University of Virginia Library

10. X.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY.

Thus, then, was founded the second European settlement
on the Continent of America. The fortress was named La
Caroline, in honor of the French monarch, whom it was still
the policy of the Huguenots to conciliate. The houses were of
frail structure, and thatched with leaves of the palmetto. The
domain was a narrow one, but it was probably sufficiently wide for
the genius of Laudonniere. He soon shows himself sensible of all
his dignities as the sole representative of his master in the New
World. From his own account, he does not appear to have been
the proper person for the conduct of so difficult, if not so great,
an enterprise. There is no doubt that he was sufficiently brave;
but bravery, unsustained by judgment, is at best a doubtful virtue,
and, in a situation of great responsibility, is apt to show itself at
the expense of all discretion. The object of the colony of La
Caroline was a permanent establishment—a place of refuge from
persecution—where the seeds of a new empire might be
planted on a basis which should ensure civil liberty to the citizen.
The proper aim of such a settlement should have been security,
self-maintenance, and peace with all men. These could only have
been found in the economizing of their resources, in the application

of all their skill and industry to the cultivation of the soil,
and in the preservation of the most friendly relations among the
Indians. These, unhappily, were not objects sufficiently appreciated
by Laudonniere. His first error was that which arose
from the universal passion of his time. He had seen the precious
metals of the country—wedges of silver and scraps of gold—
which declared the abundance of its treasures, and aroused all his
passions for its acquisition. His whole energies were accordingly
directed to the most delusive researches. He had scarcely built
his fortress before he sent off his exploring expeditions. “I
would not lose a minute of an hour,” is his language, “without
imploying the same in some vertuous exercise,” and therefore he
despatches his Lieutenant, Ottigny, in seeking for Thimogoa; that
king, hostile to the Paracoussi Satouriova, whom he has pledged
himself to the latter to make war upon. Satouriova gives the
lieutenant a couple of warriors as guides, who were delighted at
the mission,—“seeming to goe as unto a wedding, so desirous
they were to fight with their enemies.”

But Ottigny, whose real purpose is to obtain the gold of the
people of Thimogoa, does not indulge his warlike guides in their
desires. They encounter some of the people whom they seek,
and make inquiries after the treasure. This is promised them
hereafter. With the report of a king named Mayrra, who lives
farther up the river, and abounds in gold and silver, Ottigny
returns to La Caroline. Other adventures follow, other kings
and chiefs are brought to the knowledge of our Frenchmen.
Plates of gold and silver are procured; large bars of the latter
metal; and the lures are quite sufficient to keep the colonists
employed in the one pursuit to the complete neglect of every
other. Instead of planting, they rely for their provisions wholly

upon the Indians; and, for eighteen months, the lieutenants of
Laudonniere penetrated the forests in every possible direction.
They appear not only to have explored the interior of Florida,
Georgia and South Carolina, but to have prosecuted their insane
search even to the Apalachian mountains. It is not improbable
that our antiquarians frequently stumble upon the proofs
of their progress, which they fondly ascribe to a much earlier
period. We preserve, as subjects of proper comparison with
aboriginal words still in use, and by which localities may yet be
identified, the names of many of the chiefs with whom our
Frenchmen maintained communion. From the Indians of King
Mollova, Captain Vasseur obtains five or six pounds of silver.
Mollova is the subject of a greater prince, named Olata Ovae
Utina. The tributaries of this great chief are numerous;—
Cadeeha, Chilili, Eclavou, Enacappe, Calany, Anacharaqua,
Omittaqua, Acquera, Moquoso, and many others. Satouriova is
the chief sovereign along the waters of the May. He too hath
numerous tributaries. He is the great rival monarch of Olata
Utina. Potanou is one of his chiefs, “a manne cruel in warre,
but pitiful in the execution of his furie.” He usually took his
prisoners to mercy, branding them upon the arm, and setting
them free. Onatheaqua and Hostaqua are great chiefs, abounding
in riches, that dwell near the mountains. According to the
tales of the Indians of May River, the warriors of Olata Utina
“armed their breasts, armes, thighes, legs and foreheads with
large plates of gold and silver.” Molona is a chief of the river
of May, near the Frenchmen, and hostile also to the Thimogoans.
Malicá is another of these chiefs of Satouriova, eager, like all
the rest, to shed the blood of the hostile people whom the
Frenchmen have unwisely promised to destroy. In order to win
the favor of Molona, while that Paracoussi is entertaining them
at his dwelling, Capt. Vasseur, returning from an expedition to
the territories of Thimogoa, reports that nothing but their flight
prevented him from utterly destroying that people. Improving
upon his superior, one Francis La Caille, a sergeant, insisted that,
with his sword, he has run two of the Thimogoans through the
body. But this falsehood demands another for its security. The
suspicious Indian insists upon handling the sword, “which the
sergeant would not denie him, thinking that hee would have
beheld the fashion of his weapon; but hee soon perceived that it
was to another ende; for the old man, holding it in his hand,
behelde it a long while on every place, to see if he could find any
blood upon it which might show that any of their enemies had
beene killed. Hee was on the point to say that he had killed
none of the men of Thimogoa; when La Vasseur preventing that
which hee might object, showing, that, by reason of the two
Indians which he had slain, his sword was so bloody, he was
enforced to wash and make it cleane a long while in the river.”

Another of the chiefs, dwelling near the Frenchmen, is Omoloa,
an ally of Satouriova. These two summon Laudonniere to the
expedition for which they have prepared themselves against the
Thimogoans, and are offended that he now excuses himself. He
was too busy with his explorations for any other object. But he
sent to request two of his prisoners from Satouriova, which were
denied him; the old savage properly saying that he owed him no
service, as he had taken no part in the expedition. This irritated
the Frenchman, who, with twenty soldiers, suddenly appeared
in the dwelling of the Paracoussi, and demanded and carried
off the prisoners. His policy was, by freeing these prisoners,
and sending them home to their sovereign, to conciliate his favor;

but, in the meantime, he made an enemy of Satouriova. An
expedition was prepared to carry back the prisoners to Olata
Utina. It was confided to Monsieur D'Erlach, one of Laudonniere's
lieutenants, and consisted of ten soldiers. Their course
lay up the river of May, more than fourscore leagues. They
were received by the great Paracoussi Utina, with much favor,
and were easily persuaded by him to take part in a war which
he was even then waging with his hereditary enemy, Potanou.
A surprise is attempted, and a battle ensues, in which the fire-arms
of the French confound Potanou, and subject him to a
sore defeat. One of his towns is captured, and all its men,
women, and children, are made prisoners. Monsieur D'Erlach
returns to La Caroline, with no inconsiderable spoil of gold and
silver, skins painted, and other commodities of the Indians.

While thus engaged in the avaricious search for the precious
metals, Laudonniere began to receive some intimations of the
error into which he had fallen. The mistakes of his policy were
beginning to appear in their consequences. His ships had long
since departed for France. He had no present hope but in himself
and his neighbors; and his garrison were about to suffer
from the want of necessaries such as they should have relied upon
their own industry to secure. The provisions furnished by the
Indians were rapidly failing them. They had offended Satouriova,
and thus forfeited the supplies which his favor might have furnished.
In the always limited stores of the natives, there was a
natural limit, beyond which they could neither sell nor give;
since, to do so, would be to lose the grain necessary for sowing
their fields at the approaching season. The exigencies of the
colonies finally compelled them to seize upon the stores which the
providence of the Indians compelled them to retain. These

thus despoiled, withdrew promptly from the dangerous neighborhood,
and, but for a fortunate, and seemingly providential circumstance,
which afforded them succor for awhile, the distress of the
garrison might have realized anew the misfortunes of the people
of Fort Charles. We must let Laudonniere himself record the
event, which had such beneficial consequences, in his own language:

“Thus,” said he, “things passed on in this manner, and the
hatred of Paracoussi Satouriova against mee did still continue,
untill that, on the nine and twentieth of August, a lightning from
heaven fell within halfe a league of our fort, more worthy, I believe,
to be wondered at, and to be put in writing, than all the
strange signes which have beene seene in times past. For, although
the meadows were at that season all greene, and halfe
covered over with water, neverthelesse the lightning, in one instant,
consumed above five hundred acres thereof, and burned,
with the ardent heate thereof, all the foules which took their
pastime in the meadowes—which thus continued for three dayes
space—which caused us not a little to muse, not being able to
judge whence this fire proceeded. One while we thought that
the Indians had burnt their houses and abandoned their places
for feare of us. Another while we thought that they had discovered
some shippes in the sea, and that, according to their
custome, they had kindled many fires here and there * * * I
determined to sende to Paracoussi Serranay to knowe the truth.
But, even as I was about to sende one by boate, sixe Indians
came unto me from Paracoussi Allimieany, which, at their first
entire, made unto mee a long discourse, and a very large and
ample oration (after they had presented mee with certain baskets
full of maiz, of pompions, and of grapes), of the loving amity

which Allimicany desired to continue with mee, and that he
looked, from day to day, when it would please mee to employ
him in my service. Therefore, considering the serviceable affection
that hee bare unto mee, he found it very strange that I thus
discharged mine ordnance against his dwelling, which had burnt
up an infinite sight of greene meadowes, and consumed even
downe unto the bottom of the water.”

The simple message of the Paracoussi, suggested some advantages
to Laudonniere, who did not now scruple to admit that all
the mischief had been done by his wanton ordnance. He had
shot, not really to injure his neighbor, but to let him form a proper
idea of what he might do, in the way of mischief, should he
have the provocation at any time. Since, however, the Paracoussi
had come to the recollection of his duties, he, Laudonniere,
would protect him hereafter. The red-man had only to continue
faithful, and the white man would stifle his ordnance.

The sequel of this strange fire from heaven, may be given in
few words. For three days it remained unextinguished, and, for
two more days, the heat in the atmosphere was insupportable.
The river suffered from a sympathetic heat, and seemed ready
to seethe. The fish in it died in such abundance, of all sorts,
that enough were founde to have laden fiftie carts. The air became
putrid with the effluvia; the greater number of the garrison
fell sick, and suffered nearly to death; while the poor savages
removed to a distance from the region, which, since the settlement
of the colonists, had been productive of little but mischief
unto them. The distress of Laudonniere, under these events, was
increased by discontents and mutinies among his people. They
were not of a class so docile as their predecessors under Albert.
These, certainly, would not have borne so patiently with such a

sway. The government of Laudonniere, if not a wise, was not
a brutal or despotic one. But they threatened equally his peace
and safety. They had cause for apprehension, if not for commotion.
The promised supplies from France, which were to be
brought by Ribault, had failed to arrive, and the discontent in
the colony was beginning to assume an aspect the most serious.
At this point, our narrative must enter somewhat more into details,
and, for the sake of compactness, we must somewhat anticipate
events.