University of Virginia Library

PREFACE.

The Editor of this collection of the writings in which
Private Miles O'Reilly, 47th Regiment New York Volunteers,
has figured more or less extensively, had hoped,
in preparing this volume for the press, to have had the
gay and luminous assistance of the young soldier, humble
in position, but distinguished by his talents, who
forms the central figure and inspiration of every scene,
and whose droll merits have been so generously recognized
by all classes and parties of the American public.
This hope has been suddenly disappointed by the return
of Private Miles to his regiment in the Department of
the South, where, it is conjectured, he may be employed
by Government as the bearer of flags of truce to the
Rebel lines. Indeed, there are rumors that his present
mission is of a very high diplomatic nature, far surpassing
in importance the charge recently conferred on Dr.
Zacharie, the famous chiropodist and international negotiator,
who has twice visited Richmond as the mutual
friend and foot-physician of the United States and Rebel
Cabinets. The rumors in this connexion further add
that O'Reilly's mission will be reciprocated by the sending
of Ex-Generals Gustavus W. Smith and Mansfield Lovell,
on behalf of the Richmond Government, to meet our
“Irish Ambassador” at Savannah, or Port Royal Ferry,
whichever place may be agreed upon. The intrinsic probabilities
of this affair are increased by the fact that Private
O'Reilly was for several years employed in the Street
Department, of New York City, under the Ex-Generals

in question, as Inspector, at three dollars per diem, of
some contract work which never had any existence,—
thus making him their friend for life. The Editor,
therefore, hopes the very best issue from the negotiations
now about to be inaugurated under such happy
auspices; and, in the absence of Private Miles, can only
refer such readers as may desire to have a personal picture
and history of that soldier to the chapter in which
is narrated the interview between President Lincoln, his
Cabinet, the Foreign Diplomatic Corps and Private
M. O'Reilly, towards the conclusion of this volume.

For the rest, a work of this kind needs little preface.
Truth, by arraying itself in the garb of humor, may often
attract the attention which has been denied to her most
serious appeals. The very wide celebrity achieved by the
writings of Private Miles O'Reilly is in itself an evidence
of the anxious and revolutionary condition of the public
mind. Old landmarks are swept away, and men are casting
about for new issues and a purer system of public life.

In the discussion of the iron-clad question, forming
the earlier portion of this volume, the arguments
advanced and the conclusions arrived at, are those
of sincerity and deep conviction. Justice is sought to be
done to Admiral Du Pont and his gallant subordinates,
but certainly not at the expense of the Admiral and
officers now in command of the South Atlantic Blockading
Squadron. On the contrary, in the whole discussion,
properly reviewed, the friends of the officers
now commanding will find an ample explanation of the
reasons which have operated for the disappointment of
public expectation in regard to the attack upon Charleston.
The fault is herein traced to its true source, and is
found to rest in the inherent defects of the Monitors,
and not in any incapacity on the part of their president
commanders.

That portion of the volume relating to city and state
politics, had for its object to promote the election of
national and upright men, irrespective of person or

party, to fill the chief offices of both City and State.
Since the original appearance of these papers in the
Herald, two elections have been held; and some friends
of Private Miles are partial enough to believe that his
songs may have had some little influence on the public
opinion which shaped their results. The true explanation
of the political revolution is too obvious, however,
to leave any ground for vanity of this kind. The recent
elections, not only through all the loyal States, but in
all the States of the Confederacy, have shown certain
distinctive characteristics:—a determination of the
people to put down extremists of all colors: an utter
distrust on the popular part of all old leaders, who fall
under the title of “professional politicians;” and a popular
resolve to place new men of good personal character
in the seats of those who have held office heretofore without
establishing any claim to other than official respect.

In the last part of the volume—that treating of presidential
politics, the national vote and the army vote to
be cast next year—Private O'Reilly has aspired in his
songs to little more than a voicing forth of one strong
current of opinion which he seems to have observed
throughout the army. He is the claqueur of no candidate,
and would, apparently, as soon vote—so far as personal
grounds are concerned—for any one as for any
other of the high officers or statesmen who are named
by him as possible recipients of the army suffrage. It
appears his aim in this matter to fix public attention on
the necessity, or at least the expediency, of consulting
the preferences and loyal instincts of our soldiers in the
field, before determining upon whom shall be placed the
mantle of nomination for the chief magistracy of the
Union. Camps, in their own queer way, are places of
very thorough national instruction. Regiments of men
from all quarters of the loyal states are aggregated and
mixed together in the larger organizations of our armies.
They march, fight, and sleep under the same banner.
No matter what their former habits or station in life,

the same food is served out to all. Equal promotion
awaits their merit; and if struck down by weapons or
disease, they lie side by side in one general hospital,
their attendance the same, and their nursing as affectionate.
Falling on the battle-field they have common
graves, and living they will have a common destiny.
They are not hackneyed in the ways, nor corrupted by
the habits of the “professional politician.” National
from the very necessities of their position, and eager
beyond all others to secure a just and honorable Peace,
which will remit them to their homes and happy firesides
in a restored and vindicated Union—the wishes of
the army in the approaching Presidential contest are
most certainly entitled to some deference. No claim is
advanced in behalf of this volume to an exclusive or
perfect mirroring in its pages of the army mind. In
every army there are different currents of opinion, but
all with their tides in one general direction; and this
hasty volume is but a chronicle of the currents which
have flowed, and the general drift they have taken,
under the view of one very humble soldier.