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The Compositors of Hamlet Q2 and
The Merchant of Venice
by
John
Russell Brown
[*]
In The Manuscript of Shakespeare's Hamlet (1934), Professor J. Dover Wilson made one of the first attempts to analyse the habits of a compositor in an Elizabethan printing house, and his conclusion was that James Roberts employed a bungling and inexperienced workman for the 1604/5 Hamlet. The picture Professor Wilson drew of this compositor was detailed and paradoxical. He was a novice and, left to himself, would have worked letter by letter, reproducing the spellings of his copy, but he was rushed in his work, and sometimes omitted lines, half-lines, phrases, words, or letters. In moments of confidence, he abandoned his plodding method and let his eye 'race ahead of his fingers,' so that he might transpose a word in error from the end to the beginning of a line. This picture of Roberts' compositor has been generally accepted and has greatly influenced the repute of the second quarto of Hamlet; Sir Walter Greg thought it "was printed from Shakespeare's autograph copy, though there was little that was foul about it and the chief trouble is the incompetence of the printing."[1]
Since Professor Wilson's early study, other techniques have been developed in order to trace the work of compositors. The acquisition of these techniques has been recorded in the pages of The Library and Studies in Bibliography, and the first large scale application of them has appeared in Dr. Alice Walker's Textual Problems of the First Folio (1953). The trail has been clearly blazed: editors of Elizabethan texts should no longer speak vaguely of compositorial error or sophistication. Many old textual
I
Professor Fredson Bowers has already questioned whether Q2 Hamlet was set by one compositor who was rushed in his work. From a preliminary analysis of skeleton-formes used for this quarto, he has shown that
Compositor X. | Compositor Y. |
their | theyr/their |
deare, dearely, etc. | deere, deerely, etc. |
sweete | sweet |
farwell | farewell |
sayd(e), etc. | said(e), etc. |
houre(s) | howre(s) |
madam(e) | maddam(e) |
being | beeing |
receaue, receaued, perceaue, etc. | receiue, receiued, perceiue, etc. |
honor(s), honor'd, dishonor, etc. | honour(s), honour'd, dishonour, etc. |
mooue, mooued, prooue, etc. | moue, moued, proued, etc. |
sodaine | suddaine |
choise | choice |
reuendge, reuendgeful, etc.(There are 3 Y forms in Act I) | reuenge, reuengeful, etc. |
Compositor X | B1-D4v,F1-4v,I1-4v, L1,L4v,N1-O2 |
Compositor Y | E1-4v,G1-H4v,K1-4v,L1v-4,M1-4v |
It is noteworthy that Y started work when the new skeletons were constructed. The evidence is reasonably clear except for H3v, L1, and N1-1v. Some further spellings support these allocations. It is probably safe to assume
The evidence of the spellings for Hamlet becomes more
impressive when similar tests are applied to The Merchant of
Venice quarto of 1600 Here again, there is evidence of more
than one set of skeletons. The verso running-title 'The
comicall Historie of' is sometimes approximately 4.4 cms. in
length and sometimes approximately 4.6 or 4.7. The two lengths
alternate regularly:
short running-title | A2v:-B4v,D1v-4v,F1v-4v, H1v-4v,and K1v. |
long running-tide | C1v-4v,E1v-4 v,G1v-4v,and I1v-4v. |
Compositor X. | Compositor Y. |
their | theyr/their |
deare | deere |
farwell | farewell |
sayd(e), etc. | said(e), etc. |
houre(s) | howre(s) |
madam(e) | maddam(e) |
being | beeing |
sodainly | suddainely |
In addition to the spellings significant in Hamlet, X set leasure(s) where Y set leysure(s). The form Ile is found throughout, but on pages set by X ile is often found. This last peculiarity is probably due to a shortage of capitals which is a noticeable feature of the quarto, verse lines frequently beginning with lower case letters.[7] The evidence is as follows:
For The Merchant of Venice there is further evidence: (1) Compositor X normally set the whole of the entry directions in italic type, while Y used italic only for proper names, setting the rest in Roman, and (2) Compositor
X-italic type only | C1,1v,3v, 4,4v,E1& v,2,3v,G1v, 2,3,4v, and I1,1v,2,3,3v. |
Y-Roman type except for proper names | A2,2v,4v,B2,2v,4& v,D1, 1v2,2v,3v,4v ,F2v,4,4v,and H1. |
On C2v, C4, and E2v there are entry directions with proper names in Roman and the rest in italic type.
Y-indented lines | A2,4v,B2,3v,4,D1,1v ,4,E2v, and F4,4v. |
The indentation of the last line on E2v is the only detail of this bibliographical evidence which breaks a regular alternation. It seems safe to assume, on the accumulated evidence of running-titles, spellings, entry
Compositor X | A1(title-page),C1-4v,E1-4v,G1-4v, and I1-K2. |
Compositor Y | A2-B4v,D1-4v,F1-4v, and H1-4v. |
A1 seems to be the only page about which there can be any doubt.
II
Once it is accepted that the same two compositors set Q2 Hamlet (1604/5) and The Merchant of Venice (1600), certain theories about the text of the former must be examined afresh: can it still be said that the 'chief trouble' is incompetent printing? Certainly it is no longer possible to blame an 'untutored dolt' for any of its short-comings, for The Merchant is a remarkably clean text throughout. It would seem that either these workmen were abnormally rushed while setting Hamlet-for which no certain evidence is yet known-or else their copy was abnormally illegible.
Before accepting either of these explanations, much more must be known about the printing of the quarto: its imperfections must be reexamined and their distribution studied, the press-work must be considered, and a more detailed knowledge about Roberts' printing house must be acquired. In the meantime, the text of Hamlet must be treated with added caution. For example, Professor Wilson thought that a considerable number of half- lines, phrases, and words found in the Folio text (generally thought to derive from a prompt-book),[8] and not found in Q2, had been present in the copy for Q2 but had been omitted through the incompetence of the compositor.[9] Professor Wilson's 'omissions' are from pages set by both compositors, neither of whom is known to have skipped numerous lines and words in other work. Until it is proved that they were both guilty of such incompetence, or that they were rushed in setting Q2 Hamlet, we must presume that they were both defeated by a peculiar illegibility of their copy, or else that the Folio Hamlet contains additions to Shakespeare's original foul papers. A glance at Professor Wilson's lists of 'omissions' will show how likely the latter explanation is; few of them contain any hard words which do not occur in neighbouring lines, and many of them involve mere repetition or the addition of particles. In the present state of knowledge, it seems possible that the 'omissions,' accepted as authoritative by Professor Wilson, have no stronger authority than that of a scribe or the players' prompt-book.
New knowledge about the compositors responsible for these two quartos will also illuminate the problem of the copy used for The Merchant of Venice. It is usually argued that this copy was closely related to Shakespeare's foul papers or autograph manuscript.[10] Obviously it cannot have been 'foul' to the same degree as the copy used for Hamlet and some other plays, and it is therefore risky to claim that it was in fact Shakespeare's autograph copy. But if the same compositors set both Hamlet and The Merchant and if we are agreed that the copy for Hamlet was autograph, it should be possible to compare the accidentals of the two texts and come to a more definite opinion about the copy for The Merchant.
First of all, it will be necessary to know how much the compositors habitually altered the spelling and punctuation of their copies, and what spellings are normal in texts of their composition. To get this information we must examine other books printed by Roberts about the same time as Hamlet and The Merchant.
III
The choice of books for comparison is not easy, for the practice of compositors certainly altered with varying circumstances. We have seen how a shortage of capitals probably led to the recurrence of a form in The Merchant which is not found in Hamlet, and we must presume that the fount of type with which they were working might have predisposed compositors in favour of certain forms. For our purposes, therefore, books printed in the same type as the two quartos (Roman '82') will be especially valuable. The spelling of their copy was perhaps the largest single factor which affected the work of compositors. We can check this, to some extent, by examining books reprinted from earlier editions which came from other printing houses, but the check is not fully adequate, for compositors could work far more rapidly from a printed text than from a manuscript and this inevitably affected their faithfulness to copy. Likewise, the legibility of manuscript copy would influence the speed and workmanship of compositors, and we have little hope of making any satisfactory allowance for this. Another factor is the amounts of prose and verse in a book; compositors sometimes departed from their normal spellings and punctuation in order to justify a line, and there would be a greater tendency to do this in a prose work than in a verse one. The format of a book might similarly influence their work; a duodecimo book in prose might present justifying difficulties every half dozen words or so. Over and above these factors, there must be the human factor; a compositor
The most interesting evidence comes from James Roberts' reprint of Titus Andronicus for Edward White in 1600 The previous edition was by John Danter in 1594 and in this first quarto the following spellings predominate: -ow, -ew, their, deare, farewell, said, houre, being, honour, moue, reuenge, Ile. In the Roberts reprint, farewell, said, and reuenge were not altered, but sometimes the others were, as follows:
-ow, -ew became -owe, -ewe | B2,D3v,I2v. |
their became theyr | A1,2,4(3),4v,D1(2),E1(2),1v,F1v(2), 2,4v,G1v(2),I1,1v(3), 4v(3),K1,1v(3),2v. |
deare, etc. became deere, etc. | A4(2),C1,D2,E2v,3v(2),4,F1,1v, 2,I1v,K1,2v. |
being became beeing | D1v. |
honour, etc. became honor, etc. | A2,B1,1v,2. |
moue, etc. became mooue, etc. | B4v,D2v. |
Ile became ile | D3,E3,4v,I3(2),3v. |
-owe, -ewe became -ow, -ew | D4,F3,G4v,I1v,2v. |
howres became houres | C4v. |
honorable became honourable | K2. |
mooued became moued | F1v. |
ile became I'le | I1. |
sweete became sweet | A3v,4,B2v,4,C1v(2), D1(2),E2v, 3v(2),4,F1,G2,H2,3,I3v,K1. |
maddam(e) became madam(e) | D1(2),2v,F3,I4v. |
receiue, etc. became receaue, etc. | E3,I2v. |
choise became choyse | F3v. |
From this evidence, it would seem that the two compositors who
set Hamlet and The Merchant of Venice also set
Titus Andronicus, and certain pages can be allocated to
each:
Compositor X | B1,1v,2,4v,C4v,D2& v,3,3v,E3,4v,F3, I2v,3,3v. |
Compositor Y | A1,2,3v,4,4v,B2v,4, C1,1v,2,3v,D1, 1v,2,4,E1,1v,2v,3& v,4,F1,1v,2,3v,4,4 v, G1v,2,4v,H2,3,I1,1v, 4v,K1,1v,2,2v. |
Very few details conflict with this allocation: X's honorable replaced Y's form on A2, but the honor/honour distinction does not hold for The Merchant, and in Hamlet, X's -or form is sometimes found on pages set by Y; X's madam replaced maddam on D1(2) and I4v which were both set by Y, but there are a few irregularities in the madam/maddam distinction in both Hamlet and The Merchant; Y's -ow, -ew forms replaced X's - owe, -ewe on F3 and I2v and sweet replaced sweete on I3v, but the shorter forms are often found on X's pages, especially in The Merchant. The allocation of pages A3v B2v, 4, D4, F3, G2,4v, and H2,3 must be considered doubtful, for they rely on -ow, -ew, sweet, or madam spellings which are not entirely trustworthy.
Judging from Titus Andronicus it would seem that if Compositor X found -ow and -ew in his copy he did not often bother to change them to the -owe and -ewe forms. Nor did he always change honour to honor, and moue to mooue. He did not once change farewell to farwell, reuenge to reuendge, or sweet to sweete. Compositor Y did not change houre to howre and was not consistent in changing being to beeing, their to theyr, and madam to maddam. Both compositors sometimes changed sweete to sweet and -owe, -ewe to - ow, -ew, and both sometimes retained uncharacteristic forms of receaue/receiue, etc. These tendencies help to divide other books between the two compositors.
Samuel Harsnet's A Declaration of Egregious Popish Impostures (1603) is in Roman '82', the type used for the three Shakespeare quartos.[11] It is a quarto of prose with 36 gatherings, not counting signature A which contains preliminary matter in italic type. The copy for this book probably had very few, or no, -owe, -ewe or sweete forms; I have noted only 5 -owe or -ewe forms (B3v, N2v, T2, V1, & Dd3) and two sweetes (E3 & R4v). Similarly I have noted honor only once (R2), deare once (L2v), and sayd eight times (Q1, T4v, V2,4v, Y3v, Dd1v, & Ll3v); in each case the Y forms predominate and probably did so in the copy. I have not found ile, farewell or farwell, madam or maddam, leisure or leasure; houre is infrequent and invariable; thys I found once (M1) and reuenge
Compositor X | C3,3v,D2v,El-3v,F4- G2,H2v- 3v,I3v-K1,L2,2v,M1 v,2,3,Q4,R2,4v,T1v, 2,4,X2,Z1v,Aa3,3v,Bb3v,4,Cc2v- 4,Dd2v,3,Ee2v- 4,Ff4,4v,Hh3,3v,Kk2,2v,3v,Ll3v- 4v,Mm2,Nn3, 3v, |
Compositor Y | B1v-C2v,C4v-D1&v,D3- 4v,E4,4v, F1v-3v,G3v-H1v,H4v- I3,K2v-L1,L3-M1,M4-N1v, N2v,N3v-O1v,O4,4v,P2,3v,Q1 v-3v,R2v-4, S2v,3v,4,T2v,3,4&v,V1v,V3- X1,X4,4v,Y2-4v, Aa1,1v,Aa4v-Bb2v,Cc1-2,Dd1v,Dd4-Ee2,Ff1v,Ff2v-3v,Gg2v,3,Gg4-Hh2v,Ii4-Kk1v,Kk4-Ll2v,Mm1,3,Mm4v- Nn2v,Nn4,4v. |
Again only a few of the distinctions noticed in Hamlet and The Merchant are significant in A. Warren's The Poor Man's Passions (1605). This is a quarto of verse, so the use of the longer forms would not be greatly influenced by the need to justify. Once more, the copy probably had few -owe or -ewe forms, for these occur in the printed book only on B1,4v, D3, E3 and F1. It might, however, have read sweete a number of times; I have found it 5 times (C1v, E2, F2v, & G1,1v) but sweet only 3 times (C1v, 3, & H4). Honour, houre, choise, and farewell are invariable, while reuenge, said, suddaine and leasure occur only once each (G3v, I1v G4v, & C2). I found being on I2 and beeing on G4; deere is on G4v and deare on D3v, E1, H3v(2), and K1; both the mooue and moue forms are found throughout. It is chiefly through the their/theyr distinction that the book can be divided between the two compositors. Their is found throughout, but theyr only seven times on G4(2),4v(3)and I4v(2). These spellings, together with the deere, beeing, reuenge, said and suddaine already noticed, and the absence of - owe or -ewe forms from sheets G and I, suggest that the whole book may have been set by Compositor X, with the exception of parts of sheets G and I which were probably set by Y.
The copy for G. Estie's A Most Sweet and Comfortable Exposition upon the Ten Commandments and upon the 51 Psalm (1602) almost certainly had a preponderance of -ewe and -owe spellings. It is a small octavo of prose with a comparatively large type, so that there are only a few words to each line, and justifying must have been a frequently recurring difficulty. Again Y's theyr spellings are especially significant: their is found throughout the book, but theyr occurs some 41 times up to K2v and thereafter is not found at all. There is a sprinkling of X's -owe, -ewe spellings from the first (I have noted them on B3, 4v, C3v,6,6v, D3v,7, E7, F1(2),
H. Smith's Four Sermons (1602) is a quarto in eights written in prose and therefore with a recurrent need to justify. The allocation of work between the two compositors seems to be complicated, but Compositor Y probably set most of the pages of signature A, and Compositor X most of those of signature B. The significant spellings are:
England's Helicon (1600) is probably another book for which the same two compositors were at least in part responsible, but for many of its pages there is no certain evidence. This might well be due to its copy being written in many different hands. All that may be claimed here is that signatures C, F, and O seem especially to belong to Compositor X, and S, Aa, and Bb to Compositor Y.
IV
It is time to return to the question which led to the examination of these books printed by Roberts: what evidence is there for saying that the copies for Q2 Hamlet (1604/5) and The Merchant of Venice were in the same handwriting? One answer is fairly straightforward. It has been shown from Roberts' reprint of Titus Andronicus and from other books first printed by him, that the two compositors whose work has been identified sometimes retained uncharacteristic forms from their copy. Since Hamlet and The Merchant share a larger number of significant spellings than any other two books which have been examined-and this in spite of a gap of some four years-it follows that the spellings of their copies were much alike. In particular, it appears from Titus Andronicus that if the copy contained only -ow and -ew forms, very few -owe or -ewe forms would be found in the printed book. This view is supported by Harsnet's Declaration and The Poore Man's Passions. Now in both Hamlet and The Merchant the longer spellings occur not only in pages set by X but also in those set by Y. It therefore seems highly probable that the copy for both plays had a considerable number of -owe and -ewe forms. It is worth
Similarly, it appears from Titus Andronicus that Compositor X did not always change farewell to farwell, and this is borne out by A Poor Man's Passions. Smith's Four Sermons suggests that he did not often change deere to deare, and also, with Harsnet's Declaration and Estie's Exposition, that he did not often change said to sayd. Titus Andronicus shows that Compositor Y did not often change houre to howre, and this is borne out by A Declaration. These spellings were significantly varied in Hamlet and The Merchant, and it therefore seems likely that the copy for both plays contained a preponderance of farwell, deare, sayd, and howre forms.
A complete check of the spellings in the two plays and other books by Roberts would be a very long task, and beyond the scope of this paper. It would be especially complicated by the possible illegibility of the copy for Hamlet. Nevertheless, it is possible to check a few unusual forms, as, for instance, 'how so mere' in The Merchant (G2v) and 'howsomeuer' in Hamlet (D3v). Both were set by Compositor X and we might expect that he was responsible for the 'm' spellings; but there is more evidence in signature Q of Estie's Exposition where the same man, in all probability, set the usual form 'howsoeuer'. Until a complete check is made, such details are of little value,[13] and the recurrence of -owe, -ewe, farwell, deare, sayd, and howre forms is, at this stage, the strongest evidence that the two copies were in the same handwriting.
Most of the spelling checks I have made have proved of little use in showing that the two copies were in a single hand, but they have shown that many unusual spellings in Hamlet which were listed by Professor Wilson as possible evidence of Shakespearian orthography,[14] are in fact often found in other work by the two compositors responsible for Hamlet. Hether is a clear example: it was set several times in Q2 Titus Andronicus where Q1 reads hither; X set it in The Poor Man's Passions (F4), and Y in Harsnet's Declaration (B2v); it occurs also in England's Helicon and Smith's Four Sermons. Similarly, doost was set several times in Titus where Q1 reads dost (e.g., D3v,4, & E1v). The evidence for the compositors'
V
The punctuation of both Hamlet and The Merchant of Venice has been praised as particularly sensitive.[15] It is certainly very light, and the possibility that it represents Shakespeare's own punctuation must be considered. The first question to ask is whether it was typical of Roberts' printing house.
My general impression of the punctuation in the Roberts books I have examined is that the two compositors in whom we are interested, varied their punctuation considerably; this is especially clear in England's Helicon where their copy was possibly in different hands, with as many different kinds of punctuation. However, the lyrics of England's Helicon are perhaps special cases. I will quote some passages from the prose works already examined. First, two passages from Estie's Exposition, the first set by Y, and the second by X:
This is borne out by Roberts' Q2 Titus Andronicus; in this book, the compositors made the punctuation heavier than their copy. Not counting question marks, there were some 240 changes which made the punctuation heavier, and some 120 which made it lighter. A good proportion of these must be considered as corrections to the copy; there was a measure of editing in the reprint and the 'editor' may have considered punctuation to be within his scope. Of all the changes, about 80 or so involved semicolons, colons, or full-stops. Titus Andronicus therefore suggests that the compositors of Hamlet and The Merchant tended to add to the punctuation, not reduce it. And despite their changes and some obvious errors, they seem to have been careful and conservative over it; for example, on G2 a comma is kept at the end of a line, where it may imply that the following line breaks out abruptly, stopping the first speaker in the middle of a sentence (IV.ii.80). I have been unable to find any way of treating the copy's punctuation which could be ascribed to one compositor only.
I think this is as far as my investigations will allow me to go in considering the printing of Q2 Hamlet and The Merchant of Venice. Obviously there is a lot left to do. We should like to know more about the spelling of each compositor, and, perhaps more important, we should like to know to what kind of errors each compositor was prone. This paper can only be a beginning, and will have achieved its purpose if it has shown the evidence for two compositors in each play, and suggested ways of tackling the many problems connected with editing their work.
Notes
After I had come to my general conclusions, I heard that Dr. Alice Walker had information that led her to think along the same lines. We corresponded and she most generously gave me a free field. I should have felt more uneasy at accepting this arrangement if she had not assured me that an investigation into James Roberts' compositors would have led her away from the main direction of her studies. I have greatly benefited from her advice; in particular she has helped me to increase the number of significant spellings, and to decide about the allocation of doubtful pages.
A Definitive Text of Shakespeare: Problems and Methods," Studies in Shakespeare, ed. A. D. Matthews (University of Miami, 1952), p. 19. A detailed analysis, with identification of the skeleton-formes, is made in his "The Printing of Hamlet Q2" in the present volume of Studies in Bibliography.
Dr. J. Gerritsen has noticed that two fonts of italic capitals were used for this book; one was used for sheets B,C,D,F,I,N, and O[+A], another (with some swash types) for sheets E,G,H,K,L, and M. This information became available as this paper was going to press. It would seem that X used Y's cases for setting L4v, and also for L1 if it was his work.
In the following tables, I have not noted Ile where it follows a full-stop or begins a verse line in a passage where lines are normally capitalized.
Cf. E. K. Chambers, William Shakespeare (1930), I, 413; J. D. Wilson, op. cit., 1, 66; and W. W. Greg, op. cit., p. 65.
John Marston's The Metamorphosis of Pigmalion's Image (1598) is the only other book in Roman '82' which I have looked at, but, unfortunately, there is not enough evidence to allocate the pages between the two compositors already known.
Especially interesting are spellings of eleven: Hamlet has 'a leauen' (C3) and The Merchant 'a leuen' (C3), both being set by Compositor X who elsewhere set 'eleuen' (Harsnet, Declaration, Ee4). It would seem that for both plays the copy had a form similar to 'a le(a)uen', which is also found in Addition 'D' of Sir Thomas More. This has a bearing on the theory that Act I of Hamlet was set from a hand-corrected copy of Q1: Q1 and Q2 are very close here and the former reads 'eleuen'.
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