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9. IX.
THE SECOND EXPEDITION OF THE HUGUENOTS TO
FLORIDA.

The Fortress of La Caroline and the Colony of Laudonniere.

Thus, unhappily, as we have seen, ended the first experiment
of Coligny for the establishment of a Huguenot colony in the
territory of the Floridian. The disasters which had attended
the fortunes of the garrison at Fort Charles, were due, in some
degree, to its seeming abandonment by their founder. But
Coligny was blameless in this abandonment. When Ribault
returned to France, from his first voyage, the civil wars had
again begun, depriving the admiral of the means for succoring
the colony, as had been promised. Nearly two years had now
elapsed from that period, before he could recover the power
which would enable him to send supplies or recruits for its maintenance.
In all this time, with the exception of the small domain
occupied by Fort Charles, the country lay wholly derelict, and
in the keeping of the savages. But Coligny was now in a condition
to resume his endeavors in behalf of his colony. He
was again in possession of authority. The assassination
of the Duke of Guise had restored to France the blessings of
peace; and Coligny seized upon this interval of repose, to in


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quire after the settlement which had been made by Ribault.
Three ships, and a considerable amount of money, were accorded
to his application; and the new armament was assigned to the
command of René Laudonniere—a man of intelligence, a good
seaman rather than a soldier, and one who had accompanied
Ribault on his first expedition, though he had not remained with
the colony.[1] Laudonniere found it easy enough to procure his
men, not only for the voyage but the colony. The civil wars had
produced vast numbers of restless and destitute spirits, who
longed for nothing so much as employment and excitement.
Besides, there was a vague attraction for the imagination, in the
tales which had reached the European world, of the wondrous
sweetness and beauty of the region to which they were invited.
Florida still continued, even at this period, to be the country
beyond all others in the new world, which appealed to the fancies
and the appetites of the romantic, the selfish, and the merely
adventurous. Ribault's own account of it had described the
wondrous sweetness of its climate, and the exquisite richness and
variety of its fruits and flowers. Then, there were the old dreams
which had beguiled the Spanish cavalier, Hernando de Soto, and
had filled with the desires and the hopes of youth, the aged
heart of Juan Ponce de Leon. It did not matter if death did
keep the portals of the country. This guardianship only seemed
the more certainly to denote the precious treasures which were
concealed within. In the absence of any certain knowledge,
men dreamed of spoils within its bowels, such as had been
yielded to Cortes and Pizarro, by the great cities and teeming
mountains of Tenochtitlan and Peru. They had heard true

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stories of its fruits and flowers; of its bland airs, so friendly to
the invalid; of its delicious fountains, in which healing and joy
lay together in sweet communion. It was the region in which,
according to tradition, life enjoyed not only an exquisite, but an
extended tenure, almost equalling that of the antediluvian ages.
Its genial atmosphere was supposed to possess properties particularly
favorable to the prolongation of human life. Laudonniere
himself tells us of natives whom he had seen who were certainly
more than two hundred and fifty years old, and yet, who entertained
a reasonable hope of living fifty or a hundred years
longer. These may have been exaggerations, but they are such
as the human imagination loves to indulge in. But there was
comparative truth in the assertion. Portions of the Floridian
territory are, to this day, known to be favorable to health and
longevity in a far greater degree than regions in other respects
more favored; and, in the temperate habits, the hardy exercises,
the simple lives of the red-men, unvexed by cares and anxieties,
and unsubdued by toils, they probably realized many of the
alleged blessings of a golden age. But the attractions of this
region were not estimated only with respect to attractions such
as these. The fountains of the marvellous which had been
opened by the great discoverers, Columbus and Cortes, Balboa
and Pizarro, were not to be quickly closed. The passion for
adventure, in the exploration of new countries, made men easy
of belief; and any number of emigrants were prepared to
accompany our second Huguenot expedition. The armament of
Laudonniere was ready for sea, and sailed from France on the
22d April, 1564.[2] A voyage of two months brought the voyagers

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to the shores of New France, which they reached the
25th of June, 1564. The land made was very nearly in the
same latitude as in the former expedition. It was a favorable
period for seeing the country in all its natural loveliness; and
the delight of the voyagers may be imagined, when, at May
River, they found themselves welcomed by the Indians, such of
the whites particularly as were recognized to have been of the
squadron of Ribault. The savages hailed them as personal
friends and old acquaintances. When they landed, they were
eagerly surrounded by the simple and delighted natives, men
and women, and conducted, with great ceremonials, to the spot
where Ribault had set up a stone column, with the arms of
France, “upon a little sandie knappe, not far from the mouth
of the said river.” It was with a pleased surprise that Laudonniere
found the pillar encircled and crowned with wreaths of bay
and laurel, with which the affectionate red-men had dressed the
stone, in proof of the interest which they had taken in this imposing
memorial of their intercourse with the white strangers.
The foot of the pillar was surrounded by little baskets of maize
and beans; and these were brought in abundance, in token of
their welcome, and yielded by these generous sons of the forest
to their new visitors, at the foot of the pillar which they had thus
consecrated to their former friendship. They kissed the column,
and made the French do likewise. Their Paracoussy, or king,
was named Satouriova, the oldest of whose sons, named Athore,

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is described by Laudonniere as “perfect in beautie.” Satouriova
presented Laudonniere with a “wedge of silver”—one of
those gifts which by no means lessened the importance of the
giver, or of his country, in the eyes of our voyager. His natural
inquiry was whence the silver came.

“Then he showed me by evident signes that all of it came
from a place more within the river, by certain days journeys
from this place, and declared unto us that all that which they had
thereof, they gat it by force of armes of the inhabitants of this
place, named by them Thimogoa, their most ancient and natural
enemies, as hee largely declared. Whereupon, when I saw with
what affection and passion hee spake when hee pronounced
Thimogoa, I understood what he would say; and to bring myself
more into his favour, I promised him to accompany him with all
my force, if hee would fight against them: which thing pleased
him in such sorte, that, from thenceforth, hee promised himselfe
the victorie of them, and assured mee that hee would make a
voyage thither within a short space, and would commaund his
men to make ready their bowes and furnish themselves with such
store of arrows, that nothing should bee wanting to give battaile
to Thimogoa. In fine, he prayed me very earnestly not to faile
of my promise, and, in so doing, he hoped to procure me golde
and silver, in such good quantitie, that mine affaires should take
effect according to mine owne and his desire.”

Here then we see cupidity beginning to plant in place of
religion. Our Huguenot tells us of no prayers which he made, of
no religious services which he ordered, in presence of the savages,
for their benefit and his own. But his sole curiosity is to know
where the gold grows, and to prompt the evil passions of the red-men


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to violence and strife with one another, in order that he may
procure the object of his avarice.

With night, the parties separated, the French retiring to
their ships and the Indians to the cover of their forests. But
Laudonniere had something more to learn. The next day,
“being allured with this good entertainment,” the visit was renewed.
“We found him, (the Paracoussy) under shadow of an
arbor, accompanied with four-score Indians at the least, and
apparelled, at that time, after the Indian fashion; to wit, with a
great hart's skin dressed like chamois, and painted with divers
colours, but of so lively a portraiture, and representing antiquity,
with rules so justly compassed, that there is no painter so exquisite
that coulde finde fault therewith. The natural disposition of
this strange people is so perfect and well guided, that, without
any ayd and favour of artes, they are able; by the help of nature
onely, to content the eye of artizans; yea, even of those which,
by their industry, are able to aspire unto things most absolute.”

What Laudonniere means by the paintings of the Indians,
“representing antiquity,” is not so clear. But it may be well,
in this place, to mention that we do not rely here on the opinions
of a mere sailor or soldier. In this expedition, Coligny had sent
out a painter of considerable merit, named James Le Moyne,
otherwise de Morgues, who was commissioned to execute colored
drawings of all the objects which might be supposed likely to interest
the European eye. To this painter are we indebted for
numerous pictures of the people and the region, their modes of
life, costume and exercises, which are now invaluable.

The Huguenots left their Indian friends with reluctance. As
the ships coasted along the shores, pursuing their way up the
river, the word “ami,” one of the few French words which the


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simple red-men had retained, resounded, in varied accents, from
men and women, who followed the progress of the strangers,
running along the margin of the river, as long as the ships continued
in sight. The French have not often abused the
hospitality of the aborigines. In this respect, they rank much
more humanly and honorably than either the English or the
Spanish people. With a greater moral flexibility, which yields
something to acquire more, they accommodated themselves to the
race which they discovered, and, readily conforming to some of the
habits of the red-men, acquired an influence over them which the
people of no other nation have ever been able to obtain. It was
with tears that the simple hunters along May River beheld the
vessels of the Frenchmen gradually sinking from their eyes.

The vessels of Laudonniere passed up the river, himself and
parties of his people landing occasionally, to examine particular
spots of country. They are everywhere received with kindness.
Two of the Indian words—“Antipola Bonassou,”—meaning
“Friend and Brother,”—the French made use of to secure a
favorable welcome everywhere.

Monsieur de Ottigny, a lieutenant of Laudonniere, with a small
party, is conducted into the presence of a Cassique, whose great
apparent age prompts him to inquire concerning it. “Whereunto
he made answer, shewing that he was the first living originall
from whence five generations were descended, as he shewed unto
them by another olde man that sate directly over against him,
which farre exceeded him in age. And this man was his father,
which seemed to be rather a dead carkiss than a living body; for
his sinewes, his veines, his arteries, his bones and other partes
appeared so cleerely thorow his skinne, that a man might easily tell
them and discerne them one from one another. Also his age was so


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great that the goode man had lost his sight, and could not speake
one onely word but with exceeding great paine. Monsieur de
Ottigni, having seene so strange a thing, turned to the younger of
these two olde men, praying him to vouchsafe to answer to him
that which he demanded touching his age. Then the olde man
called a company of Indians, and striking twise upon his thigh,
and laying his hand upon two of them, he shewed him by synes
that these two were his sonnes; again smiting upon their thighes,
he shewed him others not so olde which were the children of the
two first, which he continued in the same manner until the fifth
generation. But, though this olde man had his father alive, more
olde than himselfe, and that bothe of them did weare their haire
very long and as white as was possible, yet it was tolde them that
they might yet live thirtie or fortie yeeres more by the course of
nature: although the younger of them both was not lesse than
two hundred and fiftie yeeres olde. After he had ended his communication
he commanded two young eagles to be given to our
men, which hee had bred up for his pleasure in his house.”

A fitting gift at the close of such a narrative! Certainly, a
patriarchal family; and, though we may doubt the correctness
of this primitive mode of computing the progress of the sun,
there can be no question that the Floridians were distinguished
by a longevity wholly unparalleled in modern experience. It is
claimed that the anglo-American races who have since occupied
the same region, have shared, in some degree, in this prolonged
duration of human life.

While the lieutenant of Laudonniere was thus held in discourse
by the aged Indians, his commander was enjoying himself in more
luxurious fashion. A particular eminence in the neighborhood
of the river had fixed his eye, which he explored. Here he


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reposed himself for several hours. It is pleasant to hear our
Frenchman's discourse of the beauty of the spot where his siesta
was enjoyed.

“Upon the top thereof, we found nothing else but cedars,
palms, and bay trees, of so sovereign odor, that balm smelleth
nothing in comparison. The trees were environed round with
vines, bearing grapes in such quantity that the number would
suffice to make the place habitable. Touching the pleasure of the
place, the sea may be seen plain and open from it; and more
than five leagues off, near the river Belle, a man may behold the
meadows, divided asunder into isles and islets, interlacing one
another. Briefly, the place is so pleasant, that those who are
melancholie would be forced to change their humour.”

There is no exaggeration in this. Such is the odor of the
shrubs—such is the picturesqueness of the prospect.

Laudonniere departed with great reluctance from a region so
favorable to health, so beautiful to the eye, and which promised
so abundantly of fruits and mineral treasures. His course lay
northwardly, in search of the colony of Captain Albert. He
passes the river of Seine, four leagues distant from the May, and
continues to the mouth of the Somme, some six leagues further.
Here he casts anchor, lands, and is received with friendly welcome
by the Paracoussy, or king of the place, whom he describes
as “one of the tallest and best-proportioned men that may be
found. His wife sate by him, which, besides her Indian beautie,
wherewith she was greatly endued, had so virtuous a countenance
and modest gravitie, that there was not one amongst us but
did greatly commend her. She had in her traine five of her
daughters, of so good grace and so well brought up, that I easily
persuaded myself that their mother was their mistresse.”


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Here Laudonniere is again presented with specimens of the
precious metals, and here we find him already in consultation with
his men, touching the propriety of abandoning the settlement of
Fort Charles, the fate of which he has heard in his progress
from the Indians, for the more attractive regions of the river
May. His arguments for this preference, may be given in his
own language.

“If we passed farther to the north to seeke out Port Royall, it
would be neither very profitable nor convenient,.... although
the haven were one of the fairest of the West Indies: but that, in
this case, the question was not so much of the beautie of the place
as of things necessary to sustaine life. And that for our inhabiting,
it was much more needful for us to plant in places plentiful of
victuall, than in goodly havens, faire, deepe and pleasante to the
view. In consideration whereof, I was of opinion, if it seemed
goode unto them, to seate ourselves about the river of May: seeing
also, that, in our first voyage, wee found the same onely, among
all the rest, to abounde in maize and corn; besides the golde and
silver that was found there; a thing that put me in hope of some
happie discoverie in time to come
.”

Doubtless the last was the conclusive suggestion. The views
of Laudonniere were promptly agreed to by his followers; and,
sailing back to the river of May, they reached it at daybreak on
the 29th June. “Having cast anchor, I embarked all my stuffe
and the souldiers of my company, (in the pinnace we may suppose,)
to sayle right towards the opening of the river: wherein
we entered a good way up, and found a creeke of a reasonable
bignisse which invited us to refresh ourselves a little, while wee
reposed ourselves there. Afterward, wee went on shore to seeke


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out a place, plaine, without trees, which wee perceived from the
creeke.”

But this spot, upon examination, does not prove commodious,
and it was determined to return to a point they had before discovered
when sailing up the river. “This place is joyning to a
mountaine (hill), and it seemed unto us more fit and commodious
to build a fortresse;..... therefore we took our way towards
the forests..... Afterwards, we found a large plaine, covered
with high pine trees, distant a little from the other; under which
we perceived an infinite number of stagges, which brayed amidst
the plaine, athwart the which we passed: then we discovered a
little hill adjoyning unto a great vale, very greene and in forme
flat: wherein were the fairest meadows of the worlde, and grasse
to feede cattel. Moreover, it is environed with a great number of
brookes of fresh water, and high woodes which make the vale most
delectable to the eye.”

Laudonniere names this pleasant region after himself, the “vale
of Laudonniere
.” They pass through it, and, at length, after
temporary exhaustion from fatigue and heat, they recover their
spirits, and, penetrating a high wood, reach the brink of the river,
and the spot which they have chosen for the settlement.

We have preferred, at the risk of being tedious, to quote these
details, in order that the modern antiquarian may, if he pleases,
seek for the traces of this ancient settlement. The foundation was
not laid without due solemnity. Laudonniere remembers that his
people are Christians; and, at the break of day, on the 30th June,
1564, the trumpets were sounded, and our Huguenots were called
to prayer. The banks of the May, otherwise the St. Johns,[3] then


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echoed, for the first time, with a hymn of lofty cheer from European
voices.

“There we sang a psalme of thanksgiving unto God.”
Prayer was made, and, gathering courage from the exercise of
their devotions, our Huguenots applied themselves to the duty of
building themselves a fortress. In this work they were assisted
by the Indians.[4] A few days sufficed, with this help, to give their
fabric form. It was built in the shape of a triangle. “The
side towarde the west, which was towarde the lande, was enclosed
with a little trench and raised with towers made in forme of a
battlement of nine foote high: the other side, which was towarde
the river, was inclosed with a palisado of plankes of timber, after
the manner that gabions are made. On the south side, there was
a kinde of bastion, within which I caused an house for the munition
to be built. It was all builded of fagots and sand, saving about
two or three foote high with turfes, whereof the battlements were
made. In the middest I caused a great court to be made of
eighteen paces long and broad; in the middest whereof, on the
one side, drawing toward the south, I builded a corps de garde,
and an house, on the other side, towarde the north.” * * *


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“One of the sides that enclosed my court, which I made very faire
and large, reached unto the grange of my munitions: and, on the
other side, towarde the river, was mine owne lodgings, round
which were galleries all covered. The principal doore of my
lodging was in the middest of the great place, and the other was
towarde the river. A good distance from the fort, I built an
oven.”

It will be an employment of curious interest, whenever the
people of Florida shall happen upon the true site of the settlement
and structure of Laudonniere, to trace out, in detail, these several
localities, and fix them for the benefit of posterity. The work is
scarcely beyond the hammer and chisel of some Old Mortality,
who has learned to place his affections, and fix his sympathies,
upon the achievements of the Past.


 
[1]

Charlevoix describes Laudonniere as “un gentilhomme de mérite—
bon officier de marine, et qui avoit même servi sur terre avec distinction.
que utilité dans une colonie naissante. Quantité de jeune gens de famille,
et plusiers gentilshommes voulurent faire ce voyage à leurs dépens,
et on y joignoit des détachmens de soldats choisés dans de vieux
corps. L'Admiral eut soin surtout qu'il n'y eût aucun catholique dans cet armament
.”

[2]

It was much superior to that originally sent out with Ribault. “On
lui donna des ouvriers habiles dans tous les arts, &c
.

[3]

“The evidence,” says Johnson, however, in an appendix to his life of
Greene, “is in favor of the St. Mary's, and would point to the first bluff
on the south side of that river.” But this is certainly a mistake. The
general conviction now is, that our St. John's was the May River of the
French.

[4]

Jacques de Moyne de Morgues represents the Indian Chief or Paracoussi
of the neighborhood, Satouriova by name, as taking great umbrage
at the erection of the fortress La Caroline within his dominions; thus
differing from Laudonniere, who describes him and his subjects as
cheerfully assisting in its erection. Charlevoix undertakes to reconcile
the difference between them; but in a manner which would soon leave
the chronicle and the historian at the mercy of the merest conjecture.
The matter is scarcely of importance.