Coyote and Blue Bunting, Mescalero Apache Text excerpted from Chiricahua Apache Texts, with Ethnological Notes |
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1. Coyote and Blue Bunting
as told by Charles Smith
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 | Coyote and Blue Bunting, Mescalero Apache Text |  |
1. Coyote and Blue Bunting[1] as told by Charles Smith
From there Coyote had gone farther on.
He had gone to the Blue Bunting.
1. Tsék'eeshchíhé 'Coyote'. This is one of the many names by which this mythical being is known. It is popularly translated 'he who has defecated on a rock', an etymology which is kept alive by the tale recorded in Chiricahua text 14: 'Coyote and the Rolling Rock'. This etymology, however, is not verifiable by my linguistic evidence. tsé- is undoubtedly to be identified with tsé 'rock' and -é is very likely the archaic relative, but k'eeshchíh- cannot be explained as a form of the verb k'e-...[si- perf.]-chiͅiͅ 'to defecate on' [act. intr.], the third person perfective of which is yik'eeschaͅaͅ 'he has defecated on it'.
2. ndásá ch'éńyá 'he had gone farther on'. ndásá 'farther on' plus the 3rd person perf. of ch'é-ni-...[ni- perf.]-yá 'one person moves out' [act. intr.]. ch'é- 'out'; ni- completive; -yá 'one person moves'. The stem forms of this theme vary in Mesc. as they do in Chir. See the Linguistic Notes to Chiricahua text 1.15, §2.
3. 'indaa'izhásheedatł'ijí 'Blue Bunting'. A compound of 'indaa'izháshee 'bunting'; datł'ij 'it is blue'; and -í relative. 'indaa'izháshee is itself a compound of 'indaa 'white man' [see Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 6.3, §5] and 'izháshee 'bird'. Later in the text [see passage 15], 'indaa'izháshee is used alone to refer to the Blue Bunting.
datł'ij is, as in Chir. [see the Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 28.1, §1], a third person form of da-ni-...-tł'ij 'to be blue' [imp. neut. intr.]. Note, however, that the final consonant is -j as compared to Chir. -zh. One of the most striking phonetic distinctions between Mesc. and Chir. is found in their treatment of the Ath. voiced final spirants: Chir. -z, -zh regularly corresponding to Mesc. -dz, -j respectively. For a full account of the phonetic distinctions between these two languages, see H. Hoijer, "The Southern Athapaskan Languages" [American Anthropologist, Vol. 40, No. 1, Jan.-March 1938], pp. 75-87.
4. yaach'íńt'iná'a 'he had gone to him, it is said'. 3rd person perf. of 0aa-ch'i-ni-...[ni- pf.]-t'é 'one person moves to someone' [act. intr.]. aa- 'to' [pp.]; ch'i- ?; ni- completive. The theme -t'é 'one person moves' is often used in Mesc. where the theme -1-ghee would be used in Chir. Cf. the following Mesc. verbs based on -t'é with those Chir. verbs based on -l-ghee listed in the Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 13.7.
0aa-ch'i-ni-...[ni- perf.]-t'é 'one person goes to someone' [act. intr.].
dah-ch'i-di-|...[ni- perf.]-t'é 'one person jumps out, away; one person moves quickly' [act. intr.].
ch'i-ni-...[ni- perf.]-t'é 'one person comes' [act. intr.].
ná-ch'i-ni-...[ni- perf.]oͅdoͅt'é 'one person comes back, one person goes back' [act. intr.].
yaa-ná-ch'i-|...[ni- perf.]-t'é 'one person jumps' [act. intr.].
Lexical differences such as this one, phonetic distinctions such as those referred to in 3 above, and the few grammatical distinctions that are described in the Grammatical Sketch constitute the main lines of diversion of Chir. and Mesc.
"Coyote, why do you come?"
hóͅndááł 'you are going'. 2nd person prog. of -yá 'one person moves'. See Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 1.15, §2 for an explanation of the stem form. This is an example of one of the paradigmatic distinctions between Chir. and Mesc. For a summary of these, see §§13-18 of the Grammatical Sketch.
"Well, friend, I'm coming [to see] you.
'óo 'yes, all right, well'. This interjection is generally used to denote assent. It is also heard áó. An emphatic ''óowó is also often heard. This is the only occurrence of the sound w in Mesc.
"Nothing but that of which I know would I do for you.
1. dooyáada ndah bégonsiní ná'óoshłáhát'éda 'nothing but that of which I know would I do for you'. doo-...-da negative [note that this affix encircles the entire phrase]. yáa 'anything'; ndah 'but'; bégonsiní, relative in -í of bégonsiniͅ, the 1st person of 0é-go-ni-...-ł-ziͅ 'to know about' [imp. neut.; see Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 1.1, §5]. ná- 'for you'; 'óoshłá, 1st person opt. of 'á-...[? perf.]-lá 'to do so' [act. tr.]. 'á- 'thus, so' plus the opt. prefix becomes 'óo-. hát'é [should read 'át'é ?] 'it is so'.
2. shań'iͅiͅ 'give it to me'. 2nd person imp. of 0aa-ni-...[ni- perf.]-'iͅiͅ 'to give someone an unknown object' [act. tr.]. It is to be noted here, however, that the object [tobacco] is not unknown. It is characteristic of Mesc., as compared with Chir., that this theme is often used where in Chir. the theme -'aa 'to handle a round object' would be used. It is not quite accurate, therefore, to give the same meaning to -'iͅiͅ in Mesc. as in Chir.
"There is no tobacco here [that] I can give you."
Dooha'yá nát'oh si'iͅiͅ dihnoosh'iͅiͅhát'éda 'there is no tobacco here [that] I can give you'. doo...-da negative; ha'yá 'any, some'; nát'oh 'tobacco'; si'iͅiͅ 'an unknown object lies'; dihnoosh'iͅiͅ, a combination of dih- 'tobacco offering', naa- 'to you', the 1st person opt. prefix, and the opt. stem of the theme -'iͅiͅ 'to handle an unknown object' [act. tr.]. Note that hát'é is oftener used than 'át'é [the characteristic Chir. usage] in constructions of this sort [see note 1.4, §1].
"Well anyhow, sit down on the ground.
1. sáͅń 'wife'. Literally, 'old woman.' sáͅ 'old age' plus the relative enclitic -ń. See Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 21.1, §§1 and 2.
2. tsiͅbikáyí 'bark'. tsiͅ 'tree', bikáyí 'its skin, cover'.
"Here it is,"
káásikáͅ 'here it is'. káá- 'here' [demonst. procl. ?]. sikáͅ 'an object in a container lies' [3rd person si- perf. neut. intr.].
"Give it to me."
She put it down for him.
Kányíńkáͅ.
And then the Blue Bunting man picked it up.
'Ákoo nágo 'Indaa'izhásheedatł'ijí haastiͅiͅń 'áń náinjaa.
Nágo níhidóͅóͅzhiij.
Nágo 'izisí ghehyóͅóͅjaaj.
'Izisí łi' náintsoodz.
Díͅíͅn 'iłch'iͅiͅyiindi.
Bighe'á 'idałchishíͅ, naałtsoosí hayóͅóͅjaa.
Naałtsoosí nát'ohíyił yá'édiͅní Shóͅóͅdéń bidáayá bánch'íń'iͅiͅ.
Then he pulverized it.
Then he put it in a bag.
He picked up another bag.
He pressed [the two bags] together four times[2].
Putting his hand in it, he took out some paper[3].
He put down before Coyote paper and tobacco that had not existed before.
1. náinjaa 'he picked it up'. 3rd person perf. with 3rd person object of ná-di-|...[ni- perf.]-jáásh 'to pick up a mass' [act. intr.]. See Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 1.22, §1. Here, where Blue Bunting is taking a mass of bark from the container, the verb of handling changes [before, in the text, the verb referring to the handling of objects in a container was used]. See Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 2.7, §15.
2. níhidóͅóͅzhiij 'he pulverized it'. 3rd person perf. with 3rd person obj. of ní-di-...[hi- perf.]- zhiish 'to pound, to pulverize' [act. tr.]. The theme occurs only with these prefixes. Note the difference between the Mesc. and Chir. 3rd person hi- perf.; see Grammatical Sketch, §14.
3. ghehyóͅóͅjaaj 'he put a mass in'. 3rd person perf. with 3rd person obj. of gheh-|...[hi- perf.]-jáásh 'to put a mass in' [act. tr.; gheh-| 'in']. The perfective stem of the theme -jáásh 'to handle a mass' varies between -jaa [see §1 above] and -jaaj. In Chir., the perfective stem is regularly -jaa [the Linguistic Note to Chiricahua texts 2.17 §1 and 2.7, §15.
4. náintsoodz 'he picked it up' has probably been misheard for náinłtsoodz, the 3rd person perf. with 3rd person obj. of ná-di-|...[ni- perf.]-ł-tsóós 'to pick up a fabric-like object' [act. tr.]. Cf. note 1 above. Note that the perfective stem of this theme has the final consonant -j corresponding to Chir. -z [see note 1.1, §3].
5. 'iłch'iͅiͅyiindi 'he pressed them together'. 'ił- reciprocal; -'ch'iͅiͅ 'to, toward'. yiindi, 3rd person imp. with 3rd person obj. of hi-|...[si- perf.] ndi 'to press' [act. tr.].
6. 'idałchishíͅ 'putting his hand in'. 3rd person perf. of 'i-di-...[hi- perf.]-l-'chí 'to move one's hand away' [mediopass.]. 'i- 'away'; di- [to move] one's own' [?]. -shíͅ functions here as a subordinating enclitic.
7. naałtsoosí 'paper'. Literally, 'that fabric-like object which is carried about'. naałtsoos, passive cont. imp. of the theme -ł-tsóós 'to handle a fabric-like object' with the prefix naa- 'about, here and there'.
8. bidáayá 'before him'. -dá 'before, in front of' plus the pp. ee- 'at' and -yá.
Few things occur in Mescalero myth or ceremony which are not connected somehow with the number four.
"Now smoke,"
"Yes, I'll smoke,"
Then, rolling a cigarette, he sat down facing him.
'Ákoo, nát'ohí yiidisgo, goch'iͅiͅneesdá.
'Áshíͅ nágo koͅoͅí baach'íń'iͅiͅ.
Nágo ná'ch'iłt'oh.
Nágo ch'iishké.
And then he gave [Coyote] a light.
Then he [also] smoked.
And the two sat there.
1. nát'ohí yiidisgo 'rolling a cigarette'. nát'oh 'tobacco followed by yiidis 'he rolls it' means 'cigarette'.
2. koͅoͅí baach'íń'iͅiͅ 'he gave him a light'. koͅoͅ- 'fire'. Note again that the theme -'iͅiͅ is used of a known object [see note 1.4, §2]. In Chir., the theme -ł-t'aa 'to handle fire' [act. tr.] would be used.
Now they had [finished] smoking.
K'adi ná'chóͅóͅłt'oh.
Nágo:
Then:
"Yes, I will come to you,"
Then Coyote started to leave him.
'Ákoo Shóͅóͅdé goch'áͅnádeesdzáná'a.
'Ákoo nádiidzágo 'iłzénách'iisndiná'a.
'Ákoo 'inóͅóͅdzáná'a.
Then he arose and they embraced each other.
Then he went away.
'iłzénách'iisndiiná'a 'they embraced each other, it is said'. 3a person perf. of 0-zé-ná-...[si- perf.]-ndi 'to embrace' [act. intr.]. The theme of this verb may be related to -l-ndi 'to move one's hand' [mediopas.]. ná- 'around'; zé- 'neck' [?].
Note that in the Mesc. texts the narrative enclitic ná'a is employed much less often than in most of the Chir. texts.
Then, when exactly four days had passed, [Blue Bunting and his family] came to his home.
'Ákoo, díͅíͅ' hiishkáͅnágo, bikooghaͅyá baach'íkáná'a.
"Friend, why do you come?"
"I am here now because you told me to come, Coyote."
Literally, this passage reads: "That / you will come to me / that which you said to me now / I sit here, / Coyote."
"Wife, bring some of that bark,"
'ikásht'óójí, another word for 'bark' [see note 1.8, §2]. This word cannot be analyzed.
His wife took out a dish.
Bi'isdzáń 'idee ch'éyíńt'áͅná'a.
'Ikásht'óójí béghahgo 'áíͅlaago, bich'iͅiͅyaayóͅóͅkáͅná'a.
Bidáa, bighaastiͅń bidájiͅ, ni'ńkáͅná'a.
Having filled it with bark, she brought it into him.
Before him, before her husband, she put it down.
1. 'idee 'dish, cup, container'. Literally 'someone's horn'; cf. bidee 'his [e. g., an animal's] horn'. For the etymology of this word, see Edward Sapir, "Internal Linguistic Evidence Suggestive of the Northern Origin of the Navaho" [American Anthropologist, Vol. 38, No. 2, April-June 1936], pp. 225-227.
2. 'ikásht'óójí béghahgo 'áíͅlaago 'having filled it with bark'. 'ikásht'óójí 'bark' [see note 1.20]. béghah > bi- 3rd person pronoun plus the postposition -éghah 'to the measure of'. 'áíͅlaa, 3rd person perf. with 3rd person object of 'á-...[? perf.]-lá 'to make so, to do so' [act. tr.].
3. bich'iͅiͅyaayóͅóͅkáͅná'a 'she brought it in to him'. bich'iͅiͅ 'to him' plus the 3rd person perf. with 3rd person object of yaa-|...[hi- perf.]-kaa 'to bring in an object in a container' [act. tr.]. yaa-| 'in, inside'.
4. bighaastiͅń 'her husband'. Is -ghaastiͅ 'husband' related to haastiͅiͅ 'old man; he is old'? The latter word is also used in the sense of 'husband'.
Then he picked up the bark.
'Ákoo 'ikásht'óójí náinjaaná'a.
'Áńdeeda níidnzhishgo sidáná'a.
Shóͅóͅdéń níidóͅóͅzhiijnágon, bi'isdzáńń 'izis yéyóͅóͅkeená'a.
'Áí níidóͅóͅzhiijí Shóͅóͅdé 'izis gheyóͅóͅjaaná'ago, izis yénááyóͅóͅkeená'a.
Bi'isdzáńń 'izisí baayíńłtsoodzná'a.
'Ákoo izisí baayíńłtsoodzí díͅíͅn 'iłch'iͅiͅyiindiná'a.
'Ákoo dá'ághát'égo, doo'iyáabighe'ási'iͅiͅdaná'ahá.
Dá'ághát'égo, 'indaa'izháshee bidáa bánch'íń'iͅiͅná'a.
Now he sat pounding it.
Just as Coyote had pulverized it, he asked his wife for a sack.
Coyote put that which he had pulverized into the sack and asked for another sack.
His wife gave him the sack.
Then he pressed the sacks that she had given him together four times.
But, in spite of this, there was absolutely nothing in them[4].
However, he put it down before Blue Bunting.
1. níidnzhishgo 'pounding it'. This is apparently the 3rd person imp. with 3rd person object of ní-di-...[hi- perf.]-zhish 'to pound, pulverize' [act. tr.]. See note 1.21, §4. níi- > ní- plus the 3rd person object yi-. I cannot understand the prefix dn-, however.
2. níidóͅóͅzhiijnágon 'just as he had pounded it'. For níidóͅóͅzhiij, see note 1 above and note 1.24, §4. -ná 'just'; -go subord. encl.; -n past tense enclitic.
3. doo'iyáabighe'ási'iͅiͅdaná'ahá 'there was absolutely nothing in them, it is said'. 'doo-... -da negative; 'iyáa 'anything'; bighe' 'in them'; -á, a reduced form of the pp. -yá; si'iͅiͅ; 'an unknown object lies' [3rd person si- perf. neut. intr.]; -ná'a narrative encl.; -há exclamatory enclitic.
In many episodes of the cycle Coyote makes himself ridiculous by imitating others without having the requisite power to accomplish what they have done.
"You will smoke,"
Doonát'oh'át'édaná'ahá!
There was no tobacco at all!
Then [Blue Bunting] just looked at it.
'Ákoo 'áí yik'édeeghalná'ahá.
Yaayáńziͅná'a.
Dábí náin'iͅiͅgo, bighe'ási'iͅiͅí kaanáideendilná'a.
'Ákoo dábí 'izisí 'ikásht'óózhí yeehaidééłbiͅná'a.
'Áshíͅ 'izisídó náinłtsoodzná'a.
Dádíͅíͅn 'iłch'iͅiͅyiindiná'a.
Naałtsoosísíͅ nát'ohíyił dábí 'indaa'izhásheeń ká'áíͅlaaná'ago, kaayíń'iͅiͅná'a.
He was embarrassed by it.
Picking it up himself, he poured out that [bark] which was in it before [Coyote].
Then he filled a sack with bark himself.
Then he picked up the other sack.
He pressed them together just four times.
Blue Bunting himself having made paper and tobacco for [Coyote], he gave it to him.
1. dábí [dá- 'just, only' plus the 3rd person independent pronoun] is here translated by the English 'himself'.
2. kaanáideendil 'he poured it out before him'. kaa- 'to him' plus the 3rd person perf. with 3rd person object of ná-di-...[si- perf.]- ndił 'to pour out' [act. tr.] . ná-di- ?; the theme is clearly a continuative form of - ndííł 'to handle several objects'. Note that the text form, a 3rd person si- perfective, does not have the regular form of the si- perfective but lacks the prefix s-. Such irregular 3rd person si- perfectives are of quite common occurrence in Mesc.
3. yeehaidééłbiͅná'a 'he filled it with it'. yee- 'with it' plus the 3rd person perf. with 3rd person object of ha-di-...[? perf.]-ł-biͅ 'to fill' [act. tr.]. The perfective of this verb is irregular: Sg. 1. hadééłbiͅ; Sg. 2. hadénłbiͅ; Sg. 3. haidééłbiͅ; Sg. 3a. hashdééłbiͅ; Du. 1. hadéͅeͅłbiͅ. This paradigm, however, varies with a regular si- perfective paradigm.
Then, without smoking, he went away.
'Ákoo t'óoná'ch'óͅóͅłt'ohdago, bich'áͅnáshdeesdzáná'a.
T'óo'iłzénách'iisndidaná'ahá ké'iláí baayách'íńziͅná'aí bíká.
They had not even embraced each other because he was ashamed of [Coyote's] imitation of him.[5]
1. Note that t'óoná'ch'óͅóͅłt'ohdago 'without smoking' and tóo'iłzénách'iisndiidaná'ahá 'they had not even embraced each other' employ the variant negative affix t'óo-...-da. This form of the negative affix occurs oftener in Mesc. than in Chir.
ké'iláí 'his imitation of him'. A relative in -í of ké'ilá, the 3rd person imp. of 0é-'i-...[? perf.]-lá 'to imitate'. é- 'like, similar to' [?]; 'i- indefinite object [?]; -lá 'to do, make' [act.tr.] [?].
The embrace took the place in Apache culture that the handclasp or kiss does in ours.
Linguistic Notes by Harry Hoijer
1. Tsék'eeshchíhé 'Coyote'. This is one of the many names by which this mythical being is known. It is popularly translated 'he who has defecated on a rock', an etymology which is kept alive by the tale recorded in Chiricahua text 14: 'Coyote and the Rolling Rock'. This etymology, however, is not verifiable by my linguistic evidence. tsé- is undoubtedly to be identified with tsé 'rock' and -é is very likely the archaic relative, but k'eeshchíh- cannot be explained as a form of the verb k'e-...[si- perf.]-chiͅiͅ 'to defecate on' [act. intr.], the third person perfective of which is yik'eeschaͅaͅ 'he has defecated on it'.
2. ndásá ch'éńyá 'he had gone farther on'. ndásá 'farther on' plus the 3rd person perf. of ch'é-ni-...[ni- perf.]-yá 'one person moves out' [act. intr.]. ch'é- 'out'; ni- completive; -yá 'one person moves'. The stem forms of this theme vary in Mesc. as they do in Chir. See the Linguistic Notes to Chiricahua text 1.15, §2.
3. 'indaa'izhásheedatł'ijí 'Blue Bunting'. A compound of 'indaa'izháshee 'bunting'; datł'ij 'it is blue'; and -í relative. 'indaa'izháshee is itself a compound of 'indaa 'white man' [see Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 6.3, §5] and 'izháshee 'bird'. Later in the text [see passage 15], 'indaa'izháshee is used alone to refer to the Blue Bunting.
datł'ij is, as in Chir. [see the Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 28.1, §1], a third person form of da-ni-...-tł'ij 'to be blue' [imp. neut. intr.]. Note, however, that the final consonant is -j as compared to Chir. -zh. One of the most striking phonetic distinctions between Mesc. and Chir. is found in their treatment of the Ath. voiced final spirants: Chir. -z, -zh regularly corresponding to Mesc. -dz, -j respectively. For a full account of the phonetic distinctions between these two languages, see H. Hoijer, "The Southern Athapaskan Languages" [American Anthropologist, Vol. 40, No. 1, Jan.-March 1938], pp. 75-87.
4. yaach'íńt'iná'a 'he had gone to him, it is said'. 3rd person perf. of 0aa-ch'i-ni-...[ni- pf.]-t'é 'one person moves to someone' [act. intr.]. aa- 'to' [pp.]; ch'i- ?; ni- completive. The theme -t'é 'one person moves' is often used in Mesc. where the theme -1-ghee would be used in Chir. Cf. the following Mesc. verbs based on -t'é with those Chir. verbs based on -l-ghee listed in the Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 13.7.
0aa-ch'i-ni-...[ni- perf.]-t'é 'one person goes to someone' [act. intr.].
dah-ch'i-di-|...[ni- perf.]-t'é 'one person jumps out, away; one person moves quickly' [act. intr.].
ch'i-ni-...[ni- perf.]-t'é 'one person comes' [act. intr.].
ná-ch'i-ni-...[ni- perf.]oͅdoͅt'é 'one person comes back, one person goes back' [act. intr.].
yaa-ná-ch'i-|...[ni- perf.]-t'é 'one person jumps' [act. intr.].
Lexical differences such as this one, phonetic distinctions such as those referred to in 3 above, and the few grammatical distinctions that are described in the Grammatical Sketch constitute the main lines of diversion of Chir. and Mesc.
hóͅndááł 'you are going'. 2nd person prog. of -yá 'one person moves'. See Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 1.15, §2 for an explanation of the stem form. This is an example of one of the paradigmatic distinctions between Chir. and Mesc. For a summary of these, see §§13-18 of the Grammatical Sketch.
'óo 'yes, all right, well'. This interjection is generally used to denote assent. It is also heard áó. An emphatic ''óowó is also often heard. This is the only occurrence of the sound w in Mesc.
1. dooyáada ndah bégonsiní ná'óoshłáhát'éda 'nothing but that of which I know would I do for you'. doo-...-da negative [note that this affix encircles the entire phrase]. yáa 'anything'; ndah 'but'; bégonsiní, relative in -í of bégonsiniͅ, the 1st person of 0é-go-ni-...-ł-ziͅ 'to know about' [imp. neut.; see Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 1.1, §5]. ná- 'for you'; 'óoshłá, 1st person opt. of 'á-...[? perf.]-lá 'to do so' [act. tr.]. 'á- 'thus, so' plus the opt. prefix becomes 'óo-. hát'é [should read 'át'é ?] 'it is so'.
2. shań'iͅiͅ 'give it to me'. 2nd person imp. of 0aa-ni-...[ni- perf.]-'iͅiͅ 'to give someone an unknown object' [act. tr.]. It is to be noted here, however, that the object [tobacco] is not unknown. It is characteristic of Mesc., as compared with Chir., that this theme is often used where in Chir. the theme -'aa 'to handle a round object' would be used. It is not quite accurate, therefore, to give the same meaning to -'iͅiͅ in Mesc. as in Chir.
Dooha'yá nát'oh si'iͅiͅ dihnoosh'iͅiͅhát'éda 'there is no tobacco here [that] I can give you'. doo...-da negative; ha'yá 'any, some'; nát'oh 'tobacco'; si'iͅiͅ 'an unknown object lies'; dihnoosh'iͅiͅ, a combination of dih- 'tobacco offering', naa- 'to you', the 1st person opt. prefix, and the opt. stem of the theme -'iͅiͅ 'to handle an unknown object' [act. tr.]. Note that hát'é is oftener used than 'át'é [the characteristic Chir. usage] in constructions of this sort [see note 1.4, §1].
1. sáͅń 'wife'. Literally, 'old woman.' sáͅ 'old age' plus the relative enclitic -ń. See Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 21.1, §§1 and 2.
2. tsiͅbikáyí 'bark'. tsiͅ 'tree', bikáyí 'its skin, cover'.
káásikáͅ 'here it is'. káá- 'here' [demonst. procl. ?]. sikáͅ 'an object in a container lies' [3rd person si- perf. neut. intr.].
1. náinjaa 'he picked it up'. 3rd person perf. with 3rd person object of ná-di-|...[ni- perf.]-jáásh 'to pick up a mass' [act. intr.]. See Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 1.22, §1. Here, where Blue Bunting is taking a mass of bark from the container, the verb of handling changes [before, in the text, the verb referring to the handling of objects in a container was used]. See Linguistic Note to Chiricahua text 2.7, §15.
2. níhidóͅóͅzhiij 'he pulverized it'. 3rd person perf. with 3rd person obj. of ní-di-...[hi- perf.]- zhiish 'to pound, to pulverize' [act. tr.]. The theme occurs only with these prefixes. Note the difference between the Mesc. and Chir. 3rd person hi- perf.; see Grammatical Sketch, §14.
3. ghehyóͅóͅjaaj 'he put a mass in'. 3rd person perf. with 3rd person obj. of gheh-|...[hi- perf.]-jáásh 'to put a mass in' [act. tr.; gheh-| 'in']. The perfective stem of the theme -jáásh 'to handle a mass' varies between -jaa [see §1 above] and -jaaj. In Chir., the perfective stem is regularly -jaa [the Linguistic Note to Chiricahua texts 2.17 §1 and 2.7, §15.
4. náintsoodz 'he picked it up' has probably been misheard for náinłtsoodz, the 3rd person perf. with 3rd person obj. of ná-di-|...[ni- perf.]-ł-tsóós 'to pick up a fabric-like object' [act. tr.]. Cf. note 1 above. Note that the perfective stem of this theme has the final consonant -j corresponding to Chir. -z [see note 1.1, §3].
5. 'iłch'iͅiͅyiindi 'he pressed them together'. 'ił- reciprocal; -'ch'iͅiͅ 'to, toward'. yiindi, 3rd person imp. with 3rd person obj. of hi-|...[si- perf.] ndi 'to press' [act. tr.].
6. 'idałchishíͅ 'putting his hand in'. 3rd person perf. of 'i-di-...[hi- perf.]-l-'chí 'to move one's hand away' [mediopass.]. 'i- 'away'; di- [to move] one's own' [?]. -shíͅ functions here as a subordinating enclitic.
7. naałtsoosí 'paper'. Literally, 'that fabric-like object which is carried about'. naałtsoos, passive cont. imp. of the theme -ł-tsóós 'to handle a fabric-like object' with the prefix naa- 'about, here and there'.
8. bidáayá 'before him'. -dá 'before, in front of' plus the pp. ee- 'at' and -yá.
1. nát'ohí yiidisgo 'rolling a cigarette'. nát'oh 'tobacco followed by yiidis 'he rolls it' means 'cigarette'.
2. koͅoͅí baach'íń'iͅiͅ 'he gave him a light'. koͅoͅ- 'fire'. Note again that the theme -'iͅiͅ is used of a known object [see note 1.4, §2]. In Chir., the theme -ł-t'aa 'to handle fire' [act. tr.] would be used.
'iłzénách'iisndiiná'a 'they embraced each other, it is said'. 3a person perf. of 0-zé-ná-...[si- perf.]-ndi 'to embrace' [act. intr.]. The theme of this verb may be related to -l-ndi 'to move one's hand' [mediopas.]. ná- 'around'; zé- 'neck' [?].
Note that in the Mesc. texts the narrative enclitic ná'a is employed much less often than in most of the Chir. texts.
Literally, this passage reads: "That / you will come to me / that which you said to me now / I sit here, / Coyote."
'ikásht'óójí, another word for 'bark' [see note 1.8, §2]. This word cannot be analyzed.
1. 'idee 'dish, cup, container'. Literally 'someone's horn'; cf. bidee 'his [e. g., an animal's] horn'. For the etymology of this word, see Edward Sapir, "Internal Linguistic Evidence Suggestive of the Northern Origin of the Navaho" [American Anthropologist, Vol. 38, No. 2, April-June 1936], pp. 225-227.
2. 'ikásht'óójí béghahgo 'áíͅlaago 'having filled it with bark'. 'ikásht'óójí 'bark' [see note 1.20]. béghah > bi- 3rd person pronoun plus the postposition -éghah 'to the measure of'. 'áíͅlaa, 3rd person perf. with 3rd person object of 'á-...[? perf.]-lá 'to make so, to do so' [act. tr.].
3. bich'iͅiͅyaayóͅóͅkáͅná'a 'she brought it in to him'. bich'iͅiͅ 'to him' plus the 3rd person perf. with 3rd person object of yaa-|...[hi- perf.]-kaa 'to bring in an object in a container' [act. tr.]. yaa-| 'in, inside'.
4. bighaastiͅń 'her husband'. Is -ghaastiͅ 'husband' related to haastiͅiͅ 'old man; he is old'? The latter word is also used in the sense of 'husband'.
1. níidnzhishgo 'pounding it'. This is apparently the 3rd person imp. with 3rd person object of ní-di-...[hi- perf.]-zhish 'to pound, pulverize' [act. tr.]. See note 1.21, §4. níi- > ní- plus the 3rd person object yi-. I cannot understand the prefix dn-, however.
2. níidóͅóͅzhiijnágon 'just as he had pounded it'. For níidóͅóͅzhiij, see note 1 above and note 1.24, §4. -ná 'just'; -go subord. encl.; -n past tense enclitic.
3. doo'iyáabighe'ási'iͅiͅdaná'ahá 'there was absolutely nothing in them, it is said'. 'doo-... -da negative; 'iyáa 'anything'; bighe' 'in them'; -á, a reduced form of the pp. -yá; si'iͅiͅ; 'an unknown object lies' [3rd person si- perf. neut. intr.]; -ná'a narrative encl.; -há exclamatory enclitic.
1. dábí [dá- 'just, only' plus the 3rd person independent pronoun] is here translated by the English 'himself'.
2. kaanáideendil 'he poured it out before him'. kaa- 'to him' plus the 3rd person perf. with 3rd person object of ná-di-...[si- perf.]- ndił 'to pour out' [act. tr.] . ná-di- ?; the theme is clearly a continuative form of - ndííł 'to handle several objects'. Note that the text form, a 3rd person si- perfective, does not have the regular form of the si- perfective but lacks the prefix s-. Such irregular 3rd person si- perfectives are of quite common occurrence in Mesc.
3. yeehaidééłbiͅná'a 'he filled it with it'. yee- 'with it' plus the 3rd person perf. with 3rd person object of ha-di-...[? perf.]-ł-biͅ 'to fill' [act. tr.]. The perfective of this verb is irregular: Sg. 1. hadééłbiͅ; Sg. 2. hadénłbiͅ; Sg. 3. haidééłbiͅ; Sg. 3a. hashdééłbiͅ; Du. 1. hadéͅeͅłbiͅ. This paradigm, however, varies with a regular si- perfective paradigm.
1. Note that t'óoná'ch'óͅóͅłt'ohdago 'without smoking' and tóo'iłzénách'iisndiidaná'ahá 'they had not even embraced each other' employ the variant negative affix t'óo-...-da. This form of the negative affix occurs oftener in Mesc. than in Chir.
ké'iláí 'his imitation of him'. A relative in -í of ké'ilá, the 3rd person imp. of 0é-'i-...[? perf.]-lá 'to imitate'. é- 'like, similar to' [?]; 'i- indefinite object [?]; -lá 'to do, make' [act.tr.] [?].
////The Mescalero coyote cycle is a connected series of episodes describing the travels and adventures of a trickster with attributes and characteristics, now those of a human being, now those of an animal. At the beginning of the cycle, Coyote speaks as humans do, and exhibits, except for bodily form, all the traits of humankind. Throughout the narrative it is impossible to determine whether Coyote, to the Apache mind, appears in the guise of an animal or of a man. In the concluding episode the point is plainly marked where Coyote loses his power of speech and assumes the bodily shape and mental qualities of the beast.
////Again, it is difficult to decide whether the pranks and experiences we follow in the story are those of one and the same coyote. Frequently, at the close of one episode, Coyote will pay with his life for some escapade. Yet the next episode will resume in the usual way, "Coyote was going along ..." When the informant is questioned concerning this apparent resurrection and the number of coyotes involved in his tale, he most often answers without too much interest or anxiety over the point, "I guess it must have been some other coyote."
////The truth of the matter is that these are academic questions. To the Mescalero Apache, Coyote is a type, a character. Whether he is human in form at the beginning of the cycle is an unimportant problem. What is certain, and far more important, is that Coyote as a character reveals a remarkable self-portrait of the Apache, and a shrewd and powerful satire of his culture and of human foibles. To this we shall turn in a moment.
////I have said something concerning the continuity of the cycle and the definite order of the episodes. This is an aspect of the coyote stories not fully appreciated, a circumstance which has resulted in violence to the rich esthetic and ethnological content of the cycle. An investigator who asks for coyote stories without first determining their nature and their significance in the culture, obtains little more than outlines of widely separated episodes selected for their plot value. Since, in the full body of the myth, such plots often run through more than one episode and there is much interweaving of the whole cycle by reference to what has gone before, the procedure of isolating separate coyote stories ends in truncating and mutilating them. For instance, in one of the last episodes of the cycle, Coyote meets Beetle, and, after making some caustic references to a previous encounter of the two, eats him. The allusion is not clear unless one is familiar with the details of an earlier episode in which Beetle outwitted Coyote and escaped from him.
////It must not be supposed that all Mescalero Apache tell the coyote cycle in exactly the same way or even relate the episodes in the same order. There is considerable individual variation, and I have listened to animated arguments between various Apache concerning the proper manner in which the cycle should be told. In aboriginal times, the Mescalero lived in camp clusters of related families, and ordinarily each of these harbored some very old person whose age and interests led him to take the initiative in communicating the folk-lore to the youngsters. The children of that group were likely to become most familiar with his version of the tales and to recount them in that form when they grew up. When I was recording the cycle, my informant might interrupt his discourse to say, "Now I learned my story from Old Man T. Others told it differently. One man put in a different story at this place." Then would follow a variant or an additional episode with the name of the old storyteller whose narrative included it.
////A great deal of the interest in folk-lore in general, and very certainly it is true of these trickster tales, has centered around the determination of the geographical distribution of the elements or motifs found in the stories. Without gainsaying the value of such labors, I believe that there is still another approach to native tales and legends which offers tempting opportunities to study the psychology and culture of preliterate groups. This approach may best be thrown into relief, perhaps, by a brief discussion of the place and function of the coyote cycle in Mescalero culture.
////In the first place, the cycle is appreciated as a good story. It can be told in winter only, when the snakes are not around, and at night. The coyote story therefore helps to pass many a long winter evening. To tell this cycle is a test of dramatic ability and virtuosity; it requires the successful imitation of the many animals and birds which are mentioned in the course of the episodes, and can be made more lively and persuasive by apt pantomime. Those who do not feel able to tell the tale with proper effect nevertheless thoroughly enjoy the performance of others.
////Quite as important as its entertaining qualities is the didactic value of the coyote cycle. Coyote, as represented in these episodes, is given to every reprehensible vice and excess. He indulges in falsehood, theft, gluttony, impiety, adultery, and incest. Almost always these acts end in embarrassment and hardship for him. As the account of these misdeeds unfolds, the raconteur, especially if there are many children present, does not fail to expand on the difference between Coyote's lapse and Apache standards, and to point the inevitable moral. At least once each winter the children of a camp cluster were brought together, and they listened for an entire night to legends. The coyote cycle, with all possible moralistic flourishes, was always told at this time. A child whose interest lagged or who fell asleep during this recital was reminded of his duties by a sharp tap on the head.
////Psychologically there is no more interesting phase of this coyote cycle than the extent to which it operates as a cultural safety valve. In a culture where practically all the customs, even those concerned with the daily round of life, are validated by the blessing and approval of some supernatural, any deviation from, freedom with, or levity regarding the mores, smacks of profanity. Yet these Apache are not without a sense of humor and proportion concerning their folk-ways, as I have had many occasions to learn. The Apache cannot laugh at his fellow man or even openly at himself for honoring tradition at all times in place of common sense. But he can and does set up a straw man, Coyote, at whom he has reserved the right to jibe, and with Coyote as buffer, many of the Apache usages and beliefs are treated slyly and not without kindly lampooning.
////Likewise there are certain tabooed subjects which seldom get an airing except through the good offices of Coyote. To talk ill of another is to open oneself to the charge of having a "witchmouth". The Apache lays a great emphasis upon never talking of evil lest it occur. An Apache may not even look at his mother-in-law; to talk of intimacy between a man and his wife's mother would be an unpardonable scandal. Yet we find an episode in the coyote cycle where Coyote tricks his mother-in-law and has intercourse with her, and tales of incest and sexual perversion in which Coyote is involved. These are called "funny stories" and elicit laughter and appreciation in proportion to the amount of repression exercised over the subject matter in daily life.
////Coyote functions in still another role among the Mescalero. Despite the kindly interest of the supernaturals, the beneficial influence of ceremony and tradition, and the virtuous professions of most individuals, the Apache is faced with a world in which sorcery, deceit, ingratitude, and misconduct are not uncommon occurences. How shall he account for this?
////The particular scapegoat he has selected is his mythical counterpart, Coyote; the misadventures of Coyote are the Apache original sin. "Coyote did it first. We follow in Coyote's footsteps." These are the typical explanations of the defects and imperfections in human nature. Coyote blazed a trail which men were bound to follow, and with mellow resignation the frailties of the flesh are dismissed as a consequence of Coyote's initial errors.
////One more important function distinguishes the Mescalero coyote cycle. A number of other Southern Athabaskan speaking tribes tell an emergence legend in the course of which reference is made to the creation and to the origins of the major ceremonies. The Mescalero have no such story. Instead they have utilized the coyote cycle to introduce these elements. When Coyote has run the gamut of his adventures, the culture hero takes possession of him, and, speaking through him, begins the creation of the living things of the earth. Later the culture hero himself appears, transforms Coyote into the brute he is to be henceforth, and continues the task of creation. Finally White Painted Woman, mother of the culture hero, makes her appearance, aids in the creation, and gives rules and advice for the ordering of human life. Then these supernaturals disappear, and the world stage is set for the human occupation to follow.
////That portion of the coyote cycle which Dr. Hoijer has recorded in text is a continuous section beginning with the sixty eighth episode and carrying the story to the end. I was engaged in ethnological research upon the Mescalero Indian Reservation when Dr. Hoijer came to gather linguistic material. I was just then recording the coyote cycle from a very competent English-speaking Mescalero man whom we thought would prove an excellent informant for linguistic purposes. So it was decided that Dr. Hoijer should carry on the account from where I stopped, in part because we thought it would be interesting to learn whether the episodes which I had been taking in English were faithful to the diction and spirit of the original, in part because it offered an opportunity to obtain an uninterrupted body of useful texts.
////The time at which the incidents pictured in this cycle are supposed to have occurred is placed back "at the beginning" when animals and birds spoke and acted as men do now. First there was total darkness upon the earth, and the birds, who wanted light, opposed the four-footed creatures and monsters in a moccasin game to determine whether there should be day. In this game Coyote displays his characteristics of slyness and vacillation; he finds reason to change to the side which has a decided advantage in score. The birds finally vanquish and pursue their larger foes, the four-footed creatures and monsters scatter over the earth. Coyote leaves the scene of the game, and the tale of his wanderings, the coyote cycle, begins.
| Coyote and Blue Bunting, Mescalero Apache Text | |