Home reminiscences of John Randolph of Roanoke |
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| XIV. | CHAPTER XIV. |
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 | CHAPTER XIV. Home reminiscences of John Randolph |  |
CHAPTER XIV.
Last Speech—Secession Resolutions—How He Managed to Force Them
Down—Rare Scenes on the Political Stage.
AMONG the materials which we have collected for our
"Home Reminiscences of John Randolph of Roanoke,"
is a manuscript report of the last speech, or
"long talk," made by the great orator to the people of his
adopted county, on the 4th of February, 1833, only four
months and twenty days before his death. At that time he
was quite an old man, his constitution a perfect wreck, tottering
on the brink of the grave.
Court being in session, he sent word to the magistrates
that he had a request to make of them; it might be the last
he would ever make of them on earth. He desired to address
the people, and wished the court to adjourn the moment
he made his appearance in the court-house.
The reason assigned for making this unusual request was
this: His mind, he stated, would only act for a short time,
and then under the influence of artificial stimulant. The
court, eager to hear what the dying man had to say, readily
consented to his request.
He made his appearance, leaning upon two of his friends
for support; and he had no sooner entered the house than it
was filled with people. He commenced speaking from the
chair, being too infirm to stand upon his feet. We are informed
he began with three dress coats on, but that, before
he concluded, he had on only one. His glass of toddy was
time. Though he spoke principally from the chair, ever
and anon the "fire and motion of his soul" refused to be
restrained by his feeble body, and at such times he would
rise upon his feet.
But what was the meaning of this extraordinary proceeding?
What mental stimulus was moving a mind prostrated
by disease, causing him to forget for the moment the terrors
of the unknown world to which he was hastening, and dragging
along his withered body which his spirit could scarcely
animate? Feeble as he was, he had ridden fifteen miles, on
a winter's day, to address the people.
There was a scene for the moralist, the novelist and the
painter. This is the conduct of a man whose mind was
morbidly active, whose imagination was too much heated.
Some might deem him mad, but such was not the case. He
was only excited to the highest pitch by natural and artificial
stimulants.
South Carolina had just passed her celebrated ordinance
of secession, and General Jackson had issued his proclamation,
and the whole country was thrown into the greatest
excitement. Mr. Randolph began his political career upon
the very spot where he was then standing in opposition
to Patrick Henry and in defence of States Rights. General
Jackson had assailed violently his favorite idea—the doctrine
for which he had contended during a long life. This is what
kindled the fire within his withered breast, rousing his palsied
faculties, and causing his stagnant pulse its rapid play.
It has been objected to Mr. Randolph's patriotism that it
was too limited—that it did not include the whole Union—
that he did not have the prosperity of the entire country at
heart. Mr. Baldwin has drawn an interesting parallel between
Mr. Randolph and Mr. Clay, and in no respect does
knew no North, no South, no East, no West; Mr. Randolph
knew only Virginia. Her glory was the pride of his life;
her prosperity the end of his efforts. He was fully persuaded
that these depended upon the doctrine of States Rights.
Hence, as has been remarked by Mr. Baldwin, "Whenever
he spoke, whatever he wrote, wherever he went, States
Rights, States Rights, were the inexhaustless theme of his
discourse."
It cannot be wondered at then that a man of his excitable
nature, and devotion to an idea, when that idea was assailed
by a powerful foe, should have shaken off the night-mare of
death, to make a last spasmodic effort in its defence. His
conduct on this occasion may be compared to the superhuman
efforts of a man to rescue a friend from impending
danger. The physical energy displayed was surprising to
all who were acquainted with his bodily infirmities; but the
mental energy exerted under the peculiar circumstances of
his case was wonderful indeed.
Mr. Randolph said he desired to address the people.
Could a man in his condition deliver a public address? It
is a matter of curiosity to see what effect had age, disease,
dissipation, stormy passions, intense mental, suffering upon
that brilliant intellect and fearless spirit, which had the
nerve in his youth to attack the gigantic powers of Patrick
Henry.
He did speak, and a report of his speech is before us. Mr.
William B. Green, in his "Recollections" of Mr. Randolph,
informs us that the speaker was very anxious that his speech
should be in whole, or at least in part reported. We quote
from his manuscripts:
"Mr. Randolph drummed up for a stenographer. There
happened to be present a schoolmaster by the name of Frost,
Judge Beverly Tucker, who promised to assist Mr. Frost to
the extent of his knowledge. The sequel, however, showed
that neither of the gentlemen was very expert, for no part
of the speech, so far as I know, was ever published, but
simply the resolutions.
"The lecture, if I may so call it, which Mr. Randolph gave
the stenographer, was exceedingly interesting, but I am unable
to recall his express words, except in one or two sentences.
He was anxious, as before remarked, to have the
speech, which he was about to deliver, fully taken down;
but, fearing that this might be impracticable, he insisted that
the strong points, and the biting parts at least, should be
preserved; and in conclusion said: `When I say anything
that tickles under the tail, be sure to put it down.'
"The speech was then commenced, and he spoke for a
considerable time with overwhelming power and unsurpassed
eloquence. The resolutions were then passed in the form in
which you now find them.
"I never entertained a doubt that a majority of the committee
were opposed to them, and that had they been offered
and supported by any member of the committee, or indeed
by any other person than Mr. Randolph, they would have
been voted down. It was his address, management and eloquence
alone, which caused their adoption. I have never
ceased to regret that I had anything to do with the matter;
and I may add, that I have always regarded the connection
which I had with the subject as the meanest act of my political
life.
"As an additional evidence of the power and influence
which the speech exerted, not only upon the meeting, but
also upon those who were casually present, I will mention a
who was present.
"Mr. S., a very well educated and intelligent lawyer, called
at my house the day after the meeting. He had seen and
heard all. This gentleman acknowledged that it was the
most eloquent speech he had ever heard, and that though
he was a thorough administration Jackson man, yet, under
the excitement of the moment, had he been a member of the
committee, he would have voted for the resolutions."
Mr. Green was correct. No part of this speech was ever
published. The report we have of it was not written by Mr.
Frost, nor by Judge Tucker, but by a young man who happened
to be present, and who afterwards rose to a high position
in society. This speech and the famous secession resolutions
which were passed at the same time, and the manner
in which Mr. Randolph procured their passage, forms the
most interesting chapter in the history of this remarkable
man.
Mr. Randolph commenced by saying: "He should subject
himself to the imputation of an overweaning arrogance
in the attempt to address the good people of Charlotte; but
the peculiar circumstances in which we are placed threw him
unavoidably upon them. His being a public servant in their
employment for thirty-five years, had given him some small
claim to their confidence. It rested with them to accept or
disapprove after they had heard. If the confidence which
had been reposed in him were withdrawn, he would be the
first to acquiesce and sanction the withdrawment? He was
not what he had been. The prostration of his bodily powers
was total, and if the destruction of mind had not kept pace
with the body, they were almost abreast. Indeed it was
hard for him to decide which rode the foremost horse.
"I see in this assembly some who would vouch for me, if
best horse I possessed (and no small sum at that), for one-half
hour's conversation with the President previous to writing
his annual message. * * * * * *
"But after the annual message came to hand all was calmness
and quietude. It acted like a charm, a quietus to my
troubled breast. I was one of the happiest men living—in a
perfect elysium. For, having some influence with the ruling
party in South Carolina, I felt that that influence should be
exerted to allay their rash and precipitate measures. Here
I remark I am no NULLIFIER. The doctrine of nullification
is sheer nonsense."
Further on he said:
"I shall offer some resolutions to-day on this subject, not
presuming to dictate to my old constituents, but endeavor to
make it a subject of reference to a committee, a large, select
committee, and I will further say, a committee of RANK,
aristocratic as it may sound; yes, rank. By rank I mean
age, ability and integrity; aye, and I will go further—I will
say PROPERTY too. In such cases, he who has a stake in
common with us, and a stake too which he cannot carry out
of the State, is the man to whom I wish to entrust my affairs.
You all know my principles have never been disguised.
I would not disguise them if I could, and I could
not if I would. I am fond of intrinsic worth—no overtoned,
hypocritical cant, however admirable."
In the course of his remarks he gives us a little piece of
human nature as follows:
"It is natural for us to prefer our barn to our neighbor's
house. We will do it; we cannot subvert one of the strongest
of nature's principles."
In the last "long talk" we find the following sentence,
which breathes the spirit of misanthropy and misery:
"I would as lief die in my carriage, or on the road, at
some of the wretched inns, between here and Washington, as
anywhere."
To what a sad pass must his life have come! "Home,
sweet home," had no charms for him.
"Those wretched inns!" He could never speak of them
without indulging in unmerited censure, nor enter one without
betraying his ungovernable temper.
But he continues:
"What is this breath? We may try with it to be honorable,
or we may endeavor to be useful, but we hold it no
longer than it is His pleasure who gave it. He still gives me
a little. He will take it when He pleases, and I can only say,
`Blessed be His Holy name.'
"This is the only thing in the way of cant you shall hear
from me. I will leave that for the work of enthusiasts or of
fanatics, who live at the expense of our servants, and infest
and eat up the houses of our neighbors.
"In my address at November court I meant to describe
a certain class, which I entirely overlooked. I mean the
Yazoo men, whose character has ever been odious to me.
When they had much money at stake, I pledged my solemn
word that they should find me opposing them in their iniquitous
fraud. When I was a candidate for Congress in the
last war, the men of this description (and there were not a
few in this county, and Prince Edward, too) taking the advantage
of the war clamor and my opposition to men and
measures then, did everything they could to injure me. But
these very men were here in October, after the war; yea,
they went round to tow the ship back again—they had been
bitter enemies, even when no cause existed. I well remember
the day I spoke on the stile before the old court-house
door, when I had a brush with Colonel Gideon Spencer,
Scripture, who was taken in adultery; swarmed around me
like a friend; and if the polls had been open then, I should
have been elected by acclamation. But, the hunters were
busy, and there are some voters who never throw away a
shot, who never shoot at a dead duck. I was returned to
be discharged from the confidence of my old constituents.
When the polls were closed in Cumberland, I wrote to
my friend James Garnet, and said to him, that the accounts
between me and the district were fairly balanced.
But ever since then, what is it that has bound me to my old
district, with hooks of steel? Why did they stick to me
even when the compensation law was passed, for which I
voted. For that vote every man was turned out but myself
and one other, and he, by basely turning, twisting, crouching
and explaining, barely escaped being cashiered.
"He reminded me of the old man and woman who lived
in the vinegar bottle. He, with the gaff and steel spur fitted
to his leg, rode through, and, to use a common phrase, `was
whipped and cleared.' He is a man more mischievous,
bringing more misery than any man in these United States,
with one exception—I mean the present incumbent of the
Presidential chair. The present incumbent will have been
that exception, if his late doctrines are acted upon. I speak
in the second future tense—will have been that exception.
General Jackson heretofore has opposed the doctrines contained
in that accursed proclamation; I know, up to the
present time, for I have been acquainted with his sentiments.
He knows it, and he knows that I am not to be swerved
from an avowal of truth; for, in speaking of me in the presence
of a respectable clergyman of this county lately, he remarked
that he believed me to be invincibly honest.
"But now, if he speaks, it will be apparent that I shall
my invincible honesty. But I will not anticipate, nor speak
unguardedly; for, of his public services, I will speak in
terms of respect.
"Now, life and death are before us. We are busy, we
ought to be busy, and, in this bustle, we ought to pay but
little deference to men—better attend to public benefit. I,
for one, put to hazard all the power of public men, President
and all, and take a firm, decided stand against the present
course of the president.
"His message indeed charmed me; made me forget my
miseries. But how long did I enjoy this enchantment?
Here comes, in a few days, the proclamation, sweeping and
blasting with death, like the simoons of Arabia or the whirlwinds
of the Great Sahara.
"Theretofore, to use an expression of my friend P. P. Barbour—theretofore
General Jackson professed to be friendly
to the South, to Constitutional and State Rights. This
proves that he has no share in the live or dead stock in the
constitution? What is proof to the point? This proclamation
is hailed with the loudest hosannas by the coalition and
Clay party. If this is his former doctrine, how comes it
about that every old States Rights man abominates it, and it
meets so hearty a welcome by the Henry Clay party—the
ultra tariff, ultra bank, ultra internal improvement parties—
yes, and the whole mass of political heretics? But real true
believers will stand firm, even though they, like the devil,
believe and tremble. All these combined make fearful odds;
but, zeal in this cause, this true religion—political religion—
is sure to triumph. Small as the minority may be, we are
not too small to triumph, unless betrayed by those who are
entrusted with the ark of the covenant. I was placed in a
small minority before—a little proscribed minority, when I
those mercenary troops, who are old John Adams's dogs of
war. There was Virginia to be humbled in the dust and
ashes. You frequently find me in despicable minorities.
"Who was General Washington—pure as he was—but a
man? He had been prevailed upon to put himself at the
head of the Federal party. If he had not died, we, the Republican
party, could never have triumphed. But for the
influence of Patrick Henry, General Washington wrote, saying
to him that he was much needed; solicited him to come
to the General Assembly. I was at March court '99, when
Patrick Henry justified Adams and advocated the constitutionality
of the sedition law. I was a stripling youth, called
before the public by sheer accident, and was also elected by
sheer accident. I spoke then and contended against the
position, and have been contending ever since against it.
But, Henry never lived to get to the House of Burgesses,
and the resolution passed by seven votes, which, if he had
gotten there, would have turned the scale. Patrick Henry
was good for seven votes. Those who do not believe that
he was good for seven votes, know very little about the
character of that distinguished statesman. Even those who
were Federalists, voted against the laws and for the resolutions,
for fear of losing their popularity. Yes, but for this
powerful struggle, Adams would have been reëlected; for
Jefferson was elected by only four votes. We were interested,
and we acted, and we triumphed.
"Now of one thing I am certain; of a fact I am convinced,
and though I would I could not act differently; it is
in the very nature of things. It is this, man always differs
in proportion as interest is at stake. Self lies at the foundation
of every effort. Notice the affairs of families. The
overseer is not over the employer, but he will get all he can.
the employer can he will inch upon the overseer. How
do they bargain? The general conditions are, you take my
business, and I will give you so much meal, meat and money.
If you change the condition, you change the proverb:
`What's sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander.' The
overseer makes a fortune; he becomes an employer; he immediately
gives you a different version of the * * * *
"But, again, suppose I, by my luxury or intemperance, or
some other way, have reduced my family to poverty? If I
am not an overseer myself, my sons are turned over to that
employment. We change our tone, and take the version
that decides in favor of the overseer.
"It is the essence of human nature to be guided by interest,
and when we say that our worthy President is swayed and
ruled in this way, we say no more of him than we say of one
another. But he has sinned, and I for one will go to him,
like Nathan, and say, `Thou art the man,' though I may
risk all like Nathan did with David.
"Mr. Randolph spoke of the Cabinet officers and their
ladies, and stated that the proclamation was dictated by one
of the grandest scoundrels, and put to paper by the best
writer in the United States, one who fought with him side by
side against the old bank. He said he was an intriguing
partizan—dyed in the wool—one who came from the Empire
State, from that city, worse than Paris.
"This party cabinet was also distinguished by another
peculiar epithet; namely, the kitchen cabinet. And as the
old adage is, `no person can touch pitch without being defiled,'
he did not choose to dirty his fingers by touching that
dirty concern; but lest his hands, not too clean now, should
be soiled in the dirty fat, he would throw all the grease on
the kitchen fire.
"It is probable that General Jackson is obnoxious to this
secret kitchen influence. He is charged with it; but for a
moment we will suppose it false. Your enemies never charge
you without having some failing in view, either supposed or
real. They always therefore give just grounds for watchfulness.
The public functionaries ought therefore to abstain or
touch lightly when they are accused, for accusers will never
pitch on anything but faults to blast us, because nothing else
will do that thing.
"Not to resist this Cabinet counsel was Jackson's cowardice,
though not naturally a coward. I well remember that in
the worse speech I ever made, I told you that I chose General
Jackson as the less of two evils. I still esteem him as a
noble man, and he addressed me in so gentlemanly a way
that I could not find it in my heart to desert him when I
found he most needed help. I accepted the commission, but
had not been in that frigid zone a week before my languished
state of health recalled me. But still I fight under the banner
against the Bank of the United States, that mischief-making
machine. But I left St. Petersburg for the climate,
which, of all others, most agrees with my shattered constitution,
where I hope to eke out yet the last remains of my toilsome
life. I could not stay at the Russian court. How
could I go to the levees of the autocrat, and pretend familiarity
with men and measures so repugnant to my views of
liberty, or right and wrong? After Poland's blood was shed,
not by Russian soldiers, but by Russian mercenaries, Russian
gold and Russian paper, how could I withstand or palliate
that deep feeling which naturally inspired my breast?
If I had been writhing on the rack of the Spanish inquisition,
it would have been a bed of roses in comparison of
what my nature would have endured!
"But it has been alleged that I received the emolument
outfit, and did not receive that. With my own money I
upheld my own credit, and the credit of the government too.
I regarded the bill that came up before Congress, on my account,
as intended to pick a quarrel with me, instead of advancing
my pay; like a man or boy put at swing—you
swing me and I'll swing you; or boys at play—you tickle
me and I'll tickle you. My good friend S's bill very much
grieved me. Who could listen at B. and other slanderers
without seeing that they would cut both ways? V. was
more honest than any, for he came out openly. How he
has managed to prove my right you may decide.
"Suppose a case. I am agreeing for an overseer. I agree
to pay any time he comes. Suppose, hypothetically, the
delay of the law. I tell him, if he sues I will carry him
through the miserable course of our law—ten years or more.
I can fee a lawyer (he is not able); and thus deprive him of
his just due. He might take his choice. Would this be an
act of an honest man? No. This was the act of Government
with reference to me. He may be bad, but I promise
not to retaliate. Let it go with this passing tribute.
"But one thing is certain; the compensation law brought
returning faith in me. (Here the reporter lost something
about Yazoo, bank, Jackson, Adams, and their doing shabbily,
and something about the dear county where Nat Price
lives.)
"I am not the man that I would wish to be. I never
could suffer to be imposed upon; I cannot permit a man to
pull my nose or kick my backside. I am very far from
being clear of the same faults that Jackson has. I would
wish to turn the one cheek when the other was smitten, if I
could; but I cannot, and I will not be hypocrite enough to
to expose my hypocrisy. I cannot dissemble.
"Now I don't wish that anybody should rely on my assertion.
I will read something which comes from the heads of
the church. It comes from Mr. Walsh. (Reads—no note
of what was read.)
"Mr. Randolph remarked, that as regarded the proclamation,
A. Hamilton did not go half as far; he, Hamilton, was
too honest a man. After reading, he made some remarks
about a letter from Governor Hayne and his opinion of
the politics of Calhoun—his decided opposition to Calhoun.
But he was not disposed to set the house on fire to get rid
of the rats, or a worse enemy, the chinches.
"He then introduced a letter from Governor Hamilton,
reluctantly, he said, because so complimentary; but it was
the partial effusion of a friend. They were friends indeed.
Perhaps one cause of friendship was the attachment of their
mothers, who went together through the toils of the Revolution.
He well knew her, Mrs. Hamilton, the S. & P. of all
the chivalry of the State. But, partial as the evidence was,
it was evidence that would be admitted in any court of record,
especially in this court, where presumptive evidence
was well received. (Reads.) After which he produced what
he himself styled his bald and disjointed resolutions. After
the resolutions were read, he began again:
"I told you, if not, I intended to tell you, that how much
soever I might despise nullification, yet I am of the same
land with the South Carolinians, the same to me as to Hamilton;
and however it may come to issue, I could not desert
those whose interests were identical with mine. Lord Gray
said once in Parliament, `I must stand by my order.' I
have no idea of seeing them humbled at the feet of their
task-masters. I would as soon expect a real honest man
fight for liberty, as to expect liberty in the South and join
the present dominant party. When do you meet with any
from the North who neglect to write down our customs?
Were we to listen to their religion, we would liberate our
slaves, cure no more tobacco; but all with them would become
natural abettors to tyranny. I profess a reverence for
true religion; but I declare to you, I have as little faith in
priests as any man living—and none in priestcraft. Their
creed is, I must labor and they will swallow. Some of their
tenets and allowed practices would place the South in the
condition of San Domingo—in flames, and those flames
would be quenched by the blood of the inhabitants.
"There is a meeting-house in this village, built by a respectable
denomination. I never was in it; though, like
myself, it is mouldering away. The pulpit of that meeting-house
was polluted by permitting a black African to preach
in it. If I had been there, I would have taken the uncircumcised
dog by the throat, led him before a magistrate and
committed him to jail. I told the ladies, they, sweet souls,
who dressed their beds with their whitest sheets, and uncorked
for him their best wine, were not far from having
mulatto children.
"I am no prophet, but I then predicted the insurrection.
The insurrection came; was ever such a panic? Dismay
was spread through the country. I despised it when it was
here. To despise distant danger is not true courage, but to
despise it when you have done all you could to avoid it,
and it has and would come, is true courage. Look at the
conduct of our last General Assembly. The speeches that
were made there were little dreamed of. What kind of
doctrine was preached on the floor of the House of Burgesses?
If I had been there I should have moved that
should be arrested and prosecuted by the State's attorney."
He concluded by saying he "envied B. W. Leigh; that
he was completely discomfited; had only raised one laugh
on so important a matter."
The following is a copy of Mr. Randolph's resolutions,
taken from the manuscript report of the proceedings of the
meeting, in the well known handwriting of the secretary,
Winslow Robinson, Esq.:
1. Resolved, That while we retain a grateful sense of the many services
rendered by Andrew Jackson, Esq., to the United States, we owe it to our
country and to our posterity to make our solemn protest against many of
the doctrines of his late proclamation.
2. Resolved, That Virginia "is, and of right ought to be, a free, sovereign
and independent State;" that she became so by her own separate
act, which has been since recognized by all the civilized world, and has
never been disavowed, retracted, or in any wise impaired or weakened by
any subsequent act of hers.
3. Resolved, That when, for purposes of common defence and common
welfare, Virginia entered into a strict league of amity and alliance with
the other twelve colonies of British North America, she parted with no
portion of her sovereignty, although, from the necessity of the case, the
authority to enforce obedience thereto was, in certain cases and for certain
purposes, delegated to the common agents of the whole confederacy.
4. Resolved, That Virginia has never parted with the right to recall the
authority so delegated for good and sufficient cause, and to secede from
the confederacy whenever she shall find the benefits of union exceeded
by its evils, union being the means of securing liberty and happiness, and
not the end to which these should be sacrificed.
5. Resolved, That the ALLEGIANCE of the people of Virginia is due to
HER; that to her their obedience is due, while to them she owes protection
against all the consequences of such obedience.
6. Resolved, That we have seen with deep regret that Andrew Jackson,
Esq., President of the United States, has been influenced by designing
counselers, to subserve the purposes of their own guilty ambition, to disavow
of the government of the United States, and to transfer his real friends
and supporters, bound hand and foot, to the tender mercies of his and
their bitterest enemies—the ultra-federalists, ultra-bank, ultra-internal
improvement, and Hartford convention men—the habitual scoffers at
States Rights—and to their instrument—the venal and prostituted press—
by which they have endeavored, and but too successfully, to influence
and mislead public opinion.
7. Resolved, That Virginia will be found her own worst enemy whenever
she consents to number among her friends those who are never true
to themselves, but when they are false to their country.
8. Resolved, That we owe it to justice, while denouncing the portentous
combination between General Jackson and the late unhallowed coalition
of his and our enemies, to acquit THEM of any dereliction of principle,
and to acknowledge that they have but acted in their vocation.
9. Resolved, That we cannot consent to adopt principles which we have
always disavowed, merely because they have been adopted by the President;
and although we believe that we shall be in a lean and proscribed
minority, we are prepared again to take up our cross, confident of success
under that banner, so long as we keep the faith and can have access to the
public ear.
10. Resolved, That while we utterly reprobate the doctrine of nullification,
as equally weak and mischievous, we cannot for that reason give our
countenance to principles equally unfounded, and in the highest degree
dangerous to the liberties of the people.
11. Resolved, That we highly approve of the mission of Benjamin
Watkins Leigh, not only as in itself expedient and judicious, but as
uniting upon the man the best qualified, whether for abilities, integrity and
principles, moral and political, beyond all others in the commonwealth or
in the United States, for the high, arduous and delicate task which has
been devolved upon him by the unanimous suffrage of the assembly, and
as we believe of the people, and which he alone is perhaps capable from
all these considerations, united in his person, of discharging with success,
and restoring this confederate republic to its former harmony and union."
Chairman.
The following is a copy of the official report of the proceedings
of the meeting, signed by the secretary, and
marked, "For Capt. Wm. M. Watkins:"
There was an unusually numerous collection of people at Charlotte
Court-house to-day, it being expected that the subject of the proclamation
would be taken into consideration, and hoped that Mr. Randolph might
be there. Though in a state of the most extreme feebleness, he made his
appearance last night, and to day at twelve o'clock was lifted to his seat
on the bench. He rose and spoke a few minutes, but soon sat down exhausted,
and continued to speak sitting, though sometimes for a moment
the excitement of his feelings brought him to his feet. He ended his
speech by moving a set of resolutions, of which a copy is subjoined.
On motion, these resolutions were referred to a committee consisting of
the following gentlemen:
Colonel Clement Carrington, Captain Thomas Pettus, Henry A. Watkins,
William M. Watkins, Robert Morton, Samuel D. Morton, John
Coleman, B. W. Lester, George Hannah, John Marshall, John Thomas,
John H. Thomas, Henry Madison, Dr. Isaac Read, William B. Green,
Joseph Friend, Edward B. Fowlkes, Mathew J. Williams, Samuel Venable,
William Bacon, John Booth, Francis Barnes, William H. Dennis,
Richard Venable, Jr., Joseph M. Daniel, Thomas F. Spencer, Paul Carrington,
John Daniel, Charles Raine, Benjamin Marshall, Colonel Marshall,
J. H. Marshall, Cornelius Barnes, Dr. Hoge, Dr. Bouldin, Elisha
Hundley, Dr. Patillo, Dr. Edwin Price, Dr. Garden, Samuel Daniel,
Winslow Robinson, Nicholas Edmunds, Major Gaines, R. I. Gaines, Henry
Carrington, Edward W. Henry, Thomas T. Bouldin, James W. Bouldin,
William B. Watkins, Anderson Morton, John Morton, Thomas A. Morton,
Martin Hancock, D. B. Hancock, Clement Hancock, Colonel H.
Spencer, G. C. Friend, Jacob Morton, Wyatt Cardwell, William Smith,
Colonel Thomas Read, Thomas Read, Archibald A. Davidson, William
T. Scott, Major Thomas Nelson, Isham Harvey, Dr. Joel Watkins, T. E.
Watkins, Major Samuel Baldwin, Robert Carrington, and John Randolph
of Roanoke.
Colonel Clement Carrington having declined serving, and the committee
being called, Captain Thomas Pettus, J. Coleman, J. Thomas, J. H.
J. H. Marshall, Cornelius Barnes, Dr. Pattillo, Dr. Garden, Nicholas
Edmunds, Henry Carrington, Edward W. Henry, Thomas T. Bouldin,
Thomas A. Morton, Martin Hancock, D. Hancock, G. C. Friend, William
Smith, Major T. Nelson, Colonel J. Harvey, Joel Watkins, T. E. Watkins
and Samuel Baldwin, were found to be not present.
The members present then formed themselves into a committee, Captain
Henry A. Watkins in the chair, and Winslow Robinson acting as secretary.
Captain William M. Watkins then moved that the meeting be
adjourned to some future day, which was lost; whereupon, Captain William
M. Watkins withdrew from the committee.
The committee then proceeded to take the resolutions into consideration.
The first four resolutions were adopted unanimously; the fifth with
one dissentient voice—Mr. Green.
On the sixth resolution there were five dissentient voices, Mr. Paul Carrington,
Mr. Lester, Mr. Madison, Mr. John Daniel, and Mr. Isham Harvey.
The seventh resolution was carried unanimously. The eighth also was
carried, Mr. Paul Carrington alone dissenting; and the ninth, tenth and
eleventh were adopted unanimously.
The committee then rose and reported the resolutions, which were
adopted by the meeting with only two dissentient voices—Colonel Clement
Carrington and Mr. R. W. Gaines.
On motion of Mr. John Marshall, it was then
Resolved, That copies of the proceedings of this meeting be sent for
publication to the different presses in Richmond, Petersburg, Norfolk,
Lynchburg and Fredericksburg; and that copies be also sent to Mr. Bouldin,
our representative in Congress and his colleagues, to our Senators, to
the President of the United States, to Benjamin Watkins Leigh, Esq., to
the Governor of South Carolina, and to Major General James Hamilton,
commander of the State troops of South Carolina in Charleston.
On motion of Mr. Whitfield Read,
Resolved, unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be given to
Mr. Randolph for his open and decided support of the rights of the states,
and his strenuous and efficient opposition to the odious consolidating doctrine
of the President's late proclamation.
Mr. Randolph then expressed his thanks in a speech of considerable
length, in the course of which all the warmest sympathies, which have so
the breaking up of the meeting they parted with feelings such as no man
besides ever excited.
We thought proper to publish a full list of the names of
the gentlemen composing Mr. Randolph's "committee of
rank," if for no other reason, to let the rising generation see
who were at that day some of the leading and most substantial
citizens of the county of Charlotte.
As soon as the speaker concluded "his long talk," he
commenced to procure the passage of his resolutions. In
his speech he had stated that he would not presume to dictate
to his old constituents. The public are well acquainted
with Mr. Randolph's manner of doing things in the halls of
Congress, and it may gratify a laudable curiosity to be informed
how he carried on among his constituents at home.
Captain — was chairman of the meeting, but, we are
assured that Mr. Randolph named every member of the
committee. When he stated that he would not presume to
dictate to his old constituents, he was at that very time preparing
a dose which he alone could administer.
Here is a specimen of what they had to swallow—a bitter
pill, we are informed, to some:
"Resolved, That we have seen with deep regret that Andrew Jackson,
Esq., President of the United States, has been influenced by designing
counsellors, to subserve the purposes of their guilty ambition, to disavow
the principles to which he owed his elevation to the chief magistracy of
the government, and to transfer his real friends and supporters, bound
hand and foot, to the tender mercies of his and their bitterest enemies—
the ultra-Federalist, ultra-tariff, ultra-bank, ultra-improvement, Hartford
convention men—the habitual scoffers at States Rights."
This is the sentiment which bank, tariff, internal improvement,
Jackson men were required to endorse.
Mr. Randolph preferred the driving process, but he occasionally
flattered very adroitly. Sometimes, however, he
encountered a man who could neither be seduced by his
flattery nor intimidated by his threats.
When he was getting up his committee, he said:
"Call Colonel Clem. Carrington—the man who shed his
blood at Eutaw—none of your drunken stagger-weeds of
the court-yard."
Colonel Carrington soon made his appearance, with hat
in hand; but, when requested to endorse the resolutions, he
promptly said:
"I am for Jackson and the Union, sir," and disappeared.
Knowing that Mr. William B. Green had always been an
anti-Jackson man, Mr. Randolph approached him thus:
"Mr. Green, I know you are dead shot against Jackson,
and I appoint you one of the committee."
Mr. Green replied:
"I am also dead shot against nullification."
He then commenced making explanations, saying that
nullification was not intended, and that all would be right if
South Carolina took the ground intended by the resolutions.
Two or three of the gentlemen named on the committee,
who had made objections, consented to serve, Mr. Green
himself being one of them.
Mr. G., a young gentleman of promise, and who might
well have aspired to political preferment, suggested an alteration
in one of the resolutions. Mr. Randolph asked him if
every word stated in the resolution was not true.
Mr. G. replied, that the facts might all be true, but he did
not like the tone of the resolution—perhaps, the facts were
put forth in rather too strong a light.
"You are right, Mr. G.," said Mr. Randolph in his peculiar
manner, "I have lost much in my life by telling the
Mr. G. something," said he, "alter the resolution to suit
him."
When the amendment was made, he pronounced the resolution
"a little stronger than it was before."
The following breathes the very essence of the intellectual
tyrant. Mr. Henry Madison declined to endorse some of
his resolutions. Mr. Randolph darted a piercing glance
upon him, but made no open attack, as Mr. Madison expected.
But still the presumption to differ with him
weighed upon his mind. For that night, at supper with
a friend, he expressed his surprise that Mr. Madison refused
to endorse one of his resolutions—said he could not
understand it. The gentleman who differed with him on
this occasion was a man of fine sense and considerable influence.
The fact that it was a matter of surprise to him
that Mr. Randolph did not make an instantaneous direct
attack upon him is evidence of what everybody expected
who had the temerity to oppose him. If he came off with
whole bones he was more than satisfied. If he escaped
unscathed it was a subject of self-gratulation all the days of
his life. Mr. Randolph was conscious of his mental superiority,
and he had no scruples in asserting his power. He
used various means of maintaining his dominion. He
could melt to tears, provoke to rashness, or drive to desperation.
And there was another weapon which he used
with great effect—"severe repartees and sayings, creating
great mirth at the expense of others." His favorite weapon
was the whip and the spur. He might have it in his power
to conciliate, still, if possible, he preferred to ram the pill
down the throats of his opponents.
When Captain William M. Watkins was spoken to, he
very indignant, and made use of harsh language.
Up to that time Mr. Randolph had been a Jackson man.
Mr. Watkins was also a Jackson man; nor did he desert
him after the issue of the proclamation. Indeed he expressed
himself publicly as highly pleased with it, and full
of admiration for it. He went to Mr. Cardwell's, where Mr.
Randolph was staying at the time, and asked Mr. Randolph
what he thought of it. The latter declined to express his
opinion, but went home to prepare his resolutions, and to
plan an attack upon his friend.
At the meeting, while the resolutions were under consideration,
Mr. Randolph took occasion to say, addressing
himself to Captain Watkins, he did "not expect an old
Yazoo speculator to approve of them."
Captain Watkins rose and made a statement denying the
charge. Mr. Randolph looked him steadily in the face and
pointing his long bony finger at him, said:
"You are a Yazoo man, Mr. Watkins!"
Mr. Watkins rose again, agitated and embarrassed, and
made some explanatory remarks.
Mr. Randolph, with the same deliberation, simply repeated:
"You are a Yazoo man, Mr. Watkins!"
Mr. Watkins rose a third time, completely overcome with
mortification and chagrin. As he rose, his savage foe
plunged the same dagger into his breast.
"You are a Yazoo man," said he, when Mr. Watkins left
the room, completely vanquished by the single word
"Yazoo."
This scene reminds us forcibly of the description given
of Mr. Randolph in the "Recollections" of the Honorable
James W. Bouldin, who states "that he had all the deliberation
belong to a man who was cool, and he was guarded, but
his mind and passions were roused to the highest pitch of
excitement within." He compares him to "an enraged tiger,
whose eye burns and flashes with fiery vengeance, but who
prepares to make his spring with the greatest deliberation."
This inward boiling and outward coolness is forcibly
illustrated in his conduct with regard to Captain Watkins.
Besides, Mr. Randolph on this occasion displayed a very
bad quality of the heart. The gentleman against whom
the charge of being concerned in the great Yazoo fraud was
made was entirely innocent. He was a high-toned gentleman,
of the strictest integrity, and in solid abilities had no
superior in the county of Charlotte.
With regard to the charge made against Captain Watkins
by Mr. Randolph, Mr. William B. Green in his recollections
says:
"It was but the repetition of a similar charge made many
years before, during the administration of Mr. Madison,
when Captain Watkins took ground in favor of that administration,
and voted for Eppes against Mr. Randolph in the
Congressional election in 1809 or 1810. I have never been
able to learn the precise nature of these speculations, but
have understood in a general way that there were two
classes of speculators—one, a party who had combined and
associated themselves together for the purpose of corrupting
and bribing the legislature; the other, individuals who
proposed to purchase land on their own accounts.
"Captain Watkins, it was understood, belonged to the latter
class, and consequently was an innocent purchaser, if,
indeed, he made any purchase. All that I know with regard
to the matter is simply this: From a very early period
(1807) I had free access to all the books, papers and accounts
trace or vestige of anything relative to the subject. And,
moreover, Mr. Randolph was at all times (except at the
time when he had fallen out with Captain Watkins on account
of the vote given against him for Eppes) on friendly,
social and intimate terms with him, which I think would not
have been the case had Mr. Randolph really thought that
these so-called speculations were derogatory to the character
and standing of Captain Watkins. I have thought it due to
the memory of my old friend and partner to say thus much
on this subject."
The same gentleman, Mr. Henry Madison, to whom we
referred above, as having refused to endorse one of Mr.
Randolph's resolutions, related to us a little incident which
shows at once what sway he held in his own county.
Mr. Madison and his friend were riding together in a
buggy to Lynchburg, discussing, all the way, General Jackson's
proclamation, which had just come out. Mr. Madison
was pointing out its consolidating doctrines, and highly
disapproving of them. His friend was defending them.
A few days afterwards, they were both standing together
in the committee room, considering Mr. Randolph's resolutions.
Presently they came to one which was too strong for
Mr. Madison even to endorse.
Said he, to his friend, who was swallowing each resolution
whole as they came to it: "You can't go that, can you, after
all you stated to me going to Lynchburg?"
"Yes," replied his friend, "let's swallow it all!"
Mr. Madison was admonished by another friend that Mr.
Randolph would "kill him off" completely for presuming to
differ with him even in one particular.
"No," replied Mr. Madison, "I am a plain farmer; not
conspicuous at all; he will not disturb me. But you, who
cause to fear."
We have thus given the reader the recollections of the old
people of Charlotte with regard to the most extraordinary
meeting of the kind, we dare say, which ever occurred in
this or any other country. We obtained the facts from gentlemen
who were eye-witnesses of the scene, and whose
statements may be implicitly relied on. As to the accuracy
of their memories, there is little room to doubt, when it is
borne in mind that the most impressive man that ever lived
was the chief actor in the scene.
Considering Mr. Randolph's really "dying" condition,
the reader no doubt was astonished at the able manner in
which the resolutions were drawn; and there are some
striking passages in his speech: for instance, where he
describes the proclamation as coming "sweeping and blasting
with death, like the simoons of Arabia, or the whirlwinds
of the Great Sahara." No less striking is the passage
in which he speaks of his mind and body being in a whipping
race to destruction, and it being hard to tell which
rode the foremost horse.
When we came to these remarkable expressions in the
manuscript report of his speech, we recognized them as
exactly the same that the Hon. James W. Bouldin repeated
to us when a boy, and which we knew by heart.
These and other parts of the speech, which we had
learned in the same way, satisfied us of the general accuracy
of the report.
The following is another remark, which was indelibly impressed
verbatim upon the minds of many, for long before
we saw the report of the speech we had heard several gentlemen
repeat it:
"If I had been there I would have taken the uncircumcised
committed him to jail. I told the ladies, they, sweet souls,
who dressed their beds with their whitest sheets, and uncorked
for him their best wine, were not far from having
mulatto children."
The allusion made by Mr. Randolph to the position taken
by Patrick Henry, with regard to the Alien and Sedition
law, reminds us of the written statements of three of the
leading citizens of Charlotte in their day, viz: the Rev.
Clement Read, Colonel Robert Morton and Colonel Clement
Carrington, all of whom were present and heard the
speech referred to by Mr. Randolph. From the certificates
now before us, of the above named gentlemen, we gather
the true position of the great orator of the revolution. Declining
to give any opinion of the Alien and Sedition laws,
he neither approved nor disapproved of them, his only
object being to quiet the minds of the people and to prevent
them from resorting to unreasonable methods to remove
any grievances that they thought they then labored
under. He decidedly condemned the Virginia resolutions
as tending to civil war. During his speech, Colonel Carrington
states that he used this language: "Let us all go
together, right or wrong. If we go into civil war, your
Washington will lead the government armies, and who, I
ask, is willing to point a bayonet against his breast?"
The Rev. Clement Read closes his certificate by saying,
he "believed Mr. Henry lived and died a true Republican."
Colonel Morton states that it was the last time that Mr.
Henry appeared in public, and the first time that Mr. Randolph
appeared in public before the people of Charlotte.
Colonel Carrington says the latter "was not much attended
to."
No doubt a portion of the audience left the stand in disgust,
rise in reply to the great orator of the revolution; but it is
nevertheless true, that some of the crowd listened to Mr.
Randolph, and may have been captivated by his eloquence.
It was honor enough, however, for the young orator that
they listened to him at all. It was Mr. Randolph's moral
courage which is most to be admired on this occasion;
there is not a braver act of the kind on record.
But to return to Mr. Randolph's last speech: In four
months and twenty days from the time that he delivered it
he breathed his last. And this was his last political battle.
In the language of Mr. Baldwin: "His political life terminated
where it began, in a contest for States Rights. It began
by lifting his lance against Patrick Henry, and ended by
turning its point against Andrew Jackson."
| CHAPTER XIV. Home reminiscences of John Randolph | |