which Trundle had a part were, however, not sold at his shop but at those of his associates, as will be described below.

II

There are problems in attempting to reconstruct the practices of any publisher of this period, but a publisher like Trundle compounds the difficulty. The topical and ephemeral subject matter of most of his publications meant that later reprints and assignments of titles were seldom warranted. Thus, in the instances of shared publication, it is often not possible to deduce the conditions under which the titles were issued. Moreover, perhaps also due to subject matter, some of the editions issued by him exist in one or two copies only, often themselves defective in title-pages or imprints; and other titles, registered to him, have apparently perished altogether.[5] Nevertheless,

the evidence that does exist is sufficient for certain inferences to be drawn, of varying degrees of probability. For example, as mentioned above, a characteristic of Trundle's publishing practice is that he often found it expedient, or necessary, to form connections with other stationers in publishing and distributing editions of books. He did issue several editions independently,[6] but, of the forty-three titles that I have been able to trace, no fewer than thirty-two were produced in association with another stationer or stationers. Most of this copy was entered in the Registers, either by Trundle alone (twenty-two titles) or jointly (nine titles). In seven instances of joint registration (not including The Fleer, which Trundle assigned before publication), Trundle's name is omitted from the imprints of the editions. In only one example did he, according to the imprint, have a part in a copy that was entered to another stationer alone, and in no instance was copy entered jointly then sold at Trundle's shop. This pattern suggests immediately that Trundle's main interest, or talent, lay in the location of manuscripts which he then published and distributed on a share basis.[7]

With regard to distribution, the pattern is even more striking. Thirty-three of the editions give an address of sale in their imprints; of these, twenty-six denote a shop identified with another stationer. (This total includes one edition issued with two title-pages, one of which gives Trundle's name and address.) Since there is good evidence that Trundle had a shop of his own, there must have been other reasons for this practice. The fact that two of the booksellers involved, John Hodgets and Edward Marchant, owned shops in St. Paul's Churchyard, the center of the book-trade, suggests that location was a factor. Trundle may have felt that his shop, in Barbican, would not attract the custom of those in a more popular location. There may have been other factors as well. Most of the men who sold books for Trundle were engaged in this end of the business. They were to varying degrees specialists and must therefore have operated efficient book-keeping and distribution systems. Their skills relieved Trundle, and their other patrons, of these concerns. Though the profit margin for Trundle must have been reduced, the trade-off was worth it.

This pattern is not, however, apparent in Trundle's dealings in ballads and broadsides. I have managed to trace copies of thirty such titles published by him. (I have seen examples of all but two of these.) Since most of this copy was not registered, he probably published many other titles that have perished or that have not as yet been catalogued. Of the extant editions, however, in only four instances is it evident that he worked with an associate.[8] Moreover, the eleven imprints which give a place of sale specify his shop. This contrasting practice suggests that he was not only able to meet the relatively nominal charges for publishing single sheet folios but that his shops, in Barbican and then in Smithfield, were suitably located for the dissemination of such material. He probably not only employed ballad sellers (as Jonson's reference to him suggests) but also wholesaled ballads to hawkers like Nightingale, especially during Fair time.

Trundle's relationships with his associates in the book copy fall roughly into a chronological series. During the years 1603-1608, he formed connections with several of them in one or two publications. These include Nicholas Ling, Edward Allde, Nathaniel Butter, Eleazar Edgar, John Hodgets, and John Busby, Senior. There is no record of activity during 1609-1611. (He made one entrance in 1609. See note 5.) In 1612-1613, his principal collaborator was Edward Marchant. From 1614 to 1623, he worked mainly with Henry Gosson and John and Edward Wright, and, in one instance each, with

George Eld, Phillip Birch, and George Purslowe. In the final years of his career, after he had set up in Smithfield, he published at least two editions independently.

Some of these men, such as Ling, Butter, Gosson, and John Wright, were active publishers who regularly entered copy and published editions to be sold at their shops, though John Wright and his brother Edward also sold editions for other stationers. (For Ling's practices, see Johnson, "Nicholas Ling.") Allde and Purslowe were trade printers who mainly printed for other stationers but who, from time to time, entered copy and published it. Busby was primarily a manuscript scout: he often entered titles which were then printed "for" another publisher, though he, unlike Trundle, apparently never owned a shop of his own. (See Johnson, "John Busby.") Edgar, too, at least in the early years of his career, sold the titles that he had entered at shops belonging to others. On the other hand, Hodgets and Marchant were principally booksellers. They made few entrances of copy, but they regularly sold editions for other stationers.

Trundle's relations with these men were probably predicated upon the kind of business that the collaborator ran. For example, Nicholas Ling presumably financed the publication of Hamlet and in return not only shared the profits but later claimed the copyright. (See below for a discussion of this publication.) A similar arrangement is likely to have obtained in other connections. Trundle registered Sir Thomas Smithes Voyage on 27 September 1605 (Arber, 3:302). The edition was then printed for Nathaniel Butter, whose interest in such news books is well known, in the same year (STC 22869 and .3). Trundle and Butter jointly entered The Whore of Babylon on 20 April 1607 (BEPD, p. 22). This play was then printed for Butter (BEPD, #241).[9] The trade printers probably undertook to print editions for a share in the profits. Edward Allde, Trundle, and Joseph Hunt entered Oxfords Triumph on 19 September 1605 (Arber, 3:301) with Allde printing the edition "to bee sold in Paules Church-yard by Iohn Hodgets. 1605." (STC 18589). On 4 July 1620 George Purslowe and Trundle registered The World Tost at Tennis (BEPD, p. 32). Purslowe then printed the play to be sold by Edward Wright (BEPD, #365, two issues). The Artillery Garden probably also fits into this category. Trundle entered this title on 29 November 1615 (Arber, 3:578). The imprint of the single surviving copy reads: "Imprinted at London by G. Eld 1616." (STC 6475.5) In these instances, however, the absence of reprints or assignments in later years makes it impossible to know whether the arrangement included an assumption of the copyright.

Trundle's relationship with Eleazar Edgar is slightly more complicated.

These two entered The Double PP on 9 December 1605 (Arber, 3:307); the edition, however, was printed by Thomas Creede to be sold by Hodgets. (STC 6498. See below for a discussion of the two issues of this publication.) On 7 November 1607 Trundle registered A Bloody Tragedy (Arber, 3:364), which was then printed for "E. E. and are to be sold at the little shop at the Exchange. 1607."[10] During the years 1603-1608, Edgar regularly entered titles, either jointly or alone, that were sold at someone else's shop,[11] but not, in the above instances, at Trundle's shop. The attraction of Hodget's shop in St. Paul's Churchyard has already been mentioned, and the Exchange was another popular place of resort for those seeking the latest news item.[12] There is no evidence that these titles were reprinted. They do not appear in the transference of copies to Hodgets from Edgar in 1613 where his share in various copyrights is carefully denominated (Arber, 3:520-21), but their absence may simply mean that they had no further value.

John Hodgets sold two editions for Trundle in addition to the ones noticed above. The Isle of Gulls was not entered, but the original state of the title-page (according to Greg) bears the imprint: "Printed for Iohn Trundle, and are to be sold by Iohn Hodgets in Paules Church-yard. 1606."[13] This imprint occurs in one copy only; in the other surviving copies Trundle's name

is omitted. In 1608 Hodgets sold The Dead Terme (STC 6496), which Trundle had entered on 3 November 1607 (Arber, 3:363). The records show that Hodgets functioned mainly as a bookseller during 1601-1608. He entered only four titles during these years, but he sold ten editions that had been entered by other stationers. He also sold four editions of titles that had not been entered but in which the imprint reads either "for" another stationer to be "sold by" Hodgets or simply "sold by" Hodgets.[14]

Trundle made two entries jointly with John Busby, Senior. They entered The Fleer conditionally on 13 May 1606. Trundle then assigned his rights in this play to Busby and Arthur Johnson on 21 November 1606, simultaneously with the approval to print (BEPD, pp. 21-22). The other title, The Life and Execution of Charles Courtney, which Trundle and Busby entered on 13 March 1612 (Arber, 3:479), was printed "for Edward Marchant, and are to bee sold in Pau[ls] Churceyard [sic] ouer against the Crosse. 1612" (STC 5878), the address of Marchant's shop. Trundle worked with Marchant in five additional publications during 1612-1615. The play If It Be not Good was not entered; it was printed for "I. T." to be sold by Marchant "at his shop against the Crosse in Pauls Church-yarde. 1612" (BEPD, #305). The other copies were all entered by Trundle, and three of them were printed "for" Marchant to be sold at his shop: Witches Apprehended, entered on 23 January 1613 (Arber, 3:514, STC 25872); The . . . Cousenages of John West, entered on 30 January 1613 (Arber, 3:514, STC 25261.5); and A Marriage Triumph, entered on 15 February 1613 (Arber, 3:515, STC 13355). The other title, A Nunnes Prophesie, was entered by Trundle on 13 February 1615 (Arber, 3:564); its imprint omits Trundle's name but reads "to be sold" by

Marchant (STC 18747). Despite the discrepancy in those imprints reading "for" Marchant, there is little doubt that he was acting as the bookseller. There are no reprints or assignments that might resolve this question, but a study of Marchant's practices shows that he functioned generally as a bookseller. He made only three entrances during 1612-1616, and two of these were for ballads. On the other hand, he sold seven editions that had been registered to others and five which had not been entered but in which the imprint reads "for" another stationer to be sold by Marchant.[15]

A fairly common practice of the period was for publishers sharing the distribution of certain editions to have printed title-pages with variant imprints giving first one then the other name and address, or to have separate title-pages printed, some of which were used as cancels. Marchant, for example, often worked in this fashion (see note 15), but not, so far as available evidence indicates, with Trundle. There are only two surviving instances of such a practice in Trundle's work, and neither of them is a regular example. On 22 April Trundle entered The Bible-bearer (Arber, 3:347). The edition was then printed under that title "for I. C. [Jeffrey Chorlton] and are to be sold at the North doore of Paules. 1607" (STC 18495). One extant copy, however, exhibits a cancel title-page giving the title as Two Faces Under a Hood, with the imprint "Printed for Iohn Trundle dwelling in Barbican. 1607" (STC 18495.5). The variant title suggests that distribution may not have been the primary, or only, reason for the existence of the cancel title-page. The other example, also irregular, is the variant imprint in The Isle of Gulls, described above. Both imprints in this play, however, specify that Hodgets is the seller. It is of course possible that other editions were issued in this manner and that the variants or cancels giving Trundle's name and address have perished. This may especially be suspected in those instances in which an edition is represented by one or two extant copies. For example, the single surviving copy of The Hunting of the Pox, entered by Trundle on 19 February 1619 (Arber, 3:642), was printed for "I. T. and are to be sold by Philip Birch at the signe of the Bible neere Guildhall-gate. 1619" (STC 23624.7). If such were the case, however, Trundle's dependence upon others to help with distribution would still be apparent.

In the final decade of his career, Trundle was associated with Henry Gosson, also an active publisher of pamphlets, broadsides, and ballads. These two registered Newes of Sir Walter Rauleigh on 17 March 1618 (Arber, 3: 623). The edition was then printed "for H. G. and are to be sold by I. Wright, at the signe of the Bible without New-gate. 1618" (STC 17148 and .3). On 12 June 1621 Trundle entered Daniel Ben Alexander (Arber, 4:56), which was printed by Allde for Gosson "to be sould in Panniar-Ally [sic]. 1621" (STC 6266). Taylors Motto was entered to Gosson on 18 June 1621 (Arber, 4:56), but the edition was printed "for I T & H G" (STC 23800 and .5). This is apparently the single example of Trundle's name, or initials, occurring in the imprint of a book entered independently by another stationer. Trundle and Gosson jointly entered The Unnatural Father on 10 July 1621 (Arber, 4:57) with the edition being printed for "I.T. and H.G." (STC 23808a). In 1622 they published The Lawyers Philosophy without entrance; the imprint reads "printed for I. T. and H. G. and are to bee sold at the Widdow Gossons in Pannier Alley."[16] They registered Prince Charles his Welcome on 7 October 1623 (Arber, 4:105), which was then printed for John Wright to be sold at his shop (STC 23789.7). According to imprints, they also shared in the publication of two ballads; and in 1636 Gosson reprinted the broadside The Red-Cross, which Trundle had published earlier (STC 20824. See below for a discussion of the several issues of this title.). Trundle's work with Gosson is more suggestive of a partnership than is any of the other associations. The joint entries and the occurrence of both names in imprints are not typical of Trundle's involvement with other publishers. But here again none of the imprints gives Trundle's shop as the place of sale. Instead the editions were sold out of one of Gosson's or at the shop of John Wright.

John Wright, or his brother Edward, sold several editions for Trundle in addition to those indicated above. A Miracle, of Miracles, which Trundle entered on 15 November 1613 (Arber, 3:537), was printed for him "to be sold at Christ Church gate. 1614" (STC 14068). The imprint reads the same in Anthony Painter, entered by Trundle on 21 January 1614 (Arber, 3:540; STC 19120). A Faire Quarrell was not entered but was printed "for I. T. and are to bee sold at Christ Church Gate. 1617" (BEPD, #352). In 1620 Hic Mulier (STC 13374) and Haec Vir (STC 12599), entered by Trundle on 9 and 16 February 1620, respectively (Arber 3:665), and Jack a Lent, 2nd edition (STC 23765.5), not entered, bear this imprint. There are two editions of The Life and Death of . . . the Virgin Mary (not entered): the imprint of STC 23770 reads: "Printed at London by G. E. and are to be sold at Christchurch gate. 1620", while that of STC 23771 reads merely "Printed at London

by G. E. for I. T. 1622." (This title was among those assigned from the estate of Margery Trundle on 1 June 1629.) The Life and Death of G. Flood, not entered, was printed "for I. T." and was sold at the Bible without Newgate in 1623 (STC 11090). Altogether, then, the Wrights sold eleven editions for Trundle or for him and one of his associates, and they sold numerous editions for other stationers.[17] Apparently they ran an effective distribution system from their shops near Christ Church and Newgate.

This survey of Trundle's career shows that he was responsible for procuring most of the copy for the publications in which he was involved and that he relied upon collaborators to help bring many of these titles to the public. His associates who were themselves independent publishers probably financed or shared the financing of publication costs. In some of these instances it is likely that Trundle traded his copyright for a share of the proceeds, though only in the case of Hamlet is there evidence that his associate actually assumed the copyright. But what of his arrangements with those who were primarily booksellers, like Hodgets and Marchant, or who ran a distribution service as a side-line, like John Wright? In general terms the advantage that they offered to a publisher like Trundle is easy to see. Publishers of topical and sensational pamphlets needed a rapid turn-over, for these items went quickly out of currency. Unsold sheets not only tied up capital but might also lead to losses. Quick distribution was probably of as much concern to such publishers as the paper and printing costs of a three or four sheet quarto. Hence Trundle got his wares into the hands of booksellers who specialized in this end of the trade, men whose shops and distribution networks offered a better chance for quick sales.

Trundle's relationship with these men invites comparison with that between certain publishers (called "booksellers") and booksellers (called "trade publishers") that occurred towards the end of the century. These "trade publishers," as described by Michael Treadwell, "only rarely entered works to themselves in the registers" while works bearing their imprints had often been entered by other stationers (p. 116). Their services were used mainly by the "copy-right owning booksellers" for the two motives, according to Treadwell, of "concealment and convenience" (p. 120). They dealt largely in topical pamphlets, often of a political or religious nature, items that had to be sold quickly. They relieved the publisher of the worry of distributing and keeping accounts for these ephemeral items, for which service the publisher paid them a fee for each copy sold, calculated apparently as the difference between the wholesale and retail prices (pp. 121-123, 126). It was also a part of their function "to stand mute between the real proprietors and the authorities in time of any slight unpleasantness" (p. 125), though ultimately the printer and copyright owner were at risk (p. 131).

Trundle's arrangement with booksellers may have been upon similar

terms. He may have turned over the copies of an edition to them, which they then sold at the retail price from their own shops and perhaps also wholesaled to other booksellers both in London and in the provinces. They kept the accounts of sales, and when these had run their course settled the account with Trundle. The factor of convenience for Trundle is apparent, but what of concealment? Did his booksellers stand as a buffer between him and possible trouble with the authorities? Here, of course, the tenuous parallel with the "trade publisher" of the later era breaks down, for Treadwell conjectures that the political unrest of the 1680's, together with the lapsing of the Licensing Act in 1679, led to the appearance of that specialist. Through his services, the copyright owner could exploit the market for political and religious controversy without having his name associated, at least publically, with the books (pp. 129-131).

But it is difficult to see how a publisher in Trundle's time could hope to evade responsibility by this ruse, especially if his name were on record at Stationers' Hall as the enterer of the title. However, Greg does suspect that Trundle "rather meanly" removed his name from the imprint of The Isle of Gulls, leaving Hodgets to take the heat of any consequences due to the topical allusions in the play ("The Two Issues of Day's Isle of Gulls, 1606," p. 307). This play, of course, was not entered, and Trundle's connection with it, at least to our eyes, appears only from the one extant copy with his name in the imprint. But surely this was not the only copy issued with this imprint, and one wonders why, if Trundle was truly concerned, he let any of them out. Moreover, the Stationers' Company did succeed in fixing responsibility for publication even in instances when the copy was not entered and when the responsible party's name does not appear in the imprint, as for example when Allde, Trundle, and Snodham were fined for a book that bears Butter's name in the imprint (see note 9). On the whole, it seems more likely that Trundle's name was removed from the imprint for some other reason, perhaps because it was seen to have no advertising value (compare The Dead Term and Trundle's practice with Marchant).[18]

III

Although few of Trundle's titles are of intrinsic interest as literature, investigating the publication history of some of them does throw light on his methods, at times none too scrupulous, in the pursuit of manuscripts.

Enough speculation already exists concerning the publication of Hamlet not to need addition here. However, it is worth remarking that Trundle's

practices, at least later in his career, and the contrasting habits of Ling, who regularly financed the publication of copy for other stationers, support the conjecture that it was Trundle who came into the possession of this manuscript. It is moreover difficult to see how otherwise he could have gained a share in its publication. One other circumstance is worthy of notice. Since much has been made of the connections between James Roberts and Ling, not only in the fact that Roberts printed the second edition of the play for Ling but also that he was and continued to be Ling's favorite printer, it should be noted that he also appears to have printed for Trundle. The first of these printings is of interest both with regard to this connection and for what it reveals of Trundle's methods early in his career.

On 27 July 1603 Trundle made his first entry in the Register, for "A Relation of many visitations by the plague &c." (Arber, 3:243), which shows that he already aimed to capitalize on current events. There is, however, no record of a publication with exactly this title. Instead there are two extant issues of a plague bill entitled A true bill of the whole number that hath died in the Cittie of London. . . . One issue (STC 16743.2) covers deaths to "October the sixt day, 1603" and is signed "Henry Chettle"; the other (STC 16743.3) is unsigned and presents the statistics to "October the 20. day." The imprint on both issues reads: "At London printed by I. R. for Iohn Trundle, and are to be sold at his shop in Barbican, neere Long lane end." Wilson says that this bill was "piratically" printed (The Plague in London, p. 192, n. 3), evidently because it infringed the patent granted to John Windet on 1 August 1603 for "the billes of suche as Dye and are buried this yere of the plague and other sicknesses. . ." (Arber, 3:243). But this bill also includes, as the sub-title indicates, "a relation of many visitations by the plague, in sundry other forraine Countries," in the form of brief notices of the ravages of the plague from Roman times, accounting for approximately half of the text. Had this publication been challenged (there is no record that Windet protested), Trundle could thus have cited his entrance of 27 July as at least a specious defense. At some point it occurred to him that he might improve sales by appending statistics of the current plague to this text, which also meant that the same text could be published weekly with updated statistics.[19]

If Roberts indeed printed this bill, as the initials indicate, and if RSTC is correct in ascribing to his press the 1606 print of the play Nobody and Somebody for Trundle, then Trundle resorted to Roberts's print-shop in Barbican at about the same time as and later than the initial publication of

Hamlet.[20] Apparently Roberts held no grudge against either Ling or Trundle, the putative filcher of the manuscript, over this apparent infringement of copyright.

Other instances, however, show Trundle taking more conventional routes for the acquisition of copy. He was involved in the publication of six (perhaps seven) titles of the works of Thomas Dekker, including two plays.[21] These manuscripts were apparently acquired from the author. The Double PP, 1606, was published anonymously, but Dekker wrote a dedication for a separate issue of this work (STC 6498 and .5). He also wrote dedications for The Dead Terme, 1608 (STC 6496), The Artillery Garden, 1616 (STC 6475.5), and A Rod for Run-aways, 1625 (STC 6520, two editions). The two plays were also evidently published with Dekker's consent. He wrote an address, "Lectori," for The Whore of Babylon, 1607 (BEPD, #241) and a dedication for If It Be not Good, 1612 (BEPD, #305).

Most of Trundle's other plays also were apparently procured from authorized sources, though whether from the author or the acting company is not always clear.[22] The address "To the Reader and Hearer" in The Fleer, 1607 (entered by Trundle jointly but assigned before publication), implies that the play was published with the knowledge of the author, Edward Sharpham (BEPD, #255). A Faire Quarrell, 1617 (BEPD, #352), bears a dedication from William Rowley. The second issue of this play, however, includes an added scene of "Mr. Chaughs and Trimtrams Roaring, and the Bauds Song," comic material that must have been a feature of the stage production. Middleton, in his dedication to The World Tost at Tennis, 1620 (BEPD, #365), avers that this masque was "brought to the press rather by the printer than the poet. . . ." Jo. Cook's Greenes Tuquoque, 1614 (BEPD, #323), may have come from the acting company. The wording of Thomas Heywood's epistle for this play suggests that Cook was dead. Heywood also states that he cannot "tell whether this worke was diuulged with [Cook's] consent or no: but howsoeuer, since it hath past the Test of the stage with so generall an applause, pitty it were but it should likewise haue the honour of the Presse." Of the play copy (excluding Hamlet), only The Isle of Gulls, 1606 (BEPD, #235 and Nobody and Somebody, 1606 (BEPD, #229) contain no evidence of

provenance, though the former of these appears to have been set from an authorial manuscript (Harrison, p. ix).

The only other author for whom Trundle published several titles was John Taylor. Trundle brought out five titles by this prolific author during the years 1620-1623, two independently and three in association with Henry Gosson. His connection with Taylor was probably through Gosson, who was one of Taylor's favorite publishers. Beginning in 1612, Gosson published at least thirty-four of Taylor's works.

In the light of the above, Shaaber's characterization of Trundle as a "busy miracle-monger and father of lies" (p. 291) seems both overly dramatic and ungenerous. But Shaaber has in mind several "news" pamphlets published by Trundle between 1607 and 1615. The most famous of these was True and Wonderful, 1614, by "A. R.," which reports the appearance, near Horsham in Sussex, of a "monstrous serpent (or Dragon)" that had slain "Men and Cattell, by his strong and violent poyson" (STC 20569). It may be significant that Trundle's entry of this title included the "Caution that if any exceptions be taken he shall stand to the perrill thereof himself" (Arber, 3:553), though it is not clear exactly what risk was involved. The imprint is, however, both laconic and misleading: "Printed at London, by John Trundle." (RSTC identifies the printer as Allde.) Shaaber calls this story "as gross an imposture as cynicism or credulity ever practised" (p. 239). Apparently "A. R." was himself concerned about the reception of his tale, for in his address "To the Reader" (A3-3v), he observes that "the iust Reward of him that is accustomed to lie, is, not to be belieu'd when he speaketh the truth." As well as reporting frightening news, however, the book has a didactic and moralistic purpose. It opens with a long preamble citing the appearances of dragons in history and legend, with numerous quotes in Latin (immediately translated), and the dragon itself is interpreted as one of those progidies of nature like "an Eclips or fearefull Comet" sent as a warning to sinful man "of some Serpentine sinnes that liue amongst vs." Whether this story evoked a frisson or a chuckle is doubtful, but the "dragon" was certainly memorable. Ben Jonson refers to it in News from the New World (acted 1620); Richard Brathwait mentions it in 1631; and a ballad of 1652 promises: "heer's no Sussex Serpent to fright you here in my Bundle, nor was it e-ver Printed for the Widdow Trundle."[23]

Another book of this nature is Fire from Heauen, 1613, by John Hilliard (STC 13507), which purports to tell the story of how one John Hitchell, of Southampton, was miraculously "consumed to ashes, and no fire seene." But,

as Shaaber notices, this story is actually only a detail "tucked away among twenty pages of unabashed homilectics" (p. 204). Shaaber infers from this and other examples that the publishers regularly wrote the title-pages for their publications and that they emphasized the sensational as a selling point (p. 214). This detailed title-page, for example, admonishes the prospective reader to "Reade and tremble."[24] However, Trundle did append to this book an account of a literal fire that had laid waste the town of Dorchester.

More seriously, Shaaber shows that Trundle republished old news reports with dates omitted or current dates inserted. Trundle did not enter the copy for Three Bloodie Murders, 1613 (STC 18287). As Shaaber establishes, the first of these murder cases, that of W. Storre, is a reprint of STC 23295, published by J. Barnes at Oxford in 1603. In the reprint, "the text of the 1603 edition is faithfully followed, even down to the testimonials of good character, except all the tell-tale dates are omitted" (pp. 290-291). The other two cases are dated 2 July 1613 and are apparently current. Another example of this practice is A Miracle of Miracles, 1614, by "I. T." This book contains a tale of a headless bear that afflicted a woman in Somerset, a tale of a country maid in Germany who supposedly died and then revived to prophesy to her family and neighbors, and an account of a flood in Lincolnshire (STC 14068 and .3). Of these, Trundle had entered only the latter, with the proviso that it is "to be printed when it is further allowed" (Arber, 3:357). Shaaber identifies the headless bear tale as a reprint of STC 5681, printed for Thomas Nelson in 1584; and his conjecture that the story of the German maid is also an old story is quite correct (pp. 291-292). RSTC points out that this tale is a reprint of STC 21818, which William Wright had published in 1580. In both of these accounts, Trundle changed the dates to give the tales new currency. In this regard, it is amusing to note that the tale of the headless bear resurfaced in 1641 under a new title and with the victim's name changed.[25]

Trundle also updated foreign news items himself. For example, he entered a report of the blasphemer Anthony Painter on 21 January 1614 as "translated out of ffrench" (Arber, 3:540). The title-page states that Painter "dyed the 3. of November. 1613" (STC 19120. The title-page is reproduced in Shaaber, p. 145.). This account is based on Punition Exemplaire et Ivgement de Dieu contre Antonine Panetier (British Library, shelf-mark 5423.aa. 24.[1]). This title-page does not date Painter's death, but the book was published in Paris not later than "29. Aoust 1613" and is itself a translation of an earlier Italian version. Both books also include the case of another blasphemer,

Nicholas le Mesle. His execution is dated "le 27. iour de Ianuier 1599" in the original and "27. of Ianuarie 1613" in Trundle's version.

Trundle evidently resorted to this practice when contemporary events offered no newsworthy items or when some other publisher had already cornered the market. The competition for such items is apparent. Trundle and Busby entered the report of the apprehension, arraignment, and execution of Charles Courtney on 13 March 1612, conditional upon "sufficient further aucthority." The condition was probably due to the fact that they were anticipating the event, for the next entry, of a ballad on the same subject to John Wright, indicates that Courtney was executed on 14 March (Arber, 3:479). Another instance affords a glimpse of publishers scurrying after a lucrative item. On 27 September 1605, Trundle entered a report of the merchant Sir Thomas Smith's "ambassage" to Russia. The entrance is conditional, the copy "to be staid . . . till he bringe further aucthority for yt." But a note appended indicates that the entrance is allowed by "mr Norton" (Arber, 3:302). The edition was then printed "for Nathanyell Butter. 1605" (STC 22869 and .3). This pamphlet recounts events at the Russian court, including "the tragicall ends of two Emperors [one of them Boris Godonov], and one Empresse. . . ." According to the unsigned address "To the Reader," the copy was put together from reports and notes "without consent either of Sir. Tho. himselfe, or of those gentlemen my friends that deliuered it unto me. . . ." Moreover, it appears that several such reports had been cobbled together, for, the address continues, "many way-laid the Newes . . . so that their heads being gotten with child of a Bastard, there was no remedy but they must be deliuered in Paules Church-yard." Apparently Trundle had beat his competitors to the Hall without taking time to get his copy properly licensed and was refused positive entrance until this detail could be cleared to the satisfaction of the warden.[26] If Butter wrote this address, then he may be referring to Trundle as one of the "way-layers." There is no record, however, that Trundle protested Butter's publication, which, together with their later association, suggests that the two reached an agreement.

Another news event which spurred competition among several publishers was the trials of the perpetrators in the poisoning of Sir Thomas Overbury. Shaaber lists fifteen titles associated with the Overbury case, involving eleven different publishers (pp. 142-143).[27] Trundle issued or entered five

titles concerning the malefactors. The first of his entries (missed by Shaaber) shows him closely following the course of events. He entered "The reward of the adulterer and adulteresse paid by gods owne hand," on 19 November 1615, with the approval of an official licenser (Arber, 3:577). No copy of this title has survived, but it apparently referred to the executions of the criminals in that month. A note at the conclusion of The Iust Downfall (STC 18919.7) calls the reader's attention to it as "a little Table, called the Spectacles . . ." (D4v). It was evidently a woodcut accompanied by text. Trundle's titles were not "news" in any strict sense but purported first-person accounts of the "repentances" and "tears" of the criminals. The lag between the event and the entrance suggests that there may have been a delay in getting some of the items licensed, perhaps due to the implications to high-ranking nobility. For example, Trundle entered "A little poeme called Mistris Turnores teares" on 29 November 1615 (Arber, 3:579), fifteen days after Anne Turner's execution. On 19 December 1615 Butter entered a report of the speech that Sir Jervis Elwes made at his execution on 20 November; this entry is followed by Trundle's for a ballad "of the same matter" (Arber, 3:580). However, Trundle did publish two single sheet folios of verses without entrance: Mistris Turners Farewell to All Women (STC 24341.5) and Iames Franklin . . . His Owne Arraignment (STC 11332.5. A related title was published by Henry Gosson, STC 11332).

As well as exploiting current events, Trundle also responded to popular controversies. Two of his most interesting pamphlets Hic Mulier: Or, The Man-Woman (STC 13374, two editions) and Haec-Vir: Or The Womanish-Man (STC 12599) are his contributions to the argument concerning the position of women, a controversy sparked, in the press at least, by Joseph Swetnam's The Araignment of Lewd, Idle, Froward and Unconstant Women, 1615 (STC 23533, et. seq.). This tract went through ten editions during 1615-1637 and prompted a host of answers and rebuttals (see RSTC). Trundle registered his first title on February 9; the second followed a week later and is a reply to the first (Arber, 3:665). The closeness of these entries suggests to Wright "that the reply was already in manuscript and that the two were designed as a bookseller's effort to capitalize on popular interest in both sides of the controversy" (p. 494). Wright has high praise for Haec Vir: it is "a vigorous dialogue, at times eloquent in the sincere defense of woman's right to personal freedom" (p. 495), and "the Areopagitica of the London woman. . ." (p. 497). Both pamphlets are anonymous, but, according to the editor of the facsimile edition of the tracts, the "differences in style and attitude indicate that two writers were involved." This editor suggests that "Trundle may have commissioned them as a contribution to the continuing argument set off by" Swetnam's tract.[28]

Some of Trundle's other titles fit roughly into Shaaber's "feature story"

category (p. 160). Whereas several of these emphasize the sensational or moralistic elements of the story, others are straight-forward reports of events. For example, Anthony Nixon's Oxfords Triumph (STC 18589) describes James I's state visit to Oxford at the end of August, 1605. The king was entertained by learned debates on such subjects as "Whether the Saints and Angels doe know the thoughts of our hearts" and (more topically) "Whether in the time of Pestilence the pastors of the Church are tyed to visit the infected?" (Unfortunately we are not told the substance of the disputation, though this debate took "the space of two hours" [B3v-4]). The king's oration to the university is printed in Latin, then in English, and we learn that, on the final evening, "there was a Comedie plaied by saint Iohns men before his Maiestie," who was highly pleased with it (E1v). Similarly Newes of Sr. Walter Rauleigh, 1618 (STC 17148, two issues) and Three to One, 1626 (STC 19529, two editions), are relatively unadorned accounts. The first, based on letters sent "from a Gentleman of his Fleet," describes the first part of Raleigh's ill-fated voyage. The second is Richard Peeke's lively account of his exploits in the Spanish war. (Reprinted in Stuart Tracts 1603-1693.) On the other hand, A Bloody Tragedy, or Romish Maske, 1607 (STC 14526.5) and A Nunnes Prophesie, or the Fall of Friars, 1615 (STC 18747) trade upon anti-Catholic sentiment. The former is an especially lurid account of how five Jesuit priests in Germany held sixteen German "maides" in bondage and then ritually executed them once they had become pregnant.

It is possible that Trundle himself put together, edited, or translated some of the copy that he published. The "editing" is apparent in those instances in which he changed the dates of old books. Thus the "I. T." of A Miracle of Miracles may refer to him (see above). His entry of "newes out of Germany" is said to be "translated out of the Dutch and French copie by. J. T∧" (Arber, 3:361). Another book, The Hunting of the Pox, 1619 (STC 23624.7) is ascribed to "I. T.," but the entry specifies that this is "J. T. of Westminster" (Arber, 3:642). However, "John T." wrote a dedication "to his best re-spected Friend, Mr. Roger Taylor" for Keepe within Compass: or the Worthy Legacy of a Wise Father to His Beloued Sonne, 1619 (STC 14898.5 et seq.). The dedication states that "it is my true knowledge of you, and my truer loue vnto you, which makes mee send this poore instant of my braine, and slender Collections to kisse your hand . . ." (A2-2v). This is a book of advice, counselling moderation in areas such as "Religion," "Apparell," and "Dyet." As far as available records show, it was Trundle's closest approach to a best-seller. Though most of the surviving copies are imperfect, it evidently went through several editions for Trundle. He assigned the title to John Wright in 1623 (Arber, 4:90), and Wright then published a "tenth impression".[29]

Such a book was, however, a rarity for Trundle. Normally his titles demanded no more than one edition, or in some few instances a second edition

following immediately upon the first. A publisher of ephemeral pamphlet literature, however, could not count on reprints to keep him afloat; instead he had to be enterprising and versatile in his pursuit of copy. Some authors such as Dekker and Taylor could be counted on to produce with fair consistency. Playwrights and acting companies were good sources, provided that the latter could be persuaded to part with their manuscripts. There were also the hack writers who could be employed to turn out verses on a current event, which could then be hurried onto the street as a ballad or broadside. All of the above, of course, had to be paid, which cut into the already slim profit margin that Trundle enjoyed; moreover they could not always be depended upon. A cheaper source was foreign pamphlets; these required only the services of a translator. Even more expedient, and cheaper, were old pamphlets that had already been published. These evidently did not even require license or entrance fees, and the publisher himself could do the minor editing to give them new currency. It is apparent that the profit motive and the pressure of competition fostered these and other sharp practices. Title-pages promised an astonishment that the text did not deliver. And in some instances, such as the Sussex dragon, it may be suspected that the publisher made a sensation out of a "non-event," a practice all too familiar in our own time.

In the absence of a will or inventory, it is not easy to judge Trundle's success in the trade, but there are some indications that his success did not equal his notoriety. For one thing, his manner of working with associates meant that his profits, although they might be better assured, were less. His assignments of titles, increasing in frequency in the 1620's, suggest that he was in need of ready money (see Arber, 4:44, 58, 90, and 101). Finally, his widow's apparent failure in the trade may reflect not only her lack of business sense but also the condition of Trundle's estate at his death.

WORKS CITED

• Arber, Edward. A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London; 1554-1640. 5 volumes. 1875-94; rpt. Peter Smith, Gloucester, Mass., 1967.
• Bentley, Gerald Eades. The Jacobean and Caroline Stage. Vol. II. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1941.
• Bligh, E. W. Sir Kenelm Digby and His Venetia. London: Sampson Low, Marston & Co., 1932.
• Feather, John. "Cross-Channel Currents: historical bibliography and l'histoire du livre." 6 Library 2 (1980), 1-15.
• Greg, W. W. "The Two Issues of Day's Isle of Gulls, 1606." 4 Library 3 (1922-23), 307-09.
• Greg, W. W. The Shakespeare First Folio. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955.
• Greg, W. W. A Bibliography of the English Printed Drama to the Restoration. 4 Vols. 1939-59; rpt. London: The Bibliographical Society, 1970.
• Greg, W. W., ed. A Companion to Arber. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1967.
• Harrison, G. B., intro. The Ile of Gvls, 1606. Shakespeare Association Facsimiles, No. 12. Oxford Univ. Press, 1936.
• Herford, C. H. and Percy and Evelyn Simpson, eds. Ben Jonson. Vols. VI, VII, X. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1938, 1941, 1950.
• Hic Mulier . . . Haec-vir [facsimile edition]. The Rota, University of Exeter. Ilkley, Yorkshire: Scolar Press, 1973.
• Jackson, William A., ed. Records of the Court of the Stationers' Company 1602 to 1640. London: The Bibliographical Society, 1957.

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• Johnson, Gerald D. "Nicholas Ling, Publisher, 1580-1607." Studies in Bibliography, 38 (1985), 203-214.
• Johnson, Gerald D. "John Busby and the Stationers' Trade 1590-1612." 6 Library 7 (1985), forthcoming.
• McKenzie, D. F. Stationers' Company Apprentices 1605-1640. Charlottesville: The Bibliographical Society of the Univ. of Virginia, 1961.
• McKerrow, R. B. et al. A Dictionary of the Printers and Booksellers . . . 1557-1640. 1910; rpt. London: The Bibliographical Society, 1977.
• Miller, William E. "Printers and Stationers in the Parish of St. Giles Cripplegate 1561-1640." Studies in Bibliography, 19 (1966), 15-38.
• Plomer, H. R. "A Cavalier's Library." Library N.S. 5 (1904), 158-172.
• Shaaber, M. A. Some Forerunners of the Newspaper in England 1476-1622. 1929; rpt. New York, Octagon Books, 1966.
• A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England . . . 1475-1640, compiled by A. W. Pollard & G. R. Redgrave. 1926; rpt. London: The Bibliographical Society, 1969; Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged, by W. A. Jackson, F. S. Ferguson, and Katherine F. Pantzer. Vol. II. London: The Bibliographical Society, 1976.
• Spufford, Margaret. Small Books and Pleasant Histories: Popular Fiction and Its Readership in Seventeenth-Century England. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1981.
• Treadwell, Michael. "London Trade Publishers 1675-1750." 6 Library 4 (1982), 99-134.
• Wilson, F. P. The Plague Pamphlets of Thomas Dekker. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1925.
• Wilson, F. P. The Plague in Shakespeare's London 1927; rpt. Oxford Univ. Press, 1963.
• Wright, Louis B. Middle-Class Culture in Elizabethan England. 1935; rpt. New York: Octagon Books, 1980.

Notes