 | A sketch of old England |  |
LETTER XIII.
That the present age is in rapid progress to something nearly
allied to fanaticism on one hand, and infidelity on the other, is,
I think, pretty evident from various indications; and it is
equally clear, that the origin of this may be traced to political
causes, which have in truth exercised in all ages a vast influence
over religion. The kingdoms of Europe were all pretty much
in the same situation. The church and state were every where
combined, and mutually supported each other's prerogatives.
The French Revolution, which shook these thrones, shook
with them the pillars of the established churches, I mean those
churches which shared with the kings and their nobility a great
portion of the wealth of nations. Connected thus by the
strong tie of mutual interest, it is therefore obvious, that the
ancient political and the ancient ecclesiastical establishments
would make common cause against the claims and rights of
the people. Their mutual fears would also operate still more
to cement this bond of union, and the alliance for mutual
defence. The example of this alliance in France was followed
by the different states of Europe, whose similarity of situation
dictated the same measures, and thus happened the wonderful
the princes and nobles becoming all at once extremely pious;
that is to say, so far as the support of a hierarchy was essential
to their interests, and so far as the possession of piety did
not carry with it the necessity of practising what they professed.
In fact, there seems to have been a compromise, by
which the faith of the monarch was to be accepted in lieu of all
good works, except the good work of repressing those throes
of misery among the nations, which sometimes came near to
shake the throne and the hierarchy.
Two effects resulted from this cunning conspiracy. All those,
who supported the throne and the established church, which
last at length became synonymous with religion itself, were
friends of order and religion as a matter of course. On the
contrary, those who thought that causes, which have been
gaining strength for centuries past, had accumulated to such a
degree as to render some alterations in the old systems of
governments necessary to the welfare of mankind, were stigmatized
as enemies to the true faith, as hostile to religion itself.
In short, despotism became order, and an established church,
with exclusive privileges, religion. To question the claims of
the one was treason; of the other, infidelity.
In the natural course of things, these excellent synonymes
found their way into our country. The two great parties, for
and against the Revolution of France, in the United States,
adopted, in a great measure, the cant which prevailed abroad,
and opposed each other on the same grounds, though we had
happily no privileged church nor privileged orders. Still, one
party did not hesitate to stigmatize the other with being deficient
in an orthodoxy, of which there was no standard among
them; while the other maintained, with a greater appearance
of reason, that there was no connexion between religion itself
and a church with exclusive privileges, but what was arbitrary
and injurious to the best interests of piety and morality. Thus
the connexion between democracy and heterodoxy became
naturalized among the opposers of the French Revolution in
the United States. In horrible imitation of their prototypes
abroad, a vast many people became advocates and converts of
that “legitimate party,” which disdains an alliance with moral
principles, and can reconcile a breach of the moral duties with
the sincerest devotion and the truest faith. Hypocrisy, however,
has generally a number of sincere followers; and a simulated
piety adopted, merely from political and interested
motives, by the great, has produced, among a large portion
of the lower orders, a species of fanaticism, which seems to
be spreading over the face of the earth. The advocates of
of being without religion, because they do not adhere to an
established church, seem determined to go even beyond legitimacy
in the race of fiery zeal; so that it is probable, before
long, we shall have nothing but fanatics and infidels, and that
rational religion will no longer be found among the nations of
Europe, or the people of the United States.
You have no doubt heard of the million of pounds sterling,
appropriated some two or three years since, at the recommendation
of his present majesty, who is a great example of morals
and religion, for the building of one hundred new churches in
and about London. This was advertised and puffed to the
uttermost corners of the earth, as if the Regent had himself
bestowed this million from his own privy purse. No such
thing, I assure you. It was a million extra, not drawn from
his own pocket, but from the pockets of the people. What
rendered this appropriation still less praiseworthy, was the
fact to which every man in this city can bear witness, that the
episcopal churches already built are amply sufficient for all
the purposes of public worship. The dissenting chapels and
methodist tabernacles are indeed generally crowded; but the
places of worship belonging to the established church are, I
repeat again, never filled, except on some extraordinary occasion.
It is true, that the present churches in this city are not
sufficient to hold the whole population of London, should they
all attend public worship at one and the same time, a thing that
never did nor ever can happen.
If a stranger wishes to see how the people of fashion spend
their Sunday mornings, that is to say, from two till five in the
afternoon, he should go to Hyde Park. Here he will see
Corinthians, fine ladies, and sons of aspiring cits, galloping, galloping,
galloping; and trotting, trotting, trotting, in one eternal
“never-ending and still beginning” circle, admiring themselves
and envying each other. The great pleasure arising from this
pretty variety of round and round, seems to be the stupid
admiration of the commonalty, who stare at these great ones,
and decide upon the claims of each rider, horse, and equipage.
It is impossible to describe the vast variety of extravagance
exhibited on these occasions, or the whimsical diversity of
riders and equipages. This exhibition of vanity continues,
till it is time to go home and dress for dinner, to a good
appetite for which, half the lives of the young Corinthians
are devoted.
To conclude: most of the superiority of this country in religion
will be found to orginate in newspaper advertisements
and missionary magazines, speeches in parliament, and declarations.
entirely unsupported. If we look to morals as a criterion of
religion, and to crimes as a test of morals, there is no foundation
for this claim. If we look to other outward indications,
such as a respect for public decorum; an observance of the
Sabbath; a friendly regard to other nations; or a general
benevolence, indicated by a habit of speaking of them with
temper and decorum; a desire of preserving peace and good
will with their neighbours on the continent, or the distant
people of the other quarters of the globe—there is still less
foundation for this boast. Her practice has never been to speak
well of other nations. Her wars, for the last hundred years,
have been more frequent than those of any other country. In
every quarter of the globe she has warred against the human
race, through the impulses of ambition and avarice. Asia,
Africa, and America, can tell of her oppressions; and if she
thinks she can make amends to them, or deceive the world, by
sending missionaries and Bibles to pave the way for a still
greater extension of trade and empire, I think she is mistaken.
The veil is dropping lower and lower every day, and the physiognomy
of the hypocrite becoming more visible to the eyes
of the world.
| A sketch of old England | |