University of Virginia Library

T

8247. TALENTS, Hidden.—

The object
[of my educational bill] is to bring into
action that mass of talents which lies buried
in poverty in every country, for want of the
means of development, and thus give activity
to a mass of mind, which, in proportion to
our population, shall be the double or treble
of what it is in most countries.—
To M. Correa. Washington ed. vii, 94.
(P.F.,,
18171817)gt;

8248. TALENTS, Public councils and.—

Talents in our public councils are at all times important.—
To Cæsar A. Rodney. Ford ed., viii, 296.
(W. 1804)

8249. TALENTS, Republics and.—

I
hold it to be one of the distinguishing excellences
of elective over hereditary successions,
that the talents which nature has provided
in sufficient proportion, should be
selected by the society for the government of
their affairs, rather than that this should be
transmitted through the loins of knaves and
fools, passing from the debauches of the
table to those of the bed.—
To President Washington. Washington ed. iii, 466. Ford ed., vi, 107.
(M. 1792)

8250. TALENTS, Science and.—

Talents
and science are sufficient motives with me in
appointments to which they are fitted.—
To President Washington. Washington ed. iii, 466. Ford ed., vi, 107.
(M. 1792)

8251. TALENTS, Useful.—

The times do
not admit of the inactivity of such talents as
yours.—
To James Madison. Ford ed., vii, 244.
(Pa., 1798)

See Ability, Education, Genius and Schools.

8252. TALLEYRAND, Connection with X. Y. Z. plot.—

There were interwoven with
these overtures [472] some base propositions on the
part of Talleyrand, through one of his agents,
to sell his interest and influence with the Directory
towards smoothing difficulties with
them, in consideration of a large sum (fifty
thousand pounds sterling); and the arguments
to which his agent resorted to induce compliance
with this demand, were very unworthy of
a great nation (could they be imputed to them),
and calculated to excite disgust and indignation
in Americans generally, and alienation in the
republicans particularly, whom they so far mistake,
as to presume an attachment to France
and hatred to the federal party, and not the
love of their country, to be their first passion.—
To James Madison. Washington ed. iv, 232. Ford ed., vii, 235.
(Pa., April. 1798)

8253. TALLEYRAND, Corrupt.—

The
Envoys have been assailed by swindlers, whether
with or without the participation of Talleyrand
is not very apparent. The known corruption
of his character renders it very possible
he may have intended to share largely in the
£50,000 demanded. But that the Directory
knew anything of it, is neither proved nor probable.
On the contrary, when the Portuguese
ambassador yielded to like attempts of swindlers,
the conduct of the Directory in imprisoning
him for an attempt at corruption, as well
as their general conduct, really magnanimous,
places them above suspicion.—
To Peter Carr. Washington ed. iv, 235. Ford ed., vii, 238.
(Pa., April. 1798)

8254. TALLEYRAND, Hostility of.—

I
am told that Talleyrand is personally hostile to
us. This, I suppose, has been occasioned by
the X. Y. Z. history. He should consider that
that was the artifice of a party, willing to sacrifice
him to the consolidation of their power.
This nation has done him justice by dismissing
them; * * * those in power are precisely
those who disbelieved that story; saw in it
nothing but an attempt to deceive our country;
that we entertain towards him personally
the most friendly dispositions. [473] —
To M. Dupont de Nemours. Washington ed. iv, 436.
(April. 1802)

8255. TARIFF, Burdens of.—

I wish it
were possible to increase the impost on any
articles affecting the rich chiefly, to the
amount of the sugar tax, so that we might
relinquish that at the next session. But this
must depend on our receipts keeping up. As
to the tea and coffee tax, the people do not
regard it. The next tax which an increase
of revenue should enable us to suppress, should
be the salt tax, perhaps; indeed, the production
of that article at home is already undermining
that tax.—
To Albert Gallatin. Ford ed., viii, 171.
(M. Sep. 1802)

8256. TARIFF, Burdens of.—[continued].

The revenue on the consumption
of foreign articles, is paid cheerfully
by those who can afford to add foreign
luxuries to domestic comforts, being collected
on our seaboards and frontiers only, and in
corporated with the transactions of our mercantile
citizens, it may be the pleasure and
pride of an American to ask, what farmer,
what mechanic, what laborer, ever sees a
tax-gatherer of the United States?—
Second Inaugural Address. Washington ed. viii, 41. Ford ed., viii, 343.
(1805)

8257. TARIFF, Burdens of.—[further continued].

These revenues will be
levied entirely on the rich, the business of
household manufacture being now so established
that the farmer and laborer clothe
themselves entirely. The rich alone use imported
articles, and on these alone the whole
taxes of the General Government are levied.
The poor man, who uses nothing but what
is made in his own farm or family, or within
his own country, pays not a farthing of tax
to the General Government, but on his salt;
and should we go into that manufacture also,
as is probable, he will pay nothing. Our
revenues liberated by the discharge of the
public debt, and its surplus applied to canals,
roads, schools, &c., the farmer will see his
government supported, his children educated,
and the face of his country made a paradise
by the contributions of the rich alone, without
his being called on to spend a cent from his
earnings. [474] —
To General Kosciusko. Washington ed. v, 586.
(M. 1811)

8258. TARIFF, Confederation and.—

Congress, on the 18th of April, 1783, recommended
to the States to invest them with a
power, for twenty-five years, to levy an impost
of five per cent. on all articles imported
from abroad.—
To M. de Meunier. Washington ed. ix, 256. Ford ed., iv, 161.
(P. 1786)

8259. TARIFF, Debts and.—

The principal
objection [to assumption] now is that all
the debts, general and State, will have to
be raised by tax on imposts, which will thus
be overburdened; whereas had the States been
left to pay the debts themselves, they could
have done it by taxes on land and other property,
which would thus have lightened the
burden on commerce.—
To Dr. Gilmer. Washington ed. iii, 167.
(N.Y., 1790)

8260. TARIFF, Direct taxation and.—

Would it not have been better [in the new
Federal Constitution] to assign to Congress
exclusively the articles of imposts for Federal
purposes, and to have left direct taxation exclusively
to the States? I should suppose the
former fund sufficient for all probable events,
aided by the land office.—
To E. Carrington. Washington ed. ii, 334. Ford ed., iv, 482.
(P. 1787)

8261. TARIFF, Discriminating.—

Between
nations who favor our productions and
navigation and those who do not favor them,
one distinction alone will suffice: one set of
moderate duties for the first, and a fixed advance
on these as to some articles, and prohibitions
as to others, for the last.—
Foreign Commerce Report. Washington ed. vii, 650. Ford ed., vi, 483.
(Dec. 1793)

8262. TARIFF, Excessive.—

It is really
an extraordinary proposition that the agricultural,

mercantile, and navigating classes shall be taxed to maintain that of manufactures.—
To Thomas Cooper. Ford ed., x, 285.
(M. 1823)

8263. TARIFF, Excessive.—[continued].

Congress has done nothing
remarkable except the passing a tariff bill
by squeezing majorities, very revolting to a
great portion of the people of the States,
among whom it is believed it would not have
received a vote but of the manufacturers themselves.
It is considered as a levy on the labors
and efforts of the other classes of industry
to support that of manufactures, and I wish it
may not draw on our surplus, and produce
retaliatory impositions from other nations.—
To Richard Rush. Ford ed., x, 304.
(M. 1824)

8264. TARIFF, Incidental protection.—

As to the tariff, I should say put down all
banks, admit none but a metallic circulation that will take its proper level with the like
circulation in other countries, and then our
manufacturers may work in fair competition
with those of other countries, and the import
duties which the government may lay for the
purposes of revenue will so far place them
above equal competition.—
To Charles Pinckney. Washington ed. vii, 180. Ford ed., x, 162.
(M. 1820)

8265. TARIFF, Paper money.—

The long
succession of years of stunted crops, of reduced
prices, the general prostration of the farming
business, under levies for the support of manufacturers,
&c., with the calamitous fluctuations
of value in our paper medium, have kept
agriculture in a state of abject depression,
which has peopled the Western States by
silently breaking up those on the Atlantic,
and glutted the land market, while it drew
off its bidders. In such a state of things,
property has lost its character of being a resource
for debts. Highland in Bedford,
which, in the days of our plethory, sold
readily for from fifty to one hundred dollars
the acre (and such sales were many
then), would not now sell for more than
from ten to twenty dollars, or one-quarter
or one-fifth of its former price.—
To James Madison. Washington ed. vii, 434. Ford ed., x, 377.
(M. Feb. 1826)

8266. TARIFF, Patriotism and.—

Shall
we suppress the impost and give that advantage
to foreign over domestic manufactures?
On a few articles of more general and necessary
use, the suppression in due season will
doubtless be right, but the great mass of the
articles on which impost is paid is foreign
luxuries, purchased by those only who are
rich enough to afford themselves the use of
them. Their patriotism would certainly prefer
its continuance and application to the
great purposes of the public education, roads,
rivers, canals, and such other objects of public
improvement as it may be thought proper
to add to the constitutional enumeration of
Federal powers.—
Sixth Annual Message. Washington ed. viii, 68. Ford ed., viii, 493.
(1806)

8267. TARIFF, Prohibitory.—

Duties of
from ten to twenty per cent. on articles of
heavy carriage, prevent their importation.
They eat up all the profits of the merchant,
and often subject him to loss. This has been
much the case with respect to turpentine, tar
and pitch, which are principal articles of remittance
from the State of North Carolina.
It is hoped that it will coincide with the views
of the government * * * to suppress the
duties on these articles, which of all others
can bear them least.—
To Count de Montmorin. Washington ed. ii, 175. Ford ed., iv, 402.
(P. 1787)

8268. TARIFF, Protective.—

Where a nation imposes high duties on our productions,
or prohibits them altogether, it May
be proper for us to do the same by theirs;
first burdening or excluding those productions
which they bring here in competition
with our own of the same kind; selecting
next, such manufactures as we take from
them in greatest quantity, and which, at the
same time, we could the soonest furnish to
ourselves, or obtain from other countries; imposing
on them duties lighter at first, but
heavier and heavier, afterwards, as other
channels of supply open. Such duties, having
the effect of indirect encouragement to domestic
manufactures of the same kind, May
induce the manufacturer to come himself into
these States, where cheaper subsistence, equal
laws, and a vent of his wares, free of duty,
may ensure him the highest profits from his
skill and industry. And here, it would be in
the power of the State governments to cooperate
essentially, by opening the resources
of encouragement which are under their control,
extending them liberally to artists in
those particular branches of manufacture for
which their soil, climate, population and other
circumstances have matured them, and fostering
the precious efforts and progress of
household manufacture, by some patronage
suited to the nature of its objects, guided by
the local informations they possess, and
guarded against abuse by their presence and
attentions. The oppressions on our agriculture,
in foreign ports, would thus be made
the occasion of relieving it from a dependence
on the councils and conduct of others, and
of promoting arts, manufactures and population
at home.—
Foreign Commerce Report. Washington ed. vii, 648. Ford ed., vi, 481.
(Dec. 1793)

8269. TARIFF, Public improvements and.—

Of the two questions of the tariff and
public improvements, the former, perhaps, is
not yet at rest, and the latter will excite boisterous
discussions. It happens that both these
measures fall in with the western interests,
and it is their secession from the agricultural
States which gives such strength to the
manufacturing and consolidating parties, on
these two questions. The latter is the most
dreaded, because thought to amount to a determination
in the Federal Government to assume
all powers non-enumerated as well as
enumerated in the Constitution, and by giving
a loose to construction, make the text say
whatever will relieve them from the bridle of
the States. These are all difficulties for your

day; I shall give them the slip.—
To Richard Rush. Washington ed. vii, 380. Ford ed., x, 322.
(M. 1824)

8270. TARIFF, Reciprocal.—

There
might have been mentioned a third [475] species
of arrangement, that of making special agreements
on every special subject of commerce,
and of settling a tariff of duty to be paid
on each side, on every particular article; but
this would require in our Commissioners [to
Spain] a very minute knowledge of our commerce;
as it is impossible to foresee every
proposition, of this kind, which might be
brought into discussion, and to prepare them
for it by information and instruction from
hence. Our commerce, too, is, as yet, rather
in a course of experiment, and the channels in
which it will ultimately flow are not sufficiently
known to enable us to provide for it
by special agreement. Nor have the exigencies
of our new government, as yet, so far
developed themselves, as that we can know
to what degree we may, or must have recourse
to commerce, for the purpose of revenue. No
common consideration, therefore, ought to induce
us, as yet, to arrangements of this kind.
Perhaps nothing should do it, with any nation,
short of the privileges of natives, in all their
possessions, foreign and domestic.—
Mississippi River Instructions. Washington ed. vii, 589. Ford ed., v, 479.
(March. 1792)

8271. TARIFF, Revenue and.—

The
powers of the government for the collection
of taxes are found to be perfect, so far as they
have been tried. This has been as yet only by
duties on consumption. As these fall principally
on the rich, it is a general desire to
make them contribute the whole money we
want, if possible. And we have a hope that
they will furnish enough for the expenses of
Government and the interest of our whole
public debt, foreign and domestic.—
To Comte de Moustier. Washington ed. iii, 200.
(Pa., 1790)

8272. TARIFF, Revenue and.—[continued].

The imports are not a
proper object to bear all the taxes of a State.—
To John Harvie. Ford ed., v, 214.
(N.Y., 17901790)gt;

8273. TARIFF, Salt and.—

The duties
composing the Mediterranean fund will cease
by law at the end of the present season. Considering,
however, that they are levied chiefly
on luxuries, and that we have an impost on
salt, a necessary of life, the free use of which
otherwise is so important, I recommend to
your consideration the suppression of the
duties on salt, and the continuance of the
Mediterranean fund, instead thereof, for a
short time, after which that also will become
unnecessary for any purpose now within contemplation.
Sixth Annual Message. Washington ed. viii, 67. Ford ed., viii, 493.
(1806)

8274. TARIFF, Specific and ad valorem duties.—

There must be something more
in this increase of revenue than the natural
and war increase; depreciation to a small de
gree in other countries, a sensible one in this,
and a great one in England, must make a
part of it, and is a lesson to us to prefer ad
valorem to fixed duties. The latter require
often retouching, or they become delusive.—
To Albert Gallatin. Ford ed., viii, 357.
(May. 1805)

8275. TARIFF, States and.—

Several
States have passed acts for vesting Congress
with the whole regulation of their commerce,
reserving the revenue arising from these regulations
to the disposal of the State in which
it is levied; * * * but the Assembly of
Virginia, apprehensive that this disjointed
method of proceeding may fail in its effect,
or be much retarded, passed a resolution on
the 21st of January, 1786, appointing commissioners
to meet others from the other
States, whom they invite into the same measure,
to digest the form of an act for investing
Congress with such powers over their commerce
as shall be thought expedient, which
act is to be reported to their several Assemblies
for their adoption.—
To M. de Meunier. Washington ed. ix, 257. Ford ed., iv, 162.
(P. 1786)
See Debt, Drawbacks, Duties, Excise Law, Free Trade, General Welfare Clause, Internal
Improvements, Manufactures, Protection,
Surplus, and Taxation.

8276. TARLETON (Colonel Bannastre ), Raid on Monticello.—

Colonel Tarleton,
with his regiment of horse, was detached
by Lord Cornwallis to surprise Mr. Jefferson
(whom they thought still in office) [as Governor] and the Legislature now sitting in Charlottesville.
The Speakers of the two houses, and
some other members of the Legislature, were
lodging with Mr. Jefferson at Monticello. Tarleton,
early in the morning, when within ten
miles of that place, detached a company of
horse to secure him and his guests, and proceeded
himself rapidly with his main body to
Charlottesville, where he hoped to find the
Legislature unapprized of his movement. Notice
of it, however, had been brought, both to
Monticello and Charlottesville, about sunrise.
The Speakers, with their colleagues returned to
Charlottesville, and with the other members of
the Legislature, had barely time to get out of
his way. Mr. Jefferson sent off his family to
secure them from danger, and was himself still
at Monticello making arrangements for his own
departure, when a Lieutenant Hudson arrived
there at half speed, and informed him that the
enemy were then ascending the hill at Monticello.
He departed immediately, and knowing
that he would be pursued if he took the high
road, he plunged into the woods of the adjoining
mountain, where, being at once safe, he proceeded
to overtake his family. This is the famous
adventure of Carter's Mountain, which
has been so often resounded through the
slanderous chronicles of federalism. But they
have taken care never to detail the facts, lest
these should show that this favorite charge
amounted to nothing more than that he did not
remain in his house, and there singly fight a
whole troop of horse, or suffer himself to be
taken prisoner. Having accompanied his family
one day's journey, he returned to Monticello.
Tarleton had retired after eighteen
hours' stay in Charlottesville. Mr. Jefferson
then rejoined his family, and proceeded with
them to an estate he had in Bedford, about
eighty miles southwest, where, riding on his

farm sometime after, he was thrown from his
horse, and disabled from riding on horseback
for a considerable time. But Mr. Turner finds
it more convenient to give him this fall in his
retreat from Tarleton, which had happened
some weeks before, as a proof that he withdrew
from a troop of horse with a precipitancy which
Don Quixote would not have practiced.—
Invasion of Va. Memorandum. Washington ed. ix, 223.
(M. 1781)

8277. TARLETON (Colonel Bannastre ), Raid on Monticello.—[continued].

I did not suffer by Colonel
Tarleton. On the contrary, he behaved
very genteelly with me. On his approach to
Charlottesville, which is within three miles of
my house at Monticello, he dispatched a troop
of his horse, under Captain McLeod, with the
double object of taking me prisoner, with the
two Speakers of the Senate and Delegates,
who then lodged with me, and of remaining in
vidette, my house commanding a view of ten or
twelve counties round about. He gave strict
orders to Captain McLeod to suffer nothing to
be injured. The troop failed in one of their
objects, as we had notice of their coming, so
that the two Speakers had gone off about two
hours before their arrival at Monticello, and
myself with my family, about five minutes.
Captain McLeod preserved everything with sacred
care.—
To Dr. William Gordon. Washington ed. ii, 425. Ford ed., v, 38.
(P. 1788)

See Cornwallis.

8278. TASTE, Control of.—

Taste cannot
be controlled by law.—
Notes on a Money Unit. Washington ed. i, 168. Ford ed., iii, 451.
(1784)

8279. TAXATION, Basis of.—

The taxes
with which we are familiar, class themselves
readily according to the basis on which they
rest. 1. Capital. 2. Income. 3. Consumption.
These may be considered as commensurate;
Consumption being generally equal to Income,
and Income the annual profit of Capital.
A government may select any one of these
bases for the establishment of its system of
taxation, and so frame it as to reach the faculties
of every member of the society, and to
draw from him his equal proportion of the
public contributions; and, if this be correctly
obtained, it is the perfection of the function of
taxation. But, when once a government has
assumed its basis, to select and tax special
articles from either of the other classes, is
double taxation. For example, if the system
be established on the basis of Income, and
his just proportion on that scale has been already
drawn from every one, to step into the
field of Consumption, and tax special articles
in that, as broadcloth or homespun, wine or
whiskey, a coach or a wagon, is doubly taxing
the same article. For that portion of Income
with which these articles are purchased, having
already paid its tax as Income, to pay
another tax on the thing it purchased, is paying
twice for the same thing, it is an aggrievance
on the citizens who use these articles
in exoneration of those who do not, contrary
to the most sacred of the duties of a government,
to do equal and impartial justice to all
its citizens. How far it may be the interest
and the duty of all to submit to this sacrifice
on other grounds; for instance, to pay for a
time an impost on the importation of certain
articles, in order to encourage their manufac
ture at home, or an excise on others injurious
to the morals or health of the citizens, will
depend on a series of considerations of another
order, and beyond the proper limits of
this note. * * * To this a single observation
shall yet be added. Whether property
alone, and the whole of what each citizen
possesses, shall be subject to contribution, or
only its surplus after satisfying his first wants,
or whether the faculties of body and mind
shall contribute also from their annual earnings,
is a question to be decided. But, when
decided, and the principle settled, it is to be
equally and fairly applied to all. To take
from one, because it is thought that his own
industry and that of his fathers' has acquired
too much, in order to spare to others, who,
or whose fathers have not exercised equal industry
and skill, is to violate arbitrarily the
first principle of association, “the guarantee
to every one of a free exercise of his industry,
and the fruits acquired by it”. If the overgrown
wealth of an individual be deemed
dangerous to the State, the best corrective is
the law of equal inheritance to all in equal
degree; and the better, as this enforces a law
of nature, while extra-taxation violates it.—
Note in Destutt Tracy's Political Economy. Washington ed. vi, 573.
(1816)

8280. TAXATION, Commerce, property and.—

I am principally afraid that commerce
will be overloaded by the assumption [of the State debts], believing that it would be
better that property should be duly taxed.—
To Mr. Randolph. Washington ed. iii, 185.
(N.Y., 1790)

8281. TAXATION, Control over.—

The
Congress * * * are of opinion that the
Colonies of America possess the exclusive
privilege of giving and granting their own
money; that this involves the right of deliberating
whether they will make any gift, for
what purpose it shall be made, and what shall
be the amount of the gift, and that it is a
high breach of this privilege, for any body of
men, extraneous to their constitutions to prescribe
the purposes for which money shall be
levied on them; to take to themselves the
authority of judging of their conditions, circumstances
and situation, of determining the
amount of the contributions to be levied. As
they possess a right of appropriating their
gifts, so are they entitled, at all times, to inquire
into their application, to see that they
be not wasted among the venal and corrupt,
for the purpose of undermining the civil
rights of the givers, nor yet be diverted to the
support of standing armies, inconsistent with
their freedom and subversive of their quiet.—
Reply to Lord North's Conciliatory Proposition. Ford ed., i, 477.
(July. 1775)

8282. TAXATION, Debt and.—

Taxation
follows public debt, and in its train
wretchedness and oppression.—
To Samuel Kerchival. Washington ed. vii, 14. Ford ed., x, 42.
(M. 1816)

8283. TAXATION, Direct.—

Would it
not have been better [in the new Federal Constitution] * * * to have left direct taxation

exclusively to the States?—
To E. Carrington. Washington ed. ii, 334. Ford ed., iv, 482.
(P. 1787)

8284. TAXATION, Direct.—[continued].

I will add one question
to what I have said there [letter to Mr. Madison].
Would it not have been better to assign
to Congress exclusively the article of
imposts for Federal purposes, and to have
left direct taxation exclusively to the States?
I should suppose the former fund sufficient
for all probable events, aided by the land office.—
To Edward Carrington. Washington ed. ii, 334. Ford ed., iv, 482.
(P. Dec. 1787)

8285. TAXATION, Direct.—[further continued].

I have no doubts that
the States * * * could have availed themselves
of resources for this government [Assumption] which are cut off from the General
Government by the prejudices existing against
direct taxation in their hands.—
To John Harvie. Ford ed., v, 214.
(N.Y., 1790)

8286. TAXATION, Direct.—[further continued] .

The disgusting particularities
of the direct tax.—
To Edmund Pendleton. Washington ed. iv, 275. Ford ed., vii, 338.
(Pa., 17991799)gt;

8287. TAXATION, Direct and indirect.—

It is uncertain what will be the fate of the
proposed tax on horses. Besides its partiality,
it is infinitely objectionable as foisting in a
direct tax under the name of an indirect one.—
To T. M. Randolph. Ford ed., vi, 149.
(Pa., 1792)

8288. TAXATION, Direct and indirect.—[continued].

A proposition has been
made to Congress to begin sinking the public
debt by a tax on pleasure horses; that is to
say, on all horses not employed for the
draught or farm. It is said there is not a
horse of that description eastward of New
York. And as to call this a direct tax would
oblige them to proportionate it among the
States according to the census, they choose
to class it among the indirect taxes.—
To Dr. George Gilmer. Washington ed. iii, 494. Ford ed., vi, 146.
(Pa., 1792)

8289. TAXATION, Equalization of.—

To equalize and moderate the public contributions,
that while the requisite services are
invited by due remuneration, nothing beyond
this may exist to attract the attention of our
citizens from the pursuits of useful industry,
nor unjustly to burthen those who continue
in those pursuits—* * * [is one of the] functions of the General Government on
which you have a right to call.—
Reply to Vermont Address. Washington ed. iv, 418.
(W. 1801)

8290. TAXATION, Exports and.—

I have
read with attention and satisfaction the pamphlet
you have sent me. It is replete with
sound views, some of which will doubtless be
adopted. Some may be checked by difficulties.
None more likely to be so than the
proposition to amend the Constitution, so as
to authorize Congress to tax exports. The
provision against this in the framing of that
instrument, was a sine quâ non with the
States of peculiar productions, such as rice,
indigo, cotton and tobacco, to which may now
be added sugar. A jealousy prevailing that to
the few States producing these articles, the
justice of the others might not be a sufficient
protection in opposition to their interest, they
moored themselves to this anchor. Since the
hostile dispositions lately manifested by the
Eastern States, they would be less willing
than before to place themselves at their
mercy; and the rather as the Eastern States
have no exports which can be taxed equivalently.
It is possible, however, that this difficulty
might be got over; but the subject
looking forward beyond my time, I leave it
to those to whom its burthens and benefits
will belong.—
To A. C. Mitchell. Washington ed. vi, 483.
(M. 1815)

8291. TAXATION, Extravagant.—

If
anything could revolt our citizens against the
war, it would be the extravagance with which
they are about to be taxed. It is strange indeed
that at this day, and in a country where
English proceedings are so familiar, the principles
and advantages of funding should be
neglected, and expedients resorted to. Their
new bank, if not abortive at its birth, will not
last through one campaign; and the taxes proposed
cannot be paid. How can a people who
cannot get fifty cents a bushel for their wheat,
while they pay twelve dollars a bushel for
their salt, pay five times the amount of taxes
they ever paid before? Yet that will be the
case in all the States south of the Potomac.
Our resources are competent to the maintenance
of the war if duly economized and
skillfully employed in the way of anticipation.
However, we must suffer, I suppose, * * * and consider now, as in the Revolutionary
war, that although the evils of resistance are
great, those of submission would be greater.
We must meet, therefore, the former as the
casualties of tempests and earthquakes, and
like them necessarily resulting from the constitution
of the world.—
To William Short. Washington ed. vi, 400.
(M. Nov. 1814)

8292. TAXATION, Federal Government and.—

I thought at first that the power
of taxation [given in the new Federal Constitution] might have been limited. A little reflection
soon convinced me it ought not to be.—
To F. Hopkinson. Washington ed. ii, 586. Ford ed., v, 76.
(P. March. 1789)

8293. TAXATION, French.—

It is confidently
believed * * * that the stamp
tax and land tax will be repealed, and other
means devised of accommodating their receipts
and expenditures. Those supposed to be
in contemplation are a rigorous levy of the
old tax of the deux vingtièmes on the rich,
who had in a great measure withdrawn their
property from it, as well as on the poor, on
whom it had principally fallen.—
To John Jay. Washington ed. ii, 272.
(P. 1787)

8294. TAXATION, French.—[continued].

The right of taxation
includes the idea of * * * equalizing the
taxes on the clergy and nobility as well as
the commons. The two former orders do not
pay one-third of the proportion ad valorem, which the last pay.—
To Dr. Currie. Washington ed. ii, 544.
(P. 1788)

8295. TAXATION, French.—[further continued].

The clergy and nobles
[in France], by their privileges and influence,
have kept their property in a great measure
untaxed.—
To Dr. Price. Washington ed. ii, 556.
(P. Jan. 1789)

8296. TAXATION, French.—[further continued] .

Nor should we wonder
at * * * [the] pressure [for a fixed constitution
in 1788-9] when we consider the
monstrous abuses of power under which
* * * [the French] people were ground to
powder; when we pass in review * * * the oppressions of the tithes, the tailles, the
corvées, the gabelles, the farms and the barriers.—
Autobiography. Washington ed. i, 86. Ford ed., i, 118.
(1821)

8297. TAXATION, French.—[further continued].

[We] should not wonder
at * * * [the] pressure [for a fixed
constitution in 1788-9] when we consider the
monstrous abuses of power under which
* * * [the French] people were ground to
powder; when we pass in review the weight
of their taxes and the inequality of their distribution.—
Autobiography. Washington ed. i, 86. Ford ed., i, 118.
(1821)

8298. TAXATION, Internal.—

Many of
the opposition [to the new Federal Constitution] wish to take from Congress the power
of internal taxation. Calculation has convinced
me that this would be very mischievous.—
To William Carmichael. Washington ed. ii, 550.
(P. Dec. 1788)

8299. TAXATION, Internal.—[continued].

All are willing to add a
bill of rights [to the Federal Constitution] but they fear the power of internal taxation
will be abridged.—
To William Short. Washington ed. ii, 542.
(P. 1788)

8300. TAXATION, Luxuries.—

The government
which steps out of the ranks of the
ordinary articles of consumption to select and
lay under disproportionate burdens a particular
one, because it is a comfort, pleasing to
the taste, or necessary to the health, and will,
therefore, be bought, is, in that particular, a
tyranny.—
To Samuel Smith. Washington ed. vii, 285. Ford ed., x, 252.
(M. 1823)

8301. TAXATION, Oppressive English.—

No earthly consideration could induce
my consent to contract such a debt as England
has by her wars for commerce, to reduce
our citizens by taxes to such wretchedness,
as that laboring sixteen of the twenty-four
hours, they are still unable to afford
themselves bread, or barely to earn as much
oatmeal or potatoes as will keep soul and
body together. And all this to feed the
avidity of a few millionary merchants, and to
keep up one thousand ships of war for the
protection of their commercial speculations.—
To William Crawford. Washington ed. vii, 7. Ford ed., x, 35.
(M. 1816)

8302. TAXATION, Oppressive English.—[continued].

If we run into such
debts, as that we must be taxed in our meat
and in our drink, in our necessaries and our
comforts, in our labors and our amusements,
for our callings and our creeds, as the people
of England are, our people, like them, must
come to labor sixteen hours in the twenty-
four, give the earnings of fifteen of these to
the government for their debts and daily expenses;
and the sixteenth being insufficient to
afford us bread, we must live, as they now do,
on oatmeal and potatoes; have no time to
think, no means of calling the mismanagers to
account; but be glad to obtain subsistence by
hiring ourselves to rivet their chains on the
necks of our fellow-sufferers. * * * And
this is the tendency of all human governments.
A departure from principle in one instance
becomes a precedent for a second; that
second for a third; and so on, till the bulk of
the society is reduced to be mere automatons
of misery, to have no sensibilities left but for
sinning and suffering. Then begins, indeed,
the bellum omnium in omnia, which some
philosophers observing to be so general in this
world, have mistaken it for the natural instead
of the abusive state of man. And the
fore horse of this frightful team is public debt.
Taxation follows that, and in its train
wretchedness and oppression.—
To Samuel Kerchival. Washington ed. vii, 14. Ford ed., x, 41.
(M. 1816)

8303. TAXATION, Parliamentary.—

We
[Virginia House of Burgesses] cannot, my
Lord, close with the terms of that Resolution
[Lord North's Conciliatory Proposition].
* * * because to render perpetual our exemption
from an unjust taxation, we must
saddle ourselves with a perpetual tax, adequate
to the expectations, and subject to the
disposal of Parliament alone; Whereas, we
have a right to give our money, as the Parliament
to theirs, without coercion, from time
to time, as public exigencies may require. We
conceive that we alone are the judges of the
condition, circumstances, and situation of our
people, as the Parliament are of theirs. It
is not merely the mode of raising, but the freedom
of granting our money, for which we
have contended. Without this, we possess no
check on the royal prerogative; and what
must be lamented by dutiful and loyal subjects,
we should be stripped of the only
means, as well of recommending this country
to the favors of our most gracious Sovereign,
as of strengthening those bonds of amity with
our fellow-subjects, while we would wish to
remain indissoluble.—
Address to Governor Dunmore. Ford ed., i, 456.
(1775)

8304. TAXATION, Parliamentary.—[continued].

By several acts of Parliament
* * * they [the Ministers] have
undertaken to give and grant our money without
our consent—a right of which we have
ever had the exclusive exercise.—
Declaration on Taking up Arms. Ford ed., i, 467.
(July. 1775)

8305. TAXATION, Parliamentary.—[further continued].

Congress are of opinion
* * * that the suspension of the exercise of
their [Parliament's] pretended power of taxation
being expressly made commensurate with
the continuing of our gifts, these must be perpetual
to make that so: whereas no experience
has shown that a gift of perpetual revenues secures
a perpetual return of duty or of kind
dispositions. On the contrary, the parliament
itself, wisely attentive to this observation, are

in the established practice of granting their
own money from year to year only.—
Reply to Lord North's Proposition. Ford ed., i, 478.
(July. 1775)

8306. TAXATION, Parliamentary.—[further continued] .

A proposition to give
our money, when accompanied with large
fleets and armies, seems addressed to our
fears rather than to our freedom.—
Reply to Lord North's Proposition. Ford ed., i, 479.
(July. 1775)

8307. TAXATION, Parliamentary.—[further continued].

We think the attempt
unnecessary and unwarrantable to raise upon
us, by force or by threats, our proportional
contributions to the common defence, when all
know and themselves acknowledge, we have
fully contributed whenever called to contribute,
in the character of freemen.—
Reply to Lord North's Proposition. Ford ed., i, 479.
(July. 1775)

8308. TAXATION, Parliamentary.—[further continued] .

The proposition [of Lord
North] is altogether unsatisfactory because it
imports only a suspension of the mode, not a
renunciation of the pretended right to tax us.—
Reply to Lord North's Proposition. Ford ed., i, 480.
(July. 1775)

8309. TAXATION, Parliamentary.—[further continued].

We had been so long in
the habit of seeing the British consider us
merely as objects for the extension of their
commerce, and of submitting to every duty
or regulation imposed with that view, that
we had ceased to complain of them. But
when they proposed to consider us as objects
of taxation, all the States took the alarm.—
Notes on M. Soulés's Work. Washington ed. ix, 295. Ford ed., iv, 302.
(P. 1786)

8310. TAXATION, Politics and.—

The
principle of the present [federalist] majority
is excessive expense, money enough to fill all
their maws, or it will not be worth the risk
of their supporting. * * * Paper money
would be perilous even to the paper men.
Nothing then but excessive taxation can get
us along; and this will carry reason and reflection
to every man's door, and particularly
in the hour of election.—
To John Taylor. Washington ed. iv, 259. Ford ed., vii, 310.
(M. 1798)

8311. TAXATION, Problem of.—

Taxation
is the most difficult function of government,
and that against which their citizens
are most apt to be refractory. The general aim
is, therefore, to adopt the mode most consonant
with the circumstances and sentiments of the
country.—
Preface to Tracy's Political Economy. Washington ed. vi, 570.
(1816)

8312. TAXATION, Public opinion and.—

The purse of the people is the real seat of
sensibility. It is to be drawn upon largely,
and they will then listen to truths which could
not excite them through any other organ.—
To A. H. Rowan. Washington ed. iv, 257. Ford ed., vii, 281.
(M. 1798)

8313. TAXATION, Public opinion and.—[continued].

All the [party] passions
are boiling over, and one who keeps himself
cool and clear of the contagion, is so far
below the point of ordinary conversation, that
he finds himself isolated in every society.
However, the fever will not last. War, land
tax and stamp tax, are sedatives which must
cool its ardor. They will bring on reflection,
and that, with information, is all which our
countrymen need, to bring themselves and
their affairs to rights.—
To James Lewis, Jr. Washington ed. iv, 241. Ford ed., vii, 250.
(Pa., May. 1798)

8314. TAXATION, Redress of grievances and.—

The privilege of giving or withholding
our moneys is an important barrier
against the undue exertion of prerogative,
* * * and all history shows how efficacious
its intercession [is] for redress of grievances
and reestablishment of rights, and how improvident
would be the surrender of so powerful
a mediator.—
Reply to Lord North's Proposition. Ford ed., i, 477.
(July. 1775)

8315. TAXATION, Regulation of.—

Our
properties, within our own territories, shall
[not] be taxed or regulated by any power on
earth, but our own.—
Rights of British America. Washington ed. i, 142. Ford ed., i, 447.
(1774)

8316. TAXATION, Religion and.—

The
restoration of the rights of conscience [in Virginia
by the Revised Code] relieved the people
from taxation for the support of a religion
not theirs; for the [Church of England] Establishment
was truly of the religion of the
rich, the dissenting sects being entirely composed
of the less wealthy people.—
Autobiography. Washington ed. i, 49. Ford ed., i, 69.
(1821)

8317. TAXATION, Representation and.—

Preserve inviolate the fundamental principle,
that the people are not to be taxed but by representatives chosen immediately by themselves.—
To James Madison. Washington ed. ii, 328. Ford ed., iv, 475.
(P. 1787)

8318. TAXATION, Representation and.—[continued].

There are certain principles
in which the constitutions of our several
States all agree, and which all cherish
as vitally essential to the protection of the life,
liberty, property and safety of the citizen.
[One is] the exclusive right of legislation and
taxation in the representatives of the people.—
To M. Coray. Washington ed. vii, 323.
(M. 1823)

8319. TAXATION, Revolution from unjust.—

So inscrutable is the arrangement of causes and consequences in this world,
that a two-penny duty on tea, unjustly imposed
in a sequestered part of it, changes the
condition of all its inhabitants.—
Autobiography. Washington ed. i, 106. Ford ed., i, 147.
(1821)

8320. TAXATION, Simplest system.—

The simplest system of taxation yet adopted is that of levying on the land and the laborer.
But it would be better to levy the same sums
on the produce of that labor when collected in
the barn of the farmer; because then if
through the badness of the year he made little,
he would pay little. It would be better yet
to levy only on the surplus of this product
above his own wants. It would be better,
too, to levy it not in his hands, but in those
of the merchant purchaser; because though the
farmer would in fact pay it, as the merchant
purchaser would deduct it from the original
price of his produce, yet the farmer would

not be sensible that he paid it. This idea
would no doubt meet its difficulties and objections
when it should come to be reduced to
practice; yet I suspect it would be practical
and expedient. * * * What a comfort to
the farmer to be allowed to supply his own
wants before he should be liable to pay anything,
and then only pay on his surplus.—
To James Madison. Ford ed., iv, 16.
(P. Dec. 1784)

8321. TAXATION, Uniformity of.—

The
public contributions should be as uniform as
practicable from year to year, that our habits
of industry and of expense may become
adapted to them; and that they may be duly
digested and incorporated with our annual
economy.—
To J. W. Eppes. Washington ed. vi, 198. Ford ed., ix, 398.
(P.F.,,
Sep. 1813)

8322. TAXATION, War and.—

War requires
every resource of taxation and credit.—
To General Washington. Washington ed. ii, 533. Ford ed., v, 57.
(P. 1788)

8323. TAXATION, War and.—[continued].

Calculation has convinced
me that circumstances may arise, and
probably will arise, wherein all the resources
of taxation will be necessary for the safety
of the State.—
To General Washington. Washington ed. ii, 533. Ford ed., v, 56.
(P. Dec. 1788)

8324. TAXATION, War and.—[further continued].

Sound principles will
not justify our taxing the industry of our
fellow citizens for wars to happen we know
not when, and which might not perhaps happen
but from temptations offered by that
treasure.—
First Annual Message. Washington ed. viii, 9. Ford ed., viii, 119.
(1801)

8325. TAXES, Abolition of internal.—

Other circumstances, combined with the increase
of numbers, have produced an augmentation
of revenue arising from consumption,
in a ratio far beyond that of population
alone; and though the changes of foreign relations
now taking place so desirable for the
world, may for a season affect this branch of
revenue, yet, weighing all probabilities of expense,
as well as of income, there is reasonable
ground of confidence that we may now safely
dispense with all the internal taxes—comprehending
excises, stamps, auctions, licenses,
carriages, and refined sugars, to which the
postage on newspapers may be added, to
facilitate the progress of information; and
that the remaining sources of revenue will
be sufficient to provide for the support of the
government, to pay the interest of the public
debts, and to discharge the principals in
shorter periods than the laws or the general
expectation had contemplated. War, indeed,
and untoward events, may change this prospect
of things, and call for expenses which the
imposts could not meet; but sound principles
will not justify our taxing the industry of our
fellow-citizens to accumulate treasure for
wars to happen we know not when, and which
might not perhaps happen but from the temptations
offered by that treasure.—
First Annual Message. Washington ed. viii, 9. Ford ed., viii, 119.
(1801)

8326. TAXES, Abolition of internal.—[continued]

——. You will perhaps have
been alarmed, as some have been, at the proposition
to abolish the whole of the internal
taxes. But it is perfectly safe. They are
under a million of dollars, and we can economize
the government two or three millions
a year. The impost alone gives us ten or
eleven millions annually, increasing at a compound
ratio of six and two-thirds per cent.
per annum, and consequently doubling in ten
years. But leaving that increase for contingencies,
the present amount will support the
government, pay the interest of the public
debt, and discharge the principal in fifteen
years. If the increase proceeds, and no contingencies
demand it, it will pay off the principal
in a shorter time. Exactly one half of
the public debt, to wit, thirty-seven millions
of dollars, is owned in the United States.
That capital, then, will be set afloat, to be
employed in rescuing our commerce from the
hands of foreigners, or in agriculture, canals,
bridges, or other useful enterprises. By suppressing
at once the whole internal taxes, we
abolish three-fourths of the offices now existing,
and spread over the land.—
To John Dickinson. Washington ed. iv, 425.
(W. Dec. 1801)

8327. TAXES, Abolition of internal.—[further continued].

The economies of the
[first] session of the first Congress, convened
since republicanism has recovered its ascendency,
* * * have enabled them to suppress
all the internal taxes, and still to make such
provision for the payment of their public debt
as to discharge that in eighteen years.—
To General Kosciusko. Washington ed. iv, 430.
(W. April. 1802)

8328. TAXES, Abolition of internal.—[further continued] .

The suppression of unnecessary
offices, of useless establishments
and expenses, enabled us to discontinue our
internal taxes. These, covering our land with
officers, and opening our doors to their intrusions,
had already begun that process of
domiciliary vexation which, once entered, is
scarcely to be restrained from reaching successively
every article of produce and property.
If among these taxes some minor ones
fell which had not been inconvenient, it was
because their amount would not have paid the
officers who collected them, and because, if
they had any merit, the State authorities
might adopt them, instead of others less approved.
The remaining revenue on the consumption
of foreign articles, is paid cheerfully
by those who can afford to add foreign
luxuries to domestic comforts, being collected
on our seaboards and frontiers only, and incorporated
with the transactions of our mercantile
citizens, it may be the pleasure and
pride of an American to ask, what farmer,
what mechanic, what laborer, ever sees a tax-gatherer
of the United States? These contributions
enable us to support the current expenses
of the government, to fulfill contracts
with foreign nations, to extinguish the native
right of soil within our limits, to extend those
limits, and to apply such a surplus to our
public debts, as places at a short day their
final redemption; and that redemption once
effected, the revenue thereby liberated may,

by a just repartition among the States, and
a corresponding amendment of the Constitution,
be applied, in time of peace, to rivers,
canals, roads, arts, manufactures, education,
and other great objects within each State. In
time of war, if injustice, by ourselves or
others, must sometimes produce war, increased
as the same revenue will be increased
by population and consumption, and aided by
other resources reserved for that crisis, it
may meet within the year all the expenses of
the year, without encroaching on the rights of
future generations, by burdening them with
the debts of the past. War will then be but
a suspension of useful works, and a return
to a state of peace, a return to the progress of
improvement.—
Second Inaugural Address. Washington ed. viii, 40. Ford ed., viii, 343.
(1805)

8329. TAXES, Consent and.—

He
[George III] has endeavored to pervert the
exercise of the kingly office in Virginia into a
detestable and unsupportable tyranny * * * by combining with others to subject us to a
foreign jurisdiction, giving his assent to their
pretended acts of legislation * * * for imposing
taxes on us without our consent.—
Proposed Va. Constitution. Ford ed., ii, 10.
(June. 1776)

8330. TAXES, Consent and.—[continued].

He has combined with
others * * * for imposing taxes on us
without our consent.—
Declaration of Independence as Drawn by Jefferson.

8331. TAXES, Consent and.—[further continued].

From the * * * origin [of the controversy with Great Britain] to
this day, there never was a time when these
States intimated a disposition to give away
in perpetuum their essential right of judging
whether they should give or withhold their
money, for what purposes they should make
the gift, and what should be its continuance.—
Resolutions on Peace Propositions. Ford ed., ii, 91.
(Aug. 28, 1776)

8332. TAXES, Consumption and.—

The
objects of finance in the United States have
hitherto been very simple; merely to provide
for the support of the government on its peace
establishment, and to pay the debt contracted
in the Revolutionary war. The means provided
for these objects were ample, and resting
on a consumption which little affected
the poor, may be said to have been felt by
none.—
To J. W. Eppes. Washington ed. vi, 194. Ford ed., ix, 395.
(P.F.,,
Sep. 1813)

8333. TAXES, Exact division of.—

It
will be said that, though, for taxes, there May
always be found a divisor which will apportion
them among the States according to numbers
exactly, without leaving any remainder,
yet, for representatives, there can be no such
common ratio, or divisor, which, applied to
the several numbers, will divide them exactly,
without a remainder or fraction. I answer,
then, that taxes must be divided exactly, and
representatives as nearly as the nearest ratio will admit.—
Opinion on Apportionment Bill. Washington ed. vii, 596. Ford ed., v, 495.
(1792)

8334. TAXES, Excessive.—

Our taxes are
now a third and will soon be half of our
whole exports; and when you add the expenses
of the State Governments we shall be
found to have got to the plenum of taxation
in ten short years of peace. Great Britain,
after centuries of wars and revolutions, had at
the commencement of the present war taxed
only to the amount of two-thirds of her exports.—
To Archibald Stuart. Washington ed. iv, 284. Ford ed., vii, 351.
(Pa., Feb. 1799)

8335. TAXES, Excise.—

The excessive
unpopularity of the excise and bank bills in
the South, I apprehend, will produce a stand
against the Federal Government.—
To William Short. Ford ed., v, 296.
(Pa., March. 1791)

8336. TAXES, Excise.—[continued].

I hope the death blow to
that most vexatious and unproductive of all
taxes [excise] was given at the commencement
of my administration, and believe its
revival would give the deathblow to any administration
whatever.—
To Dupont de Nemours. Washington ed. v, 583. Ford ed., ix, 320.
(M. 1811)

8337. TAXES, Excise.—[further continued].

If the excise tax could be collected from those who buy to sell again,
so as to prevent domiciliary visits by the officers,
I think it would be acceptable, and, I
am sure, a wholesome tax.—
To Mr. Nelson. Washington ed. vi, 47.
(M. April. 1812)

8338. TAXES, Imposition of.—

No tax
should ever be yielded for a longer term than
that of the Congress wanting it, except when
pledged for the reimbursement of a loan.—
To J. W. Eppes. Washington ed. vi, 195. Ford ed., ix, 395.
(P.F.,,
Sep. 1813)

8339. TAXES, Income.—

Taxes on consumption
like those on capital or income, to
be just, must be uniform.—
To Samuel Smith. Washington ed. vii, 285. Ford ed., x, 252.
(M. 1823)

See Taxation, Basis of.

8340. TAXES, Land.—

I am suggesting
an idea on the subject of taxation which
might, perhaps, facilitate much that business,
and reconcile all parties. That is * * * to lay a land tax, leviable in 1798, &c. But if
by the last day of 1798, any State shall bring
its whole quota into the Federal Treasury,
the tax shall be suspended one year for that
State. If by the end of the next year they
bring another year's tax, it shall be suspended
a second year as to them, and so toties
quoties forever. If they fail, the Federal collectors
will go on, of course, to make their
collection. In this way, those who prefer
excises may raise their quota by excises, and
those who prefer land taxes may raise by land
taxes, either on the Federal plan, or on any
other of their own which they like better.
This would tend, I think, to make the General
Government popular, and to render the
State Legislatures useful allies and associates
instead of rivals, and to mollify the harsh
tone of government which has been asserted.
I find the idea pleasing to most of those to
whom I have suggested it. It will be objected
to by those who are for consolidation.—
To Peregrine Fitzhugh. Ford ed., vii, 136.
(Pa., June. 1797)

8341. TAXES, Land.—[continued].

I think that the matter
of finances, which has set the people of Europe
to thinking, is now advanced to that
point with us, that the next step (and it is
an unavoidable one), a land tax, will awaken
our constituents, and call for inspection into
past proceedings.—
To St. George Tucker. Washington ed. iv, 197. Ford ed., vii, 169.
(M. 1797)

8342. TAXES, Land.—[further continued].

It had been expected
that we must have laid a land tax this session
[of Congress]. However, it is thought we
can get along another year without it.—
To Peregrine Fitzhugh. Washington ed. iv, 217. Ford ed., vii, 210.
(Pa., Feb. 1798)

8343. TAXES, Land.—[further continued] .

A land tax is the decided
resource of many [of the federalists],
perhaps of a majority.—
To James Madison. Ford ed., vii, 243.
(Pa., April. 1798)

8344. TAXES, Land.—[further continued].

The federalists talk * * * of a land tax. This will probably not be opposed.
The only question will be, how to
modify it. On this there may be a great diversity
of sentiment. One party will want to
make it a new source of patronage and expense.—
To James Madison. Washington ed. iv, 234. Ford ed., vii, 237.
(Pa., April. 1798)

8345. TAXES, Land.—[further continued] .

The land tax is now on
the carpet to raise two millions of dollars;
yet I think they must at least double it, as the
expenses of the provisional army were not
provided for in it, and will require of itself
four millions a year.—
To James Monroe. Washington ed. iv, 242. Ford ed., vii, 156.
(Pa., May. 1798)

8346. TAXES, Land.—[further continued].

In most of the middle
and southern States some land tax is now
paid into the State treasury, and for this purpose
the lands have been classed and valued,
and the tax assessed according to that valuation.
In these an excise is most odious. In
the eastern States land taxes are odious, excises
less unpopular.—
To Dupont de Nemours. Washington ed. v, 583. Ford ed., ix, 321.
(M. April. 1811)

8347. TAXES, Legislation and.—

Taxes
should be continued by annual or biennial reenactments.—
To J. W. Eppes. Washington ed. vi, 195. Ford ed., ix, 395.
(P.F.,,
Sep. 1813)

8348. TAXES, Legislation and.—[continued].

Taxes should be continued
by annuel or biennial reenactments, because
a constant hold, by the nation, of the
strings of the public purse, is a salutary restraint
from which an honest government
ought not to wish, nor a corrupt one to be
permitted to be free.—
To J. W. Eppes. Washington ed. vi, 195. Ford ed., ix, 395.
(P.F.,,
Sep. 1813)

8349. TAXES, Necessary wants and.—

Taxes should be proportioned to what May
be annually spared by the individual.—
To James Madison. Ford ed., iv, 15.
(P. Dec. 1784)

8350. TAXES, Paper money and.—

Every one, through whose hands a bill passed,
lost on that bill what it lost in value, during
the time it was in his hands. This was a
real tax on him; and * * * the most op
pressive of all, because the most unequal of all,—
To M. de Meunier. Washington ed. ix, 260. Ford ed., iv, 165.
(P. 1786)

8351. TAXES, Politics and suppression of.—

Bitter men are not pleased with the suppression
of taxes. Not daring to condemn
the measure, they attack the motive; and too
disingenuous to ascribe it to the honest one
of freeing our citizens from unnecessary
burthens and unnecessary systems of office,
they ascribe it to a desire of popularity. But
every honest man will suppose honest acts to
flow from honest principles, and the rogues
may rail without intermission.—
To Dr. Benjamin Rush. Washington ed. iv, 426. Ford ed., viii, 128.
(W. 1801)

8352. TAXES, Resources of internal.—

Whenever we are destined to meet events
which shall call forth all the energies of our
countrymen, we have * * * the comfort
of leaving for calls like these the extraordinary
resources of loans and internal taxes.—
Second Annual Message. Washington ed. viii, 19. Ford ed., viii, 185.
(Dec. 1802)

8353. TAXES, Sinecures and.—

We do
not mean that our people shall be burdened
with oppressive taxes to provide sinecures for
the idle or the wicked, under color of providing
for a civil list.—
Reply to Lord North's Proposition. Ford ed., i, 480.
(July. 1775)

8354. TAXES, Stamp.—

To the stamp tax
I have not seen a man who is not totally irreconcilable.
* * * Yet, although a very
disgusting pill, I think there can be no question
the people will swallow it, if their representatives
determine on it.—
To Mr. Nelson. Washington ed. vi, 47.
(M. April. 1812)

8355. TAXES, Unnecessary.—

To impose
on our citizens no unnecessary burden, * * * [is one of] the landmarks by which
we are to guide ourselves in all our proceedings.—
Second Annual Message. Washington ed. viii, 21. Ford ed., viii, 187.
(Dec. 1802)

8356. TAXES, War and.—

The report of
the Committee of Finance proposes taxes to
the amount of twenty millions. This is a
dashing proposition. But, if Congress pass it,
I shall consider it sufficient evidence that their
constituents generally can pay the tax. No
man has greater confidence than I have in the
spirit of the people, to a rational extent.
Whatever they can, they will. But, without
either market or medium, I know not how
it is to be done. All markets abroad, and all
at home are shut, to us; so that we have
been feeding our horses on wheat. Before the
day of collection, bank notes will be but as
oak leaves; and of specie, there is not within
all the United States, one half of the proposed
amount of the taxes. I had thought myself as
bold as was safe in contemplating, as possible,
an annual taxation of ten millions, as fund for
emissions of treasury notes; and when further
emissions should be necessary, that it would
be better to enlarge the time, than the tax
for redemption. Our position, with respect
to our enemy, and our markets, distinguish
us from all other nations; inasmuch, as a

state of war, with us annihilates in an instant
all our surplus produce, that on which we
depended for many comforts of life. This
renders particularly expedient the throwing a
part of the burdens of war on times of peace
and commerce.—
To James Monroe. Washington ed. vi, 395. Ford ed., ix, 493.
(M. Oct. 1814)

8357. TAXES, War and.—[continued].

Instead of taxes for the
whole year's expenses, which the people cannot
pay, a tax to the amount of the interest
and a reasonable portion of the principal will
command the whole sum, and throw a part
of the burdens of war on times of peace and
prosperity.—
To William Short. Washington ed. vi, 401.
(M. 1814)

8358. TAXES, Wasted.—

If there be anything
amiss in the present state of our affairs,
as the formidable deficit lately unfolded to
us indicates, I ascribe it to the inattention of
Congress to their duties, to their unwise dissipation
and waste of the public contributions.
They seemed, some little while ago, to be at a
loss for objects whereon to throw away the
supposed fathomless funds of the treasury.
* * * I am aware that in one of their most
ruinous vagaries the people were themselves
betrayed into the same phrenzy with their
representatives. The deficit produced, and a
heavy tax to supply it, will, I trust, bring both
to their sober senses.—
To Thomas Ritchie. Washington ed. vii, 191. Ford ed., x, 170.
(M. 1820)

8359. TAX-GATHERERS, Cost of.—

Our tax-gatherers in Virginia cost as much as
the whole civil list besides.—
To James Madison. Ford ed., iv, 16.
(P. 1784)

8360. TAX-GATHERERS, Discontent and.—

The tax-gatherer has already excited discontent.—
To James Madison. Washington ed. iv, 261. Ford ed., vii, 313.
(Pa., Jan. 1799)

8361. TAYLOR (John), Political principles.—

Colonel Taylor and myself have
rarely, if ever, differed in any political principle
of importance. Every act of his life, and every
word he ever wrote, satisfies me of this.—
To Thomas Ritchie. Washington ed. vii, 191. Ford ed., x, 170.
(M. 1820)

8362. TAYLOR (John), Political principles.—[continued].

Colonel Taylor's book
of “Constructions Construed” * * * is
the most logical retraction of our governments
to the original and true principles of the Constitution
creating them, which has appeared
since the adoption of that instrument. I May
not perhaps concur in all its opinions, great and
small, for no two men ever thought alike on so
many points. But on all important questions,
it contains the true political faith, to which
every catholic republican should steadfastly
hold. It should be put into the hands of all
our functionaries, authoritatively, as a standing
instruction and true exposition of our Constitution,
as understood at the time we agreed
to it.—
To Spencer Roane. Washington ed. vii, 213. Ford ed., x, 189.
(M. 1821)

8363. TEA, Duty on.—

So inscrutable is
the arrangement of causes and consequences in
this world, that a two-penny duty on tea, unjustly
imposed in a sequestered part of it,
changes the condition of all its inhabitants.—
Autobiography. Washington ed. i, 106. Ford ed., i, 147.
(1821)

See Boston Port Bill.

8364. TEACHERS, Appreciation of.—

Respect and gratitude [are] due to those who
devote their time and efforts to render the
youths of every successive age fit governors for
the next.—
To Hugh L. White. Washington ed. v, 522.
(M. 1810)

8365. TEMPER, Southern.—

Our Southern
sun has been accused of sometimes sublimating
the temper too highly.—
To E. Rutledge. Washington ed. iii, 166. Ford ed., v, 197.
(N.Y., 17901790)gt;

8366. TEMPER, Smooth.—

Nothing enables
a man to get along in business so well as a
smooth temper.—
The Anas. Ford ed., i, 337.
(1808)

8367. TEMPERANCE, At table.—

In the
pleasures of the table [the French] are far
before us, because, with good taste they unite
temperance. They do not terminate the most
sociable meals by transforming themselves into
brutes.—
To Mr. Bellini. Washington ed. i, 445.
(P. 1785)

8368. TEMPERANCE, France and.—

I have never yet seen a man drunk in France,
even among the lowest of the people.—
To Mr. Bellini. Washington ed. i, 445.
(P. 1785)

8369. TEMPERANCE, Principles of.—

I
have received and read with thankfulness and
pleasure your denunciation of the abuses of
tobacco and wine. Yet, however sound in its
principles, I expect it will be but a sermon to
the wind. You will find it * * * difficult
to inculcate these sanative precepts on the sensualities
of the present day.—
To Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse. Washington ed. vii, 252. Ford ed., x, 219.
(M. 1822)

— TEMPERATURE.—

See Climate.

8370. TENANTS, For Monticello.—

The
subject [obtaining tenants] is one I have very
much at heart, for I find I am not fit to be a
farmer with the kind of labor we have, and also
subject to such long avocation.—
To S. T. Mason. Ford ed., vii, 396.
(M. Oct. 1799)

8371. TENANTS, Seeking.—

You promised
to endeavor to send me some tenants. I
am waiting for them. * * * Tenants of any
size may be accommodated with the number of
fields suited to their force. Only send me good
people.—
To S. T. Mason. Ford ed., vii, 283.
(M. 1798)

8372. TERNANT (J. B.), Hamilton and.—

Ternant has at length openly hoisted
the flag of monarchy by going into deep mourning
for his prince [Louis XVI.]. I suspect he
thinks a cessation of his visits to me a necessary
accompaniment to this pious duty. A connection
between him and Hamilton seems to
be springing up.—
To James Madison. Washington ed. iii, 520. Ford ed., vi, 193.
(Pa., 1793)

8373. TERNANT (J. B.), Medal for.—

The President of the United States, in a letter
addressed to the Primary Executive Council of
the French Republic, has expressed his sense of
your merit, and his entire approbation of your
conduct while here. He has also charged me to
convey to yourself the same sentiments on his
part. It is with pleasure I obey this charge,
in bearing witness to the candor and integrity
of your conduct with us, and to the share you
may justly claim in the cultivation of harmony
and good understanding between the two nations
* * *. As testimony of the regard of the
United States, we shall take an early occasion

to ask your acceptance of a medal and chain
of gold on their part.—
To Jean Baptiste Ternant. Ford ed., vi, 263.
(Pa., 1793)

8374. TERNANT (J. B.), Shifting affiliations.—

When Ternant received certain account of his appointment, thinking he had
nothing further to hope from the Jacobins, he
that very day found out something to be offended
at in me (in which I had been made
ex officio the ostensible agent in what came
from another quarter, and he has never been
undeceived), attached himself intimately to
Hamilton, put on mourning for the King, and
became a perfect counter-revolutioner. A few
days ago, he received a letter from Genet, giving
him a hope they will employ him in the army.
On this, he tacked about again, became a
Jacobin, and refused to present the Viscount
Noailles, and some other French aristocrats
arrived here. However, he will hardly have
the impudence to speak to me again.—
To James Monroe. Washington ed. iii, 549. Ford ed., vi, 240.
(Pa., May. 1793)

8375. TERNANT (J. B.), Soldier.—

Ternant
established a solid reputation in Europe
by his conduct when Generalissimo of one of
the United Provinces, during their late disturbances;
and it is generally thought that if he
had been put at the head of the principal province,
instead of the Rhingrave de Salm, he
would have saved that cause.—
To John Jay. Washington ed. ii, 572.
(P. 1789)

8376. TERRITORY, Acquisition of.—

I
know that the acquisition of Louisiana has
been disapproved by some, from a candid
apprehension that the enlargement of our
territory would endanger its Union. But
who can limit the extent to which the federative
principle may operate effectively?—
Second Inaugural Address. Washington ed. viii, 41. Ford ed., viii, 344.
(1805)

See Louisiana.

— TERRITORY, Acquisition of Canada.—

See Canada.

8377. TERRITORY, Admission of new States.—

I am aware of the force of the observations
you make on the power given by
the Constitution to Congress, to admit new
States into the Union, without restraining the
subject to the territory then constituting the
United States. But when I consider that the
limits of the United States are precisely fixed
by the treaty of 1783, that the Constitution
expressly declares itself to be made for the
United States, I cannot help believing the intention
was to permit Congress to admit into
the Union new States, which should be
formed out of the territory for which, and
under whose authority alone, they were then
acting. I do not believe it was meant that
they might receive England, Ireland, Holland,
&c., into it, which would be the case on your
construction.—
To Wilson C. Nicholas. Washington ed. iv, 505. Ford ed., viii, 247.
(M. Sep. 1803)

8378. TERRITORY, Alienation of.—

The power to alienate the unpeopled territories
of any State, is not among the enumerated
powers given by the Constitution to the
General Government, and if we may go out
of that instrument, and accommodate to exigencies
which may arise by alienating the unpeopled
territory of a State, we may accommodate
ourselves a little more by alienating
that which is peopled, and still a little more
by selling the people themselves. A shade
or two more in the degree of exigency is all
that will be requisite, and of that degree we
shall ourselves be the judges. However, May
it not be hoped that these questions are forever
laid to rest by the * * * amendment
* * * to the Constitution, declaring expressly
that “the powers not delegated to
the United States by the Constitution are reserved
to the States respectively”? And if
the General Government has no power to
alienate the territory of a State, it is too irresistible
an argument to deny ourselves the
use of it on the present occasion. [476] —
To Alexander Hamilton. Ford ed., v, 443.
(1792)

8379. TERRITORY, Alienation of.—[continued].

A disastrous war might, by necessity, supersede this stipulation [the
provision of the Constitution guaranteeing
every State against the invasion of its territory] (as necessity is above all law), and
oblige them to abandon a part of a State; but
nothing short of this can justify or obtain
such an abandonment.—
Mississippi River Instructions. Washington ed. vii, 573. Ford ed., v, 464.
(1792)

8380. TERRITORY, Alienation of.—[further continued].

We have neither the right nor the disposition to alienate an inch
of what belongs to any member of our Union.—
Mississippi River Instructions. Washington ed. vii, 586. Ford ed., v, 476.
(1792)

8381. TERRITORY, Alienation of.—[further continued] .

[President Washington,
at a Cabinet meeting, submitted the question]:
“Will it be expedient to relinquish to the
Indians the right of soil of any part of the
land north of the Ohio, if essential to peace?”
The Secretaries of the Treasury and War, and
the Attorney General are of opinion it will be
expedient to make such relinquishment if essential
to peace, provided it do not include
any lands sold or reserved for special purposes
(the reservations for trading places excepted ).
The Secretary of State is of opinion
that the Executive and Senate have authority
to stipulate with the Indians, and that
if essential to peace, it will be expedient to
stipulate that we will not settle any lands
between those already sold or reserved for
special purposes, and the lines heretofore
validly established with the Indians.—
Opinion on Indian War. Ford ed., vi, 191.
(Feb. 1793)

8382. TERRITORY, Alienation of.—[further continued].

I considered [at a Cabinet
meeting] that the Executive, with either
or both branches of the Legislature, could not
alien any part of our territory; that by the
law of nations it was settled, that the unity
and indivisibility of the society was so fundamental,
that it could not be dismembered by
the constituted authorities, except, 1, where
all power was delegated to them (as in the
case of despotic governments), or, 2, where it
was expressly delegated; that neither of these
delegations had been made to our General
Government and, therefore, that it had no
right to dismember or alienate any portion of
territory once ultimately consolidated with us;
and that we could no more cede to the Indians

than to the English or Spaniards, as it might,
according to acknowledged principles, remain
as irrevocably and eternally with the one as the
other. But I thought, that as we had a right
to sell and settle lands once comprehended
within our lines, so we might forbear to exercise
that right, retaining the property till
circumstances should be more favorable to
the settlement, and this I agreed to do in the
present instance, if necessary for peace.—
The Anas. Washington ed. ix, 137. Ford ed., i, 219.
(Feb. 1793)

8383. TERRITORY, Alienation of.—[further continued] .

The Cabinet met * * * on the subject of your [President Washington's] circular letter, and agreed on all points,
except as to the power of ceding territory, on
which point there remained the same difference
of opinion as when the subject was discussed
in your presence.—
To President Washington. Ford ed., vi, 212.
(Pa., April. 1793)

8384.

—. The negotiators at Ghent
are agreed in everything except as to a rag of
Maine, which we cannot yield nor they seriously
care about.—
To Mrs. Trist. D. L. J.359.
(M. Dec. 1814)

8385. TERRITORY, Annexation of Canada.—

That Bonaparte would give us the
Floridas to withhold intercourse with the residue
of the [Spanish] colonies cannot be
doubted. But that is no price; because they
are ours in the first moment of the first war;
and until a war they are of no particular
necessity to us. But, although with difficulty,
he will consent to our receiving Cuba into
our Union, to prevent our aid to Mexico and
the other provinces. That would be a price,
and I would immediately erect a column on
the southernmost limit of Cuba and inscribe
on it a ne plus ultra as to us in that direction.
We should then have only to include the
north in our Confederacy, which would be, of
course, in the first war, and we should have
such an empire for liberty as she has never
surveyed since the creation; and I am persuaded
no Constitution was ever before so
well calculated as ours for extensive empire
and self-government.—
To President Madison. Washington ed. v, 444.
(M. April. 1809)

See Canada.

8386. TERRITORY, British acquisition of American.—

The consequences of their [the British] acquiring all the country on our frontier, from the St. Croix to the St. Mary's,
are too obvious to you to need development.
You will readily see the dangers which would
then environ us. We wish you, therefore, to intimate
to them that we cannot be indifferent
to enterprises of this kind; that we should contemplate
a change of neighbors with extreme
uneasiness; and that a due balance on our
borders is not less desirable to us, than a
balance of power in Europe has always appeared
to them. We wish to be neutral, and
we will be so, if they will execute the treaty [of peace] fairly, and attempt no conquests
adjoining us. The first condition is just; the
second imposes no hardship on them. They
cannot complain that the other dominions of
Spain would be so narrow as not to leave
them room enough for conquest. [477] —
To Gouverneur Morris. Washington ed. iii, 182. Ford ed., v, 224.
(N.Y., 1790)

8387. TERRITORY, British acquisition of American.—[continued].

It was evident to me
that the British had it in view to claim a slice
on our north-western quarter, that they May
get into the Mississippi; indeed, I thought
it presented as a sort of make-weight with
the posts to compensate the great losses their
citizens had sustained by the infractions [of
the treaty of peace] charged on us.—
The Anas. Washington ed. ix, 428. Ford ed., i, 196.
(June. 1792)

8388. TERRITORY, Cession of Northwest.—

The territories contained within the
charters erecting the Colonies of Maryland,
Pennsylvania, North and South Carolina, are
hereby ceded, released, and forever confirmed
to the people of those Colonies respectively,
with all the rights of property, jurisdiction
and government, and all other rights whatsoever
which might at any time, heretofore, have
been claimed by this colony [Virginia]. The
western and northern extent of this country
shall in all other respects stand as fixed by
the charter of—until, by act of the Legislature,
one or more Territories shall be laid
off westward of the Alleghany mountains for
new colonies, which colonies shall be established
on the same fundamental laws contained
in this instrument, and shall be free
and independent of this Colony and of all
the world.—
Proposed Va. Constitution. Ford ed., ii, 25.
(June. 1776)

See Western Territory.

8389. TERRITORY, Cession of Northwest.—[continued].

The General Assembly
shall have power to sever from this State all
or any parts of its territory westward of the
Ohio, or of the meridian of the mouth of the
Great Kanawha.—
Proposed Constitution for Virginia. Washington ed. viii, 446. Ford ed., iii, 325.
(1783)

8390. TERRITORY, Cession of Northwest.—[further continued].

I do myself the honor of
transmitting to your Excellency a resolution
of the General Assembly of this Commonwealth,
entered into in consequence of the
resolution of Congress of September 6th, 1780,
on the subject of confederation. I shall be
rendered very happy if the other States of the
Union, equally impressed with the necessity
of that important convention, shall be willing
to sacrifice equally to its completion. This
single event, could it take place shortly, would
overweigh every success which the enemy
[England] have hitherto obtained, and render
desperate the hopes to which those successes
have given birth.—
To the President of Congress. Washington ed. i, 287. Ford ed., ii, 423.
(R. January 17, 1781)

8391. TERRITORY, Constitution and.—

No constitution was ever before so well
calculated as ours for extensive empire and
self-government.—
To President Madison. Washington ed. v, 444.
(M. April. 1809)

— TERRITORY, Constitution and acquisition of foreign.—

See Louisiana.

8392. TERRITORY, Cuba.—

I candidly
confess that I have ever looked on Cuba as the
most interesting addition which could ever be
made to our system of States.—
To President Monroe. Washington ed. vii, 316. Ford ed., x, 278.
(M. 1823)

See Cuba.

8393. TERRITORY, Disputed.—

The
Colony of Virginia does not entertain a wish
that one inch should be added to theirs from
the territory of a sister Colony * * *.
The decision, whatever it be, will not annihilate
the lands. They will remain to be occupied
by Americans, and whether these be
counted in the members of this or that of the
United States will be thought a matter of
little moment.—
Letter to Pennsylvania Convention. Ford ed., ii, 65.
(July. 1776)

8394. TERRITORY, Dissensions and.—

The larger our association, the less will it be
shaken by local passions.—
Second Inaugural Address. Washington ed. viii, 41. Ford ed., viii, 344.
(1805)

8395. TERRITORY, Dissensions and.—[continued].

It seems that the smaller
the society the bitterer the dissensions into
which it breaks. Perhaps this observation
answers all the objections drawn by Mr.
[John] Adams from the small republics of
Italy. I believe ours is to owe its permanence
to its great extent, and the smaller portion
comparatively, which can ever be convulsed
at one time by local passions.—
To Governor Robert Williams. Washington ed. v, 209. Ford ed., ix, 167.
(W. 1807)

8396. TERRITORY, Dissensions and.—[further continued].

The extent of our territory
secures it, I hope, from the vindictive
passions of the petty incorporations of Greece.—
To Elbridge Gerry. Washington ed. vi, 63. Ford ed., ix, 360.
(M. 1812)

8397. TERRITORY, Dissensions and.—[further continued] .

I see our safety in the
extent of our confederacy, and in the probability
that in the proportion of that the sound
parts will always be sufficient to crush out
local poison.—
To Horatio G. Spafford. Washington ed. vi, 335.
(M. 1814)

8398. TERRITORY, Dissensions and.—[further continued].

I still believe that the
western extension of our territory will ensure
its duration, by overruling local factions,
which might shake a smaller association.—
To Henry Dearborn. Washington ed. vii, 215. Ford ed., x, 192.
(M. 1821)

8399. TERRITORY, European influence in American.—

We consider their interests
[Cuba and Mexico] and ours as the same,
and that the object of both must be to exclude
all European influence from this hemisphere.—
To Governor Claiborne. Washington ed. v, 381. Ford ed., ix, 213.
(W. Oct. 1808)

8400. TERRITORY, Expansion of.—

Our confederacy must be viewed as the nest
from which all America, North and South, is
to be peopled. We should take care, too, not
to think it for the interest of that great Continent
to press too soon on the Spaniards.
Those countries cannot be in better hands.
My fear is that they are too feeble to hold
them till our population can be sufficiently
advanced to gain it from them piece by piece.—
To Archibald Stuart. Washington ed. i, 518. Ford ed., iv, 188.
(P. 1786)

8401. TERRITORY, Expansion of.—[continued].

However our present interests
may restrain us within our own limits,
it is impossible not to look forward to distant
times, when our rapid multiplication will expand
itself beyond those limits, and cover the
whole northern, if not the southern continent,
with a people speaking the same language,
governed in similar forms, and by similar laws
* * *.—
To James Monroe. Washington ed. iv, 420. Ford ed., viii, 105.
(W. Nov. 1801)

8402. TERRITORY, Good government and.—

Our present federal limits are not too
large for good government, nor will the increase
of votes in Congress produce any ill
effect. On the contrary, it will drown the
little divisions at present existing there.—
To Archibald Stuart. Washington ed. i, 518. Ford ed., iv, 188.
(P. Jan. 1786)

8403. TERRITORY, Holding foreign.—

The Constitution has made no provision for
our holding foreign territory, still less for incorporating
foreign nations into our Union.
The Executive in seizing the fugitive occurrence
[Louisiana purchase] which so much
advances the good of their country, have done
an act beyond the Constitution. The Legislature
in casting behind them metaphysical
subtleties, and risking themselves like faithful
servants, must ratify and pay for it, and
throw themselves on their country for doing
for them unauthorized, what we know they
would have done for themselves had they
been in a situation to do it. It is the case of
a guardian, investing the money of his ward
in purchasing an important adjacent territory;
and saying to him when of age, I did this for
your good; I pretend to no right to bind you:
you may disavow me, and I must get out of
the scrape as I can. I thought it my duty to
risk myself for you. But we shall not be disavowed
by the nation, and their act of indemnity
will confirm and not weaken the Constitution,
by more strongly marking out its
lines.—
To John C. Breckenridge. Washington ed. iv, 500. Ford ed., viii, 244.
(M. Aug. 1803)

8404. TERRITORY, Naval defence and.—

Nothing should ever be accepted which
would require a navy to defend it.—
To President Madison. Washington ed. v, 445.
(M. April. 1809)

8405. TERRITORY, Pacific.—

On the waters of the Pacific, we can found no claim
in right of Louisiana. If we claim that country
at all, it must be on Astor's settlement
near the mouth of the Columbia, and the principle
of the jus gentium of America, that when
a civilized nation takes possession of the
mouth of a river in a new country, that
possession is considered as including all its
waters.—
To John Melish. Washington ed. vii, 51.
(M. 1816)

8406. TERRITORY, Preservation of.—

Were we to give up half our territory [Mississippi
region] rather than engage in a just

war to preserve it, we should not keep the
other half long.—
Instructions to William Carmichael. Washington ed. ix, 412. Ford ed., v, 226.
(1790)

— TERRITORY, Purchase of Florida.—

See Florida.

8407. TERRITORY, Purchases of Indian.—

To be prepared against the occupation
of Louisiana by a powerful and enterprising
people [the French], it is important that, setting
less value on interior extension of purchases
from the Indians, we bend our whole
views to the purchase and settlement of the
country on the Mississippi, from its mouth to
its northern regions, that we may be able to
present as strong a front on our western as
on our eastern border, and plant on the Mississippi
itself the means of its own defence. We
now own from 31° to the Yazoo, and hope this
summer to purchase what belongs to the Choctaws
from the Yazoo up to their boundary,
supposed to be about opposite the mouth of
Arkansas. We wish at the same time to begin
in your quarter, for which there is at present
a favorable opening. The Cahokias extinct,
we are entitled to their country by our paramount
sovereignty. The Peorias, we understand,
have all been driven off from their
country, and we might claim it in the same
way; but as we understand there is one chief
remaining, who would, as the survivor of the
tribe, sell the right, it is better to give him
such terms as will make him easy for life, and
take a conveyance from him. The Kaskaskias
being reduced to a few families, I presume we
may purchase their whole country for what
would place every individual of them at his
ease, and be a small price to us,—say by laying
off for each family, wherever they would
choose it, as much land as they could cultivate,
adjacent to each other, enclosing the whole
in a single fence, and giving them such an
annuity in money or goods forever as would
place them in happiness; and we might take
them also under the protection of the United
States. Thus possessed of the rights of these
tribes, we should proceed to the settling of their
boundaries with the Pottawatamies and Kickapoos,
claiming all doubtful territory, but paying
them a pr ce for the relinquishment of their
concurrent claim, and even prevailing on them,
if possible, to cede, for a price, such of their
own unquestioned territory as would give us a
convenient northern boundary. Before broaching
this, and while we are bargaining with the
Kaskaskias, the minds of the Pottawatamies
and Kickapoos should be soothed and conciliated
by liberalities and sincere assurances of
friendship. Perhaps by sending a well-qualified
character to stay some time in Duquoin's village,
as if on other business, and to sound him
and introduce the subject by degrees to his
mind and that of the other heads of families,
inculcating in the way of conversation, all
those considerations which prove the advantages
they would receive by a cession on these
terms, the object might be more easily and effectually
obtained than by abruptly proposing it
to them at a formal treaty. Of the means,
however, of obtaining what we wish, you will
be the best judge; and I have given you this
view of the system which we suppose will best
promote the interests of the Indians and ourselves,
and finally consolidate our whole country
into one nation only; that you may be enabled
the better to adapt your means to the
object, for this purpose we have given you a
general commission for treating.—
To Governor Harrison. Washington ed. iv, 473.
(W. Feb. 1803)

8408. TERRITORY, Purchases of Indian.—[continued]

——. The crisis is pressing:
whatever can now be obtained must be obtained
quickly. The occupation of New Orleans,
hourly expected, by the French, is already felt
like a light breeze by the Indians. You know
the sentiments they entertain of that nation;
under the hope of their protection they will immediately
stiffen against cessions of lands to us.
We had better, therefore, do at once what can
now be done. This letter is to be considered
as private. * * * You will perceive how sacredly
it must be kept within your own breast,
and especially how improper to be understood
by the Indians. For their interests and their
tranquillity, it is best they should see only the
present age of their history.—
To Governor Harrison. Washington ed. iv, 474.
(W. Feb. 1803)

8409. TERRITORY, Purchases of Indian.—[further continued].

As a means of increasing
the security, and providing a protection for our
lower possessions on the Mississippi, I think it
also all important to press on the Indians, as
steadily and strenuously as they can bear, the
extension of our purchases on the Mississippi
from the Yazoo upwards; and to encourage a
settlement along the whole length of that river,
that it may possess on its own banks the means
of defending itself, and presenting as strong
a frontier on our western as we have on our
eastern border. We have, therefore, recommended
to Governor Dickinson taking, on the
Tombigbee, only as much as will cover our
actual settlements, to transfer the purchase from
the Choctaws to their lands westward of the
Big Black, rather than the fork of Tombigbee
and Alabama, which has been offered by them in
order to pay their debt to Ponton and Leslie.
I have confident expectations of purchasing this
summer a good breadth on the Mississippi, from
the mouth of the Illinois down to the mouth of
the Ohio, which would settle immediately and
thickly; and we should then have between that
settlement and the lower one, only the uninhabited
lands of the Chickasaws on the Mississippi;
on which we could be working at both
ends. You will be sensible that the preceding
views, as well those which respect the European
powers as the Indians, are such as should
not be formally declared, but be held as a rule
of action to govern the conduct of those within
whose agency they lie; and it is for this reason
that instead of having it said to you in an official
letter, committed to records which are
open to many, I have thought it better that
you should learn my views from a private and
confidential letter, and be enabled to act upon
them yourself, and guide others into them.—
To Governor Claiborne. Washington ed. iv, 487.
(W. May. 1803)

8410. TERRITORY, Purchases of Indian.—[further continued] .

Another important acquisition
of territory has also been made since
the last session of Congress. The friendly
tribe of Kaskaskia Indians, with which we have
never had a difference, reduced by the wars
and wants of savage life to a few individuals
unable to defend themselves against the neighboring
tribes, has transferred its country to the
United States, reserving only for its members
what is sufficient to maintain them in an agricultural
way. The considerations stipulated are
that we shall extend to them our patronage and
protection, and give them certain annual aids
in money, in implements of agriculture, and
other articles of their choice. This country,
among the most fertile within our limits, extending
along the Mississippi from the mouth
of the Illinois to and up the Ohio, though not
so necessary as a barrier since the acquisition
of the other bank, may yet be well worthy of
being laid open to immediate settlement, as

its inhabitants may descend with rapidity in
support of the lower country should future circumstances
expose that to foreign enterprise.—
Third Annual Message. Washington ed. viii, 25. Ford ed., viii, 269.
(Oct. 1803)

8411. TERRITORY, Purchases of Indian.—[further continued].

On this side the Mississippi,
an important relinquishment of native
title has been received from the Delawares.
That tribe, desiring to extinguish in their people
the spirit of hunting, and to convert superfluous
lands into the means of improving what they
retain, have ceded to us all the country between
the Wabash and the Ohio, south of, and including
the road from the rapids towards Vincennes,
for which they are to receive annuities in animals
and implements for agriculture, and in
other necessaries. This acquisition is important,
not only for its extent and fertility, but
as fronting three hundred miles on the Ohio,
and near half that on the Wabash. The produce
of the settled countries descending those
rivers will no longer pass in review of the Indian
frontier but in a small portion, and with
the cession heretofore made with the Kaskaskias,
nearly consolidates our possessions north
of the Ohio, in a very respectable breadth, from
Lake Erie to the Mississippi. The Piankeshaws
having some claim to the country ceded
by the Delawares, it has been thought best to
quiet that by fair purchase also.—
Fourth Annual Message. Washington ed. viii, 37. Ford ed., viii, 330.
(Nov. 1804)

8412. TERRITORY, Purchases of Indian.—[further continued] .

The northern [Indian] tribes have sold to us: the lands between the
Connecticut Reserve, and the former Indian
boundary; and those on the Ohio, from the
same boundary to the Rapids, and for a considerable
depth inland. The Chickasaws and Cherokees
have sold us their country between the
two districts of and adjacent to the two districts
of Tennessee, and the Creeks, the residue
of their lands in the fork of Ocmulgee, up to the
river which we expect is by this time ceded by
are important, inasmuch as they consolidate
disjointed parts of our settled country, and render
their intercourse secure; and the second
particularly so, as with the small point on the
river which we expect is by this time ceded by
the Piankeshaws, it completes our possession of
the whole of both banks of the Ohio, from its
source to near its mouth, and the navigation of
that river is thereby rendered forever safe to
our citizens settled and settling on its extensive
waters.—
Fifth Annual Message. Washington ed. viii, 52. Ford ed., viii, 394.
(Dec. 1805)

8413. TERRITORY, Republicanism and.—

The late chapter [478] of our history * * * furnishes a new proof of the falsehood of
Montesquieu's doctrine, that a republic can
be preserved only in a small territory. The
reverse is the truth. Had our territory been
even a third only of what it is, we were gone.
But while frenzy and delusion, like an epidemic,
gained certain parts, the residue remained
sound and untouched, and held on
till their brethren could recover from the
temporary delusion.—
To Nathaniel Niles. Washington ed. iv, 376. Ford ed., viii, 24.
(W. March. 1801)

8414. TERRITORY, Republicanism and.—[continued].

While smaller governments
are better adapted to the ordinary objects
of society, larger confederations more
effectually secure independence, and the pres
ervation of republican government.—
To the Rhode Island Assembly. Washington ed. iv, 397.
(W. May. 1801)

8415. TERRITORY, Republicanism and.—[further continued].

I have much confidence
that we shall proceed successfully for ages to
come, and that, contrary to the principle of
Montesquieu, it will be seen that the larger
the extent of country, the more firm its republican
structure, if founded, not on conquest,
but in principles of compact and equality.
My hope of its duration is built much on
the enlargement of the resources of life going
hand in hand with the enlargement of territory,
and the belief that men are disposed to
live honestly, if the means of doing so are
open to them.—
To M. de Marbois. Washington ed. vii, 77.
(M. 1817)

8416. TERRITORY, Seizure.—

I consider
war between France and England as
unavoidable. * * * In this conflict, our
neutrality will be cheaply purchased by a cession
of the island of New Orleans and the
Floridas; because taking part in the war, we
could so certainly seize and securely hold them
and more. And although it would be unwise
in us to let such an opportunity pass of obtaining
the necessary accession to our territory
even by force, if not obtainable otherwise,
yet it is infinitely more desirable to
obtain it with the blessing of neutrality rather
than the curse of war.—
To Governor Claiborne. Washington ed. iv, 487.
(W. May. 1803)

8417. TERRITORY, Seizure.—[continued].

You have thought it advisable
sooner to take possession of adjacent territories. But we know that they are ours
the first moment that any war is forced upon
us for other causes, that we are at hand to
anticipate their possession, if attempted by
any other power, and, in the meantime, we
are lengthening the term of our prosperity,
liberating our revenues, and increasing our
power.—
To General Armstrong. Washington ed. v, 433.
(W. March. 1809)

8418. TERRITORY, Spanish pretensions.—

I say nothing of the claims of Spain
to our territory north of the thirty-first degree,
and east of the Mississippi. They never
merited the respect of an answer [to Spain];
and * * * it has been admitted at Madrid
that they were not to be maintained.—
To William Carmichael. Washington ed. iii, 173. Ford ed., v, 217.
(N.Y., 1790)

8419. TESTS, Religious.—

The proscribing
any citizen as unworthy the public confidence,
by laying upon him an incapacity of
being called to offices of trust or emolument,
unless he profess or renounce this or that religious
opinion, is depriving him injudiciously
of those privileges and advantages, to which
in common with his fellow citizens, he has
a natural right.—
Statute of Religious Freedom. Ford ed., ii, 238.
(1779)

8420. TESTS, Religious.—[continued].

All men shall be free to profess, and by argument to maintain, their
opinion in matters of religion; and * * * the same shall in no wise diminish, enlarge,

or affect their civil capacities.—
Statute of Religious Freedom. Ford ed., ii, 239.
(1799)

— THANKSGIVING.—

See Fast Days.

8421. THEATRES, Utility of.—

I have
never expressed an objection to the part of
your plan relative to the theatre. The utility of
this in America is a great question on which I
may be allowed to have an opinion; but it is
not for me to decide on it, nor to object to the
proposal of establishing one at Richmond. The
only objection to your plan which I have ever
made, is that * * * I feared it was too extensive
for the poverty of the country. You
remove the objection by observing it is to
extend to several States. Whether professors
itinerant from one State to another may succeed,
I am unable to say, having never known
an experiment of it. The fear that these professors
may be disappointed in their expectations,
has determined me not to meddle in the
business at all.—
To M. de Quesnay. Washington ed. ii, 346.
(P. 1788)

8422. THEORY, Demolishing.—

Theories
are more easily demolished than rebuilt.—
To Rev. James Madison. Washington ed. ii, 430.
(P. 1788)

8423. THEORY, Imagination and.—

The
moment a person forms a theory, his imagination
sees, in every object, only the traits which
favor that theory.—
To Charles Thomson. Washington ed. ii, 276. Ford ed., iv, 447.
(P. 1787)

8424. THEORY, Victims of.—

Men come
into business at first with visionary principles.
It is practice alone which can correct and conform
them to the actual current of affairs. In
the meantime, those to whom their errors
were first applied have been their victims.—
To James Madison. Washington ed. ii, 408. Ford ed., v, 16.
(P. 1788)

8425. THIRD TERM, Age and.—

I owe
you much thankfulness for the favorable opinion
you entertain of my services, and the assurance
expressed that they would again be
acceptable in the Executive chair. But I was
sincere in stating age as one of the reasons
of my retirement from office, beginning then
to be conscious of its effects, and now much
more sensible of them. Senile inertness is
not what is to save our country; the conduct
of a war requires the vigor and enterprise of
younger heads. All such undertakings, therefore,
are out of the question with me, and I
say so with the greater satisfaction when I
contemplate the person to whom the Executive
powers were handed over.—
To Thomas C. Flournoy. Washington ed. vi, 82.
(M. Oct. 1812)

8426. THIRD TERM, Constitution and.—

Your approbation of the reasons which induced
me to retire from the honorable station
in which my countrymen had placed me, is
the proof of your devotion to the principles
of our Constitution. These are wisely opposed
to all perpetuations of power, and to
every practice which may lead to hereditary
establishments.—
Reply to Address. Washington ed. v, 473.
(M. 1809)

8427. THIRD TERM, Dangers of.—

My
opinion originally was that the President of
the United States should have been elected
for seven years, and forever ineligible afterwards.
I have since become sensible that
seven years is too long to be irremovable, and
that there should be a peaceable way of withdrawing
a man in midway who is doing
wrong. The service for eight years, with a
power to remove at the end of the first four,
comes nearly to my principle as corrected by
experience; and it is in adherence to that, that
I determine to withdraw at the end of my
second term. The danger is that the indulgence
and attachments of the people will keep
a man in the chair after he becomes a dotard,
that reelection through life shall become habitual,
and election for life follow that. General
Washington set the example of voluntary
retirement after eight years. I shall follow
it. And a few more precedents will oppose
the obstacle of habit to any one after awhile
who shall endeavor to extend his term. Perhaps
it may beget a disposition to establish it
by an amendment of the Constitution. I believe
I am doing right, therefore, in pursuing
my principle. I had determined to declare my
intention, but I have consented to be silent
on the opinion of friends, who think it best
not to put a continuance out of my power
in defiance of all circumstances. There is,
however, but one circumstance which could
engage my acquiescence in another election;
to wit, such a division about a successor, as
might bring in a monarchist. But that circumstance
is impossible.—
To John Taylor. Washington ed. iv, 565. Ford ed., viii, 339.
(W. Jan. 1805)

8428. THIRD TERM, Dangers of.—[continued].

If some period be not
fixed, either by the Constitution or by practice,
to the services of the First Magistrate, his
office, though nominally elective, will, in fact,
be for life; and that will soon degenerate into
an inheritance.—
To Mr. Weaver. Washington ed. v, 89.
(W. June. 1807)

8429. THIRD TERM, Dangers of.—[further continued].

That there are in our
country a great number of characters entirely
equal to the management of its affairs, cannot
be doubted. Many of them, indeed, have not
had opportunities of making themselves
known to their fellow citizens; but many have
had, and the only difficulty will be to choose
among them. These changes are necessary,
too, for the security of republican government.—
To Mr. Weaver. Washington ed. v, 89.
(W. June. 1807)

8430. THIRD TERM, Determination to refuse.—

Believing that a definite period of retiring from this station will tend materially
to secure our elective form of government;
and sensible, too, of that decline which advancing
years bring on, I have felt it a duty
to withdraw at the close of my present term of
office; and to strengthen by practice a principle
which I deem salutary.—
To Abner Watkins. Washington ed. viii, 125.
(W. Dec. 1807)

8431. THIRD TERM, Duty and.—

That I should lay down my charge at a proper season,
is as much a duty as to have borne it
faithfully.—
To Mr. Weaver. Washington ed. v, 88.
(W. June. 1807)

8432. THIRD TERM, Duty and.—[continued].

Having myself highly
approved the example of an illustrious

predecessor, in voluntarily retiring from a
trust, which, if too long continued in the same
hands, might become a subject of reasonable
uneasiness and apprehension, I could not
mistake my own duty when placed in a similar
situation.—
R. to A. Connecticut Republicans. Washington ed. viii, 140.
(1808)

8433. THIRD TERM, Irksome.—

At the end of my present term, of which two years
are yet to come, I propose to retire from public
life, and to close my days on my patrimony
of Monticello, in the bosom of my family.
I have hitherto enjoyed uniform health;
but the weight of public service begins to be
too heavy for me, and I long for the enjoyment
of rural life, among my books, my
farms and my family. Having performed my
quadragena stipendia, I am entitled to my
discharge, and should be sorry, indeed, that
others should be sooner sensible than myself
when I ought to ask it. I have, therefore,
requested my fellow citizens to think of
a successor for me, to whom I shall deliver
the public concerns with greater joy
than I received them. I have the consolation,
too, of having added nothing to my private
fortune, during my public service, and
of retiring with hands as clean as they are
empty.—
To Comte Diodati. Washington ed. v, 62.
(W. March. 1807)

8434. THIRD TERM, Jefferson urged to accept.—

I am panting for retirement, but
am as yet nearly two years from that goal.
The general solicitations I have received to
continue another term give me great consolation,
but considerations public as well as
private determine me inflexibly on that measure.—
To Marquis de Lafayette. Ford ed., ix, 67.
(W. May. 1807)

8435. THIRD TERM, Massachusetts and.—

I derive great personal consolation
from the assurances in your friendly letter,
that the electors of Massachusetts would still
have viewed me with favor as a candidate for
a third Presidential term. But the duty of
retirement is so strongly impressed on my
mind, that it is impossible for me to think of
that.—
To James Sullivan. Washington ed. v, 252.
(W. March. 1808)

8436. THIRD TERM, Opposed to.—

I am
for responsibilities at short periods, seeing
neither reason nor safety in making public
functionaries independent of the nation for
life, or even for long terms of years. On this
principle I prefer the Presidential term of
four years, to that of seven years, which I
myself had at first suggested, annexing to it,
however, ineligibility forever after; and I
wish it were now annexed to the second quadrennial
election of President.—
To James Martin. Washington ed. vi, 213. Ford ed., ix, 420.
(M. Sep. 1813)

8437. THIRD TERM, Physical decline and.—

My determination to retire is the result
of mature reflections, and on various considerations.
Not the least weighty of these
is that a consciousness that a decline of physical
faculties cannot leave those mental en
tirely unimpaired; and it will be happy for
me if I am the first who shall become sensible
of it. As to a successor, there never will be
a time when it will not produce some difficulty,
and never less, I believe, than at present.
That some of the federalists should prefer
my continuance to the uncertainty of a
successor, I can readily believe. There are
among them men of candor, who do not join
in the clamor and condemnation of everything,
nor pretend that even chance never
throws us on a right measure. There are
some who know me personally, and who give
a credit to my intentions, which they deny
to my understanding; some who may fear a
successor, preferring a military glory of a
nation to the prosperity and happiness of its
individuals. But to the mass of that political
sect, it is not the less true, the 4th of
March, 1809, will be a day of jubilee, but it
will be a day of greater joy to me. I never
did them an act of injustice, nor failed in
any duty to them imposed by my office.—
To William Short. Ford ed., ix, 50.
(W. May. 1807)

8438. THIRD TERM, Precedent against.—

The reeligibility of the President
for life [in the new Constitution], I quite disapproved.
* * * My fears of that feature
were founded on the importance of the office,
on the fierce contentions it might excite
among ourselves, if continuable for life, and
the dangers of interference, either with
money or arms, by foreign nations, to whom
the choice of an American President might
become interesting. Examples of this
abounded in history; in the case of the Roman
Emperors, for instance; of the Popes,
while of any significance; of the German Emperors;
the Kings of Poland and the Deys
of Barbary. I had observed, too, in the
Feudal history, and in the recent instance,
particularly, of the Stadtholder of Holland,
how easily offices, or tenures for life, slide
into inheritances. My wish, therefore, was,
that the President should be elected for seven
years, and be ineligible afterwards. This
term I thought sufficient to enable him, with
the concurrence of the Legislature, to carry
through and establish any system of improvement
he should propose for the general good.
But the practice adopted, I think is better,
allowing his continuance for eight years, with
a liability to be dropped at half way of the
term, making that a period of probation.
That his continuance should be restrained to
seven years, was the opinion of the Convention
at an earlier stage of its session, when
it voted that term, by a majority of eight
against two, and by a simple majority that
he should be ineligible a second time. This
opinion was confirmed by the House so late
as July 26, referred to the Committee of Detail,
reported favorably by them, and changed
to the present form by final vote, on the last
day but one only of their session. [479] Of this

change, three States expressed their disapprobation;
New York, by recommending on
amendment, that the President should not
be eligible a third time, and Virginia and
North Carolina that he should not be capable
of serving more than eight, in any term of
sixteen years; and although this amendment
has not been made in form, yet practice seems
to have established it. The example of four
Presidents voluntarily retiring at the end of
their eighth year, and the progress of public
opinion, that the principle is salutary, have
given it in practice the force of precedent
and usage; insomuch, that, should a President
consent to be a candidate for a third
election, I trust he would be rejected, on this
demonstration of ambitious views.—
Autobiography. Washington ed. i, 79. Ford ed., i, 109.
(1821)

8439. THIRD TERM, Retirement and.—

A retirement from the exercise of my present
charge is equally for your good and my own happiness.—
R. to A. Pennsylvania Citizens. Washington ed. v, 262.
(W. 1808)

8440. THIRD TERM, Rotation in office and.—

I am sensible of the kindness of your
rebuke on my determination to retire from
office at a time when our country is laboring
under difficulties truly great. But if the principle
of rotation be a sound one, as I conscientiously
believe it to be with respect to
this office, no pretext should ever be permitted
to dispense with it, because there never
will be a time when real difficulties will not
exist, and furnish a plausible pretext for dispensation.
You suppose I am “in the prime
of life for rule”. I am sensible I am not;
and before I am so far declined as to become
insensible of it, I think it right to put it out
of my own power. I have the comfort, too,
of knowing that the person whom the public
choice has designated to receive the charge
from me, is so eminently qualified as a safe
depositary by the endowments of integrity,
understanding, and experience. On a review,
therefore, of my reasons for retirement, I
think you cannot fail to approve them.—
To Henry Guest. Washington ed. v, 407.
(W. Jan. 1809)

8441. THIRD TERM, Rotation in office and.—[continued].

In no office can rotation
be more expedient; and none less admits the
indulgence of age.—
R. to A. Philadelphia Citizens. Washington ed. viii, 145.
(1809)

8442. THIRD TERM, Vermont and.—

I
received the address of the Legislature of
Vermont, bearing date the 5th of November,
1806, in which, with their approbation of the
general course of my administration, they
were so good as to express their desire that
I would consent to be proposed again, to the
public voice, on the expiration of my present
term of office. Entertaining, as I do, for the
Legislature of Vermont those sentiments of
high respect which would have prompted an
immediate answer, I was certain, nevertheless,
they would approve a delay which had for
its object to avoid a premature agitation of
the public mind, on a subject so interesting
as the election of the Chief Magistrate. That
I should lay down my charge at a proper
period, is as much a duty as to have borne
it faithfully. If some termination to the services
of the Chief Magistrate be not fixed by
the Constitution, or supplied by practice, his
office, nominally for years, will, in fact, become
for life; and history shows how easily
that degenerates into an inheritance. Believing
that a representative government, responsible
at short intervals of election, is that
which produces the greatest sum of happiness
to mankind, I feel it a duty to do no act
which shall essentially impair that principle;
and I should unwillingly be the person who,
disregarding the sound precedent set by an
illustrious predecessor, should furnish the
first example of prolongation beyond the
second term of office. Truth, also, requires
me to add, that I am sensible of that decline
which advancing years bring on; and feeling
their physical, I ought not to doubt their
mental effect. Happy if I am the first to
perceive and to obey this admonition of nature,
and to solicit a retreat from cares too
great for the wearied faculties of age.—
R. to A. Vermont Legislature. Washington ed. viii, 121.
(Dec. 1807)

— THRESHING MACHINE.—

See Inventions.

8443. TIFFIN (H. D.), Fidelity.—

I have
seen with the greatest satisfaction that among
those who have distinguished themselves by
their fidelity to their country, on the occasion
of the enterprise of Mr. Burr, yourself and the
Legislature of Ohio have been the most eminent.
The promptitude and energy displayed
by your State have been as honorable to itself
as salutary to its sister States; and in declaring
that you have deserved well of your country, I
do but express the grateful sentiment of every
faithful citizen in it. The hand of the people
has given the mortal blow to a conspiracy which,
in other countries, would have called for an
appeal to armies, and has proved that government
to be the strongest of which every man
feels himself a part. It is a happy illustration,
too, of the importance of preserving to the State
authorities all that vigor which the Constitution
foresaw would be necessary, not only for their
own safety, but for that of the whole.—
To Governor H. D. Tiffin. Washington ed. v, 37. Ford ed., ix, 21.
(W. 1807)

8444. TIME, Waste of.—

Determine never
to be idle. No person will have occasion to
complain of the want of time who never loses
any. It is wonderful how much may be done,
if we are always doing.—
To Martha Jefferson. Ford ed., iv, 387.
(March. 1787)

8445. TITLE, President's.—

The Senate
and Representatives differed about the title
of the President. The former wanted to
style him, “His Highness, George Washington,
President of the United States, and Protector
of Their Liberties”. The latter insisted,
and prevailed, to give no title but that
of office, to wit, “George Washington, President
of the United States”. I hope the terms
of Excellency, Honor, Worship, Esquire, forever
disappear from among us, from that
moment. I wish that of Mr. would follow
them.—
To William Carmichael. Washington ed. iii, 88.
(P. 1789)

8446. TITLE, President's.—[continued].

The President's title, as
proposed by the Senate, was the most superlatively
ridiculous thing I ever heard of.—
To James Madison. Ford ed., v, 104.
(P. 1789)

8447. TITLE, President's.—[further continued].

I will presume to suggest
to Mr. [John Quincy] Adams the question
whether he should not send back Onis's
letters in which he has the impudence to qualify
you by the term “His Excellency”? An
American gentleman in Europe can rank with
the first nobility because we have no titles
which stick him at any particular place in
their line. So the President of the United
States, under that designation ranks with the
emperors and kings; but add Mr. Onis's
courtesy of “His Excellency” and he is then
on a level with Mr. Onis himself, with the
governors of provinces, and even of every
petty fort in Europe, or the colonies.—
To President Monroe. Ford ed., x, 123.
(M. 1819)

8448. TITLES, Adulatory.—

The new
government has shown genuine dignity, in
my opinion, in exploding adulatory titles.
They are the offerings of abject baseness, and
nourish that degrading vice in the people.—
To James Madison. Washington ed. iii, 100. Ford ed., v, 112.
(P. 1789)

8449. TITLES, Granting.—

The Administrator
[of Virginia] shall not possess the
prerogative * * * of creating dignities or
granting rights of precedence.—
Proposed Va. Constitution. Ford ed., ii, 19.
(June. 1776)

8450. TITLES, Hereditary.—

[The proposed
new States] shall admit no person to be
a citizen, who holds any hereditary title.—
Western Territory Report. Ford ed., iii, 409.
(1784)

8451. TITLES, Hereditary.—[continued].

The clause respecting
hereditary honors was struck out, not from
an approbation of such honors, but because
it was thought an improper place to encounter
them.—
To James Madison. Ford ed., iii, 471.
(A. April. 1784)

8452. TOBACCO, Culture of.—

It is a culture
productive of infinite wretchedness. Those
employed in it are in a continual state of exertion
beyond the power of human nature to
support. Little food of any kind is raised by
them; so that the men and animals on these
farms are badly fed, and the earth is rapidly
impoverished.—
Notes on Virginia. Washington ed. viii, 407. Ford ed., iii, 271.
(1782)

8453. TOBACCO, Differential duties.—

The difference of duty on tobacco carried to
France in French and American bottoms, has
excited great uneasiness. We presume the
National Assembly must have been hurried into
the measure without being allowed time to
reflect on its consequences. A moment's consideration
must convince anybody, that no nation
upon earth ever submitted to so enormous
an assault on the transportation of their own
produce. Retaliation, to be equal, will have the
air of extreme severity and hostility.—
To M. La Motte. Washington ed. iii, 289.
(Pa., 1791)

8454. TOBACCO, Differential duties.—[continued].

I take for granted the
National Assembly were surprised into the mea
sure by persons whose avarice blinded them to
the consequences, and hope it will be repealed
before our legislature shall be obliged to act on
it. Such an attack on our carriage of our own
productions, and such a retaliation would illy
prepare the minds of the two nations for a liberal
treaty as wished for by the real friends of
both.—
To Joseph Fenwick. Ford ed., v, 380.
(Pa., 1791)

8455. TOBACCO, European use of.—

The
European nations can do well without all our
commodities except tobacco.—
To John Adams. Washington ed. i, 488.
(P. 1785)

8456. TOBACCO, Monopoly in France.—

I take the liberty of offering to your attention
some papers * * * written by * * * merchants of L'Orient, and others, some of
whom are citizens of the United States, and
all of them concerned in the trade between the
two countries. This has been carried on by an
exchange of the manufactures and produce of
France for the produce of the United States,
and principally for tobacco, which, though on
its arrival here, confined to a single purchaser,
has been received equally from all sellers. In
confidence of a continuance of this practice,
the merchants of both countries were carrying
on their commerce of exchange. A late contract
by the Farm has, in a great measure, fixed
in a single mercantile house the supplies of
tobacco wanted for this country. This arrangement
found the established merchants with
some tobacco on hand, some on the seas coming
to them, and more still due. By the papers now
enclosed, it seems that there are six thousand
four hundred and eight hogsheads in the single
port of L'Orient. Whether the government May
interfere, as to articles furnished by the merchants
after they had notice of the contract before
mentioned, must depend on principles of
policy. But those of justice seem to urge that,
for commodities furnished before such notice,
they should be so far protected, as that they
may wind up without loss, the transactions in
which the new arrangement found them actually
engaged.—
To Count de Vergennes. Washington ed. i, 547.
(P. 1786)

8457. TOBACCO, Monopoly in France.—[continued].

My hopes on that subject
(suppression of the monopoly in the purchase
of tobacco in France), are not desperate,
but neither are they flattering.—
To T. Pleasants. Washington ed. i, 563.
(P. 1786)

8458. TOBACCO, Monopoly in France.—[further continued].

My letters from New York inform me that * * * the monopoly
of the purchase of tobacco for France, which
had been obtained by Robert Morris, had
thrown the commerce of that article in agonies.
He had been able to reduce the price in America
from 40| to 22|6. lawful the hundred weight,
and all other merchants being deprived of that
medium of remittance, the commerce between
America and that country, so far as it depended
on that article, which was very capitally too,
was absolutely ceasing. An order has been obtained,
obliging the Farmers General to purchase
from such other merchants as shall offer
fifteen thousand hogsheads of tobacco at thirty-four,
thirty-six and thirty-eight livres the hundred,
according to the quality, and to grant to
the sellers in other respects the same terms as
they had granted to Robert Morris. As this
agreement with Morris is the basis of this order,
I send you some copies of it, which I will thank
you to give to any American (not British) merchants
in London who may be in that line. During
the year this contract has subsisted, Virginia
and Maryland have lost £400,000 by the

reduction of the price of their tobacco.—
To John Adams. Washington ed. i, 586. Ford ed., iv, 252.
(P. 1786)

8459. TOBACCO, Monopoly in France.—[further continued] .

During the former government
of France (the monarchy), our tobacco
was under a monopoly, but paid no duties.
* * * The first National Assembly * * * emancipated tobacco from its monopoly, but
subjected it to duties of eighteen livres, fifteen
sous the quintal, carried in their own vessels,
and five livres carried in ours—a difference
more than equal to the freight of the article.—
Foreign Commerce Report. Washington ed. vii, 640. Ford ed., vi, 474.
(Dec. 1793)

See Monopoly.

8460. TOBACCO, Oppressions by merchants.—

Long experience has proved to us
that there never was an instance of a man's
getting out of debt, who was once in the hands
of a tobacco merchant, and bound to consign his
tobacco to him. It is the most delusive of all
snares. The merchant feeds the inclination
of his customer to be credited till he gets the
burthen of debt so increased that he cannot
throw it off at once; he then begins to give
him less for his tobacco, and ends with giving
him what he pleases for it.—
To Mrs. Paradise. Ford ed., iv, 288.
(P. 1786)

8461. TOBACCO, Price of.—

I am offered
at Monticello four shillings above the present
market price. * * * You know I have an
established privilege of being considerably above
the market. * * * The quality of last year's
crop is inferior, but still mine preserving its
comparative superiority, stands on its usual
ground with respect to others.—
To James Brown. Ford ed., vii, 6.
(M. 1795)

8462. TOLERATION, Political.—

I feel
extraordinary gratification in addressing this
letter to you, with whom shades of difference
in political sentiment have not prevented the
interchange of good opinion, nor cut off the
friendly offices of society and good correspondence.
This political tolerance is the more
valued by me, who consider social harmony
as the first of human felicities, and the happiest
moments, those which are given to the
effusions of the heart.—
To Governor John Henry. Ford ed., iii, 159.
(P. 1797)

8463. TOLERATION, Political.—[continued].

During the contest of
opinion [Presidential election] through which
we have passed, the animation of discussion
and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect
which might impose on strangers, unused
to think freely, and to speak and to write
what they think; but, this being now decided
by the voice of the nation, announced, according
to the rules of the Constitution, all will,
of course, arrange themselves under the will
of the law, and unite in common efforts for
the common good. All, too, will bear in mind
this sacred principle, that, though the will
of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that
will, to be rightful, must be reasonable; that
the minority possess their equal rights, which
equal laws must protect, and to violate which
would be oppression. Let us, then, fellow-citizens,
unite with one heart and one mind;
let us restore to social intercourse that harmony
and affection without which liberty and
even life itself are but dreary things. And let
us reflect, that, having banished from our land
that religious intolerance under which man
kind so long bled and suffered, we have yet
gained little, if we countenance a political intolerance
as despotic, as wicked, and capable
of as bitter and bloody persecutions. During
the throes and convulsions of the ancient
world; during the agonizing spasms of infuriated,
man, seeking, through blood and
slaughter, his long-lost liberty, it was not
wonderful that the agitation of the billows
should reach even this distant and peaceful
shore; that this should be more felt and
feared by some, and less by others; that this
should divide opinions as to measures of
safety. But every difference of opinion is not
a difference of principle. We have called by
different names brethren of the same principle.
We are all republicans; we are all federalists.
If there be any among us who
would wish to dissolve this Union, or to
change its republican form, let them stand,
undisturbed, as monuments of the safety with
which error of opinion may be tolerated
where reason is left free to combat it. * * * Let us, then, with courage and confidence,
pursue our own federal and republican principles—our attachment to our Union and
representative government.—
First Inaugural Address. Washington ed. viii, 2. Ford ed., viii, 2.
(1801)

8464. TONTINE, Raising money by.—

The raising money by Tontine, more practiced
on the continent of Europe than in England, is
liable to the same objection [as funding], of
encroachment on the independent rights of
posterity; because the annuities not expiring
gradually, with the lives on which they rest,
but all on the death of the last survivor only,
they will, of course, overpass the term of a
generation, and the more probably as the subjects
on whose lives the annuities depend, are
generally chosen of the ages, constitutions, and
occupations most favorable to long life.—
To J. W. Eppes. Washington ed. vi, 197. Ford ed., ix, 397.
(P.F.,,
18131813)gt;

8465. TORIES, Confederacy and.—

The
tories would, at all times, have been glad to
see the confederacy dissolved, even by particles
at a time, in hopes of their attaching
themselves again to Great Britain.—
Answers to M. de Meunier. Washington ed. ix, 251. Ford ed., iv, 156.
(P. 1786)

8466. TORIES, Definition of.—

A tory
has been properly defined to be a traitor in
thought, but not in deed. The only description
by which the laws have endeavored to
come at them, was that of non-jurors, or persons
refusing to take the oath of fidelity to
the State.—
Notes on Virginia. Washington ed. viii, 396. Ford ed., iii, 260.
(1782)

8467. TORIES, Nature and.—

Nature has
made some men monarchists and tories by
their constitution, and some, of course, there
always will be.—
To Albert Gallatin. Washington ed. vii, 80. Ford ed., x, 92.
(M. 1817)

8468. TORIES, Taxation of.—

Persons of
this description were at one time subjected
to double taxation, at another to treble, and
lastly were allowed retribution, and placed on
a level with good citizens.—
Notes on Virginia. Washington ed. viii, 396. Ford ed., iii, 260.
(1782)

8469. TORIES, Whigs and.—

It has ever appeared to me, that the difference between
the whig and the tory of England is, that the
whig deduces his rights from the Anglo-Saxon
source, and the tory from the Norman.—
To John Cartwright. Washington ed. vii, 356.
(M. 1824)

8470. TORPEDOES, Defensive value.—

I consider your torpedoes as very valuable
means of the defence of harbors, and have no
doubt that we should adopt them to a considerable
degree. Not that I go the whole length
(as I believe you do) of considering them as
solely to be relied on. Neither a nation nor
those entrusted with its affairs, could be justifiable,
however sanguine its expectations, in
trusting solely to an engine not yet sufficiently
tried, under all the circumstances which May
occur, and against which we know not as yet
what means of parrying may be devised. If,
indeed, the mode of attaching them to the cable
of a ship be the only one proposed, modes of
prevention cannot be difficult. But I have ever
looked to the submarine boat as most to be depended
on for attaching them, and though I
see no mention of it in your letter, or your publications,
I am in hopes it is not abandoned as
impracticable. I should wish to see a corps of
young men trained to this service. It would
belong to the engineers if at hand, but being
nautical, I suppose we must have a corps of
naval engineers, to practice and use them.—
To Robert Fulton. Washington ed. v, 165. Ford ed., ix, 125.
(M. Aug. 1807)

8471. TORPEDOES, Defensive value.—[continued].

Although no public servant
could justify the risking the safety of an
important seaport, solely on untried means of
defence, yet I have great confidence in those
proposed by you as additional to the ordinary
means.—
To Robert Fulton. Washington ed. v, 341.
(M. Aug. 1808)

8472. TORPEDOES, Experiments with.—

Mr. Fulton writes to me under a great desire
to prepare a decisive experiment of his
torpedo at Washington, for the meeting of
Congress. This means of harbor-defence has
acquired such respectability, from its apparent
merit, from the attention shown it by other
nations, and from our own experiments at New
York, as to entitle it to a full experiment from
us. He asks only two workmen for one month
from us, which he estimates at $130 only. But
should it cost considerably more I should really
be for granting it, and would accordingly recommend
it to you. This sum is a mere trifle as an
encroachment on our appropriation.—
To Robert Smith. Washington ed. v, 337.
(M. Aug. 1808)

8473. TORPEDOES, Success of.—

Your
torpedoes will be to cities what vaccination has
been to mankind. It extinguishes their greatest
danger.—
To Robert Fulton. Washington ed. v, 517.
(M. 1810)

8474. TORTURE, Forbidden.—

The General
Assembly shall not have power to * * * prescribe torture in any case whatever. [480] —
Proposed Va. Constitution. Washington ed. viii, 445. Ford ed., iii, 325.
(1783)

8475. TORTURE, In France.—

Nor
should we wonder at * * * [the] pressure
[for a fixed constitution in 1788-9] when we
consider the monstrous abuses of power under
which * * * [the French] people were
ground to powder; when we pass in review
* * * the atrocities of the rack.—
Autobiography. Washington ed. i, 86. Ford ed., i, 118.
(1821)

8476. TOULOUSE (Archbishop of), Character of.—

The Archbishop of Toulouse is made minister principal, a virtuous, patriotic,
and able character.—
To John Adams. Washington ed. ii, 258.
(P. 1787)

8477. TOULOUSE (Archbishop of), Garde des sceaux and.—

The Garde des
sceaux is considered as the Archbishop of
Toulouse's bull dog, braving danger like that
animal. His talents do not pass mediocrity.—
To James Madison. Washington ed. ii, 444. Ford ed., v, 43.
(P. 1788)

8478. TOULOUSE (Archbishop of), Influence with Queen.—

It may not be uninstructive
to give you the origin and nature of
his influence with the Queen [Marie Antoinette].
When the Duke de Choiseul proposed
the marriage of the Dauphin with this lady,
he thought it proper to send a person to Vienna
to perfect her in the language. He asked his
friend, the Archbishop of Toulouse, to recommend
to him a proper person. He recommended
a certain abbé. The abbé, from his first
arrival in Vienna, either tutored by his patron,
or prompted by gratitude, impressed on the
Queen's mind the exalted talents and merit of
the Archbishop, and continually represented him
as the only man fit to be placed at the helm of
affairs. On his return to Paris. being retained
near the person of the Queen, he kept him constantly
in her view. The Archbishop was
named of the Assemblée des Notables, had occasion
enough there to prove his talents, and
Count de Vergennes, his great enemy, dying
opportunely, the Queen got him into place. He
uses the abbé even yet for instilling all his notions
into her mind.—
To John Jay. Washington ed. ii, 310. Ford ed., iv, 463.
(P. 1787)

8479. TOULOUSE (Archbishop of), Influence with Queen.—[continued].

The Archbishop continues
well with his patroness [Marie Antoinette].
Her object is a close connection with
her brother. I suppose he convinces her that
peace will furnish the best occasion of cementing
that connection.—
To John Jay. Washington ed. ii, 310. Ford ed., iv, 463.
(P. 1787)

8480. TOULOUSE (Archbishop of), Minister.—

The Archbishop of Toulouse
* * * is a good and patriotic minister for
peace, and very capable in the department of
finance. At least he is so in theory. I have
heard his talents for execution censured.—
To John Jay. Washington ed. ii, 294.
(P. 1787)

8481. TOULOUSE (Archbishop of), Talents.—

That he has imposing talents, and
patriotic dispositions, I think is certain. Good
judges think him a theorist only, little acquainted
with the details of business, and spoiling all
his plans by a bungled execution.—
To John Jay. Washington ed. ii, 310. Ford ed., iv, 464.
(P. 1787)

— TOWNS.—

See Ward Government.

8482. TRACY (Comte de), Books of.—

Destutt Tracy is, in my judgment, the ablest
living writer on intellectual subjects, or the
operations of the understanding. His three
octavo volumes on Ideology, which constitute
the foundation of what he has since written, I
have not entirely read; because I am not fond
of reading what is merely abstract, and unapplied
immediately to some useful science.
Bonaparte, with his repeated derisions of Ideologists
(squinting at this author), has by this

time felt that true wisdom does not lie in mere
practice without principle. The next work
Tracy wrote was the “Commentary on Montesquieu ”, never published in the original, because
not safe; but translated and published in Philadelphia,
yet without the author's name. He
has since permitted his name to be mentioned.
Although called a commentary, it is, in truth, an
elementary work on the principles of government,
comprised in about three hundred pages
octavo. He has lately published a third work,
on “Political Economy”, comprising the whole
subject within about the same compass; in
which all its principles are demonstrated with
the severity of Euclid, and, like him, without
ever using a superfluous word. I have procured
this to be translated, and have been four years
endeavoring to get it printed; but as yet, without
success. In the meantime, the author has
published the original in France, which he
thought unsafe while Bonaparte was in power.
* * * He has his fourth and last work now
in the press at Paris, closing as he conceives, the
circle of metaphysical sciences. This work,
which is on ethics, I have not seen, but suspect
I shall differ from it in its foundation, although
not in its deductions. I gather from his other
works that he adopts the principle of Hobbes,
that justice is founded in contract solely, and
does not result from the construction of man.—
To John Adams. Washington ed. vii, 38.
(M. 1816)

8483. TRACY (Comte de), Books of.—[continued].

Tracy comprehends under the word “Ideology” all the subjects which the
French term Morale, as the correlation to Physique.
His works on Logic, Government, Political
Economy and Morality, he considers as making
up the circle of ideological subjects, or of
those which are within the scope of the understanding,
and not of the senses. His Logic
occupies exactly the ground of Locke's work on
the Understanding. The translation of that on
Political Economy is now printing; but it is
no translation of mine. I have only had the
correction of it, which was, indeed, very laborious.
Le premier jet having been by some
one who understood neither French nor English,
it was impossible to make it more than faithful.
But it is a valuable work.—
To John Adams. Washington ed. vii, 55. Ford ed., x, 72.
(M. 1817)

8484. TRACY (Comte de), Infirmity of.—

The Tracy I mentioned to you is the one
connected by marriage with Lafayette's family.
* * * He writes me that he is become blind,
and so infirm that he is no longer able to compose
anything; so that we are to consider his
works as now closed.—
To John Adams. Washington ed. vii, 43.
(M. 1816)

8485. TRADE, Carrying.—

I think it essential
to exclude the English from the carriage
of American produce.—
To James Monroe. Ford ed., iv, 41.
(P. 1785)

See Carrying Trade, Commerce, Markets, Navigation and Ships.

8486. TRADE, Destroying.—

He [George
III.] has endeavored to pervert the exercise
of the kingly office in Virginia into a detestable
and insupportable tyranny * * * by
combining with others to subject us to a foreign
jurisdiction, giving his assent to their
pretended acts of legislation * * * for
cutting off our trade with all parts of the
world.—
Proposed Va. Constitution. Ford ed., ii, 10.
(June. 1776)

8487. TRADE, Destroying.—[continued].

He has combined, with
others, * * * for cutting off our trade
with all parts of the world.—
Declaration of Independence as Drawn by Jefferson.

8488. TRADE, Monopolizing.—

It is not
just that the colonies should be required to
oblige themselves to other contributions
while Great Britain possesses a monopoly of
their trade. This of itself lays them under
heavy contribution. To demand, therefore, an
additional contribution in the form of a tax
is to demand the double of their equal proportion.
If we contribute equally with other
parts of the empire, let us, equally with them,
enjoy free commerce with the whole world;
but while the restrictions on our trade shut
to us the resources of wealth, is it just, we
should bear all other burdens equally with
those to whom every resource is open?—
Reply to Lord North's Proposition. Ford ed., i, 479.
(July. 1775)

8489. TRADE, Restraining.—

The proposition
[of Lord North] is altogether unsatisfactory
* * * because it does not propose
to repeal the several acts of Parliament,
passed for the purposes of restraining the
trade * * * of the Eastern colonies.—
Reply to Lord North's Proposition. Ford ed., i, 480.
(July. 1775)

8490. TRADE, Restrictions on.—

Some
of the colonies having thought proper to continue
the administration of their government
in the name and under the authority of his
Majesty, King Charles I. whom, notwithstanding
his late deposition by the Commonwealth
of England, they continued in the
sovereignty of their State, the Parliament for
the Commonwealth, took the same in high
offence, and assumed upon themselves the
power of prohibiting their trade with all other
parts of the world, except the Island of Great
Britain. This arbitrary act, however, they
soon recalled, and by solemn treaty entered
into on the 12th day of March, 1651, between
the said Commonwealth, by their Commissioners,
and the Colony of Virginia by their
House of Burgesses, it was expressly stipulated
by the eighth article of the said treaty,
that they should have “free trade as the people
of England do enjoy to all places and with
all nations, according to the laws of that
Commonwealth”. But * * * upon the
restoration of his Majesty, King Charles II.,
their rights of free commerce fell once more
a victim to arbitrary power; and by several
acts of his reign, as well as of some of his
successors, the trade of the Colonies was laid
under such restructions, as show what hopes
they might form from the justice of a British
Parliament, were its uncontrolled power admitted
over these States.—
Rights of British America. Washington ed. i, 127. Ford ed., i, 432.
(1774)

8491. TRADE, Restrictions on.—[continued].

We cannot, my lord,
close with the terms of that resolution [Lord
North's conciliatory Proposition] because on
our agreeing to contribute our proportion towards
the common defence, they do not propose
to lay open to us a free trade with all
the world: whereas, to us it appears just that
those who bear equally the burdens of government
should equally participate of its benefits;

either be contented with the monopoly of our trade, which brings greater loss to us
and benefit to them than the amount of our
proportional contributions to the common defence;
or, if the latter be preferred, relinquish
the former, and not propose, by holding both,
to exact from us double contributions.—
Address to Lord Dunmore. Ford ed., i, 457.
(R. 1775)

8492. TRADE, Right to.—

No man has a
natural right to the trade of a money lender
but he who has the money to lend.—
To J. W. Eppes. Washington ed. vi, 141. Ford ed., ix, 394.
(M. 1813)

8493. TRADE MARKS, Recommended.—

The Secretary of State, to whom was referred
by the House of Representatives the petition
of Samuel Breck and others, proprietors
of a sail-cloth manufactory in Boston, praying
that they may have the exclusive privilege of
using particular marks for designating the sail-cloth
of their manufactory, has had the same
under consideration, and thereupon reports:
That it would, in his opinion, contribute to fidelity
in the execution of manufactures, to secure
to every manufactory an exclusive right to
some mark on its wares, proper to itself.
This should be done by general laws, extending
equal right to every case to which the authority
of the Legislature should be competent. These
cases are of divided jurisdiction: Manufactures
made and consumed within a State being
subject to State legislation, while those which
are exported to foreign nations, or to another
State, or into the Indian Territory, are alone
within the legislation of the General Government.
That it will, therefore, be reasonable
for the General Government to provide in this
behalf by law for those cases of manufacture
generally, and those only which relate to commerce
with foreign nations, and among the several
States, and with the Indian tribes. This
may be done by permitting the owner of every
manufactory, to enter in the records of the court
of the district wherein his manufactory is, the
name with which he chooses to mark or designate
his wares, and rendering it penal in others
to put the same mark to any other wares.—
Report on Trade Marks. Washington ed. vii, 563.
( Dec. 1791)

8494. TRANQUILLITY, Basis of.—

Tranquillity of mind depends much on ourselves,
and greatly on due reflection “how much
pain have cost us the evils which have never
happened”.—
To William Short. Washington ed. vi, 402.
(M. 1814)

8495. TRANQUILLITY, Love of.—

I
cherish tranquillity too much to suffer political
things to enter my mind at all.—
To President Washington. Washington ed. iv, 106. Ford ed., vi, 510.
(M. May. 1794)

8496. TRANQUILLITY, National.—

That love of order and obedience to the laws,
which so remarkably characterize the citizens
of the United States, are sure pledges of internal
tranquillity.—
To Benjamin Waring. Washington ed. iv, 378.
(W. 1801)

8497. TRANQUILLITY, Old age and.—

Tranquillity is the old man's milk. I go to
enjoy it in a few days, and to exchange the roar
and tumult of bulls and bears, for the prattle of
my grandchildren and senile rest.—
To Edward Rutledge. Washington ed. iv, 191. Ford ed., vii, 155.
(Pa., 17971797)gt;

8498. TRANQUILLITY, Old age and.—

——. My object at present is
peace and tranquillity, neither doing nor saying
anything to be quoted, or to make me the subject
of newspaper disquisitions.—
To David Howell. Washington ed. v, 554.
(M. 1810)

8499. TRANQUILLITY, Old age and.—[further continued].

The summum bonum with me is now truly epicurean, ease of body
and tranquillity of mind.—
To John Adams. Washington ed. vi, 143.
(M. 1813)

8500. TRANQUILLITY, Old age and.—[further continued] .

Tranquillity is the summum
bonum of age. I wish, therefore, to offend
no man's opinion, nor to draw disquieting
animadversions on my own. While duty required
it, I met opposition with a firm and fearless
step. But loving mankind in my individual
relations with them, I pray to be permitted
to depart in their peace; and like the superannuated
soldier, “quadragenis stipendiis emeritis ”, to hang my arms on the post.—
To Spencer Roane. Washington ed. vii, 136. Ford ed., x, 142.
(P.F.,,
18191819)gt;

8501. TRANQUILLITY, Old age and.—[further continued].

There is a time for
things; for advancing and for retiring; for a
Sabbath of rest as well as for days of labor, and
surely that Sabbath has arrived for one near
entering on his 80th year. Tranquillity is the
summum bonum of that age. I wish now for
quiet, to withdraw from the broils of the world,
to soothe the enmities, and to die in the peace
and good will of all mankind.—
To Archibald Thweat. Ford ed., x, 185.
(M. 1821)

8502. TRANQUILLITY, Old age and.—[further continued] .

Tranquillity is the last
and sweetest asylum of age.—
To Spencer Roane. Washington ed. vii, 211. Ford ed., x, 188.
(M. 1821)

8503. TRANQUILLITY, Old age and.—[further continued].

At the age of eighty,
tranquillity is the greatest good of life, and the
strongest of our desires that of dying in the
good will of all mankind.—
To James Smith. Washington ed. vii, 270.
(M. 1822)

— TRANSMIGRATION OF SOULS.—

See Souls, Transmigration of.

8504. TRAVEL, Advice as to.—

The people
you will naturally see the most of will be
tavern keepers, valets de place, and postillions.
These are the hackneyed rascals of every country.
Of course they must never be considered
when we calculate the national character.—
Travelling Hints. Washington ed. ix, 404.
(1788)

8505. TRAVEL, Advice as to.—[continued].

To pass once along a public road through a country, and in one direction
only, to put up at its tavern, and get into
conversation with the idle, drunken individuals
who pass their time lounging in these taverns,
is not the way to know a country, its inhabitants,
or manners.—
To Professor Ebeling. Ford ed., vii, 45.
(1795)

8506. TRAVEL, Philanthropy and.—

From the first olive fields of Pierrelatte to the
orangeries of Hières, has been continued rapture
to me. I have often wished for you [Lafayette].
I think you have not made this journey.
It is a pleasure you have to come, and
an improvement to be added to the many you
have already made. It will be a great comfort
to you to know, from your own inspection, the
condition of all the provinces of your own country,
and it will be interesting to them, at some
future day, to be known to you. This is, perhaps,
the only moment of your life in which
you can acquire that knowledge. And to do it
most effectually, you must be absolutely incognito;
you must ferret the people out of their
hovels as I have done, look into their kettles.

eat their bread, loll on their beds under pretense
of resting yourself, but in fact to find if
they are soft. You will feel a sublime pleasure
in the course of this investigation, and a sublimer
one hereafter, when you shall be able to
apply your knowledge to the softening of their
beds, or the throwing a morsel of meat into their
kettle of vegetables.—
To Marquis de Lafayette. Washington ed. ii, 136.
(Ne. 1787)

8507. TRAVEL, Philanthropy and.—[continued].

I am never satiated with rambling through the fields and farms [in
France], examining the culture and cultivators,
with a degree of curiosity which makes some
take me to be a fool, and others to be much
wiser than I am.—
To Marquis de Lafayette. Washington ed. ii, 135.
(Ne. 1787)

8508. TRAVEL, Philanthropy and.—[further continued].

The politics of each
country [is] well worth studying so far as
respects internal affairs. Examine its influence
on the happiness of the people. Take every
possible occasion for entering into the houses of
the laborers, and especially at the moments of
their repast; see what they eat, how they are
clothed, whether they are obliged to work too
hard; whether the government or their landlord
takes from them an unjust proportion of
their labor; on what footing stands the property
they call their own, their personal liberty,
&c., &c.—
Travelling Hints. Washington ed. ix, 405.
(1788)

8509. TRAVEL, Reflection during.—

I think one travels more usefully when alone, because
he reflects more.—
To J. Bannister, Jr. Washington ed. ii, 151.
(P. 1787)

8510. TRAVEL, Tours of political.—

With respect to the tour my friends to the north
have proposed that I should make in that quarter,
I have not made up a final opinion. The
course of life which General Washington had
run, civil and military, the services he had rendered,
and the space he therefore occupied in
the affections of his fellow citizens, take from
his examples the weight of precedents for others;
because no others can arrogate to themselves
the claims which he had on the public
homage. To myself, therefore, it comes as a
new question, to be viewed under all the phases
it may present. I confess that I am not reconciled
to the idea of a Chief Magistrate parading
himself through the several States, as an object
of public gaze, and in quest of applause
which, to be valuable, should be purely voluntary.
I had rather acquire silent good will by
a faithful discharge of my duties, than owe
expressions of it to my putting myself in the
way of receiving them.—
To James Sullivan. Washington ed. v, 101. Ford ed., ix, 77.
(W. June. 1807)

8511. TRAVEL, Tours of political.—[continued].

A journey to Boston or
Portsmouth, after I shall be a private citizen,
would much better harmonize with my feelings,
as well as duties; and, founded in curiosity,
would give no claims to an extension of it. I
should see my friends, too, more at our mutual
ease, and be left more exclusively to their society.—
To James Sullivan. Washington ed. v, 102. Ford ed., ix, 78.
(W. June. 1807)

8512. TRAVEL, Wisdom, happiness and.—

Travelling makes men wiser, but less
happy. When men of sober age travel, they
gather knowledge, which they may apply usefully
for their country; but they are subject
ever after to recollections mixed with regret;
their affections are weakened by being extended
over more objects; and they learn new habits
which cannot be gratified when they return
home.—
To Peter Carr. Washington ed. ii, 241. Ford ed., iv, 432.
(P. 1787)

8513. TRAVEL, Young men and.—

Young men, who travel, * * * do not acquire
that wisdom for which a previous foundation
is requisite, by repeated and just observations
at home. The glare of pomp and pleasure
is analogous to the motion of the blood; it
absorbs all their affection and attention, and
they are torn from it as from the only good in
this world, and return to their home as to a
place of exile and condemnation. Their eyes
are forever turned back to the object they have
lost, and its recollection poisons the residue of
their lives. * * * A habit of idleness, an
inability to apply themselves to business is
acquired, and renders them useless to themselves
and their country. These observations
are founded in experience. There is no place
where your pursuit of knowledge will be so little
obstructed by foreign objects as in your own
country, nor any, wherein the virtues of the
heart will be less exposed to be weakened. Be
good, be learned, and be industrious, and you
will not want the aid of travelling to render
you precious to your country, dear to your
friends, happy within yourself.—
To Peter Carr. Washington ed. ii, 241. Ford ed., iv, 433.
(P. 1787)

8514. TRAVELERS, Entertaining.—

It
is the general interest of our country that
strangers of distinction passing through it,
should be made acquainted with its best citizens,
and those most qualified to give favorable impressions
of it.—
To Mr. Hite. Washington ed. iv, 146.
(M. 1796)

8515. TREASON, Executions for.—

It
may be mentioned as a proof, both of the
lenity of our government, and unanimity of
its inhabitants, that though this [Revolutionary] war has now raged near seven years, not
a single execution for treason has taken place.—
Notes on Virginia. Washington ed. viii, 396. Ford ed., iii, 260.
(1782)

8516. TREASON, Patriotism vs.—

Treason,
when real, merits the highest punishment.
But most codes extend their definitions
of treason to acts not really against
one's country. They do not distinguish between
acts against the government, and acts
against the oppressions of the government.
The latter are virtues; yet have furnished
more victims to the executioner than the
former. Real treasons are rare; oppressions
frequent. The unsuccessful strugglers against
tyranny have been the chief martyrs of treason
laws in all countries. Reformation of
government with our neighbors [481] [being] as
much wanting now as reformation of religion
is, or ever was anywhere, we should not wish
then to give up to the executioner the patriot
who fails, and flees to us.—
Report on Spanish Convention. Washington ed. iii, 353. Ford ed., v, 483.
(1792)

8517. TREASON, Punishment for.—

Treasons, taking the simulated with the real,
are sufficiently punished by exile.—
Report on Spanish Convention. Washington ed. iii, 353. Ford ed., v, 483.
(1792)

8518. TREASON, Security against.—

The framers of our Constitution certainly
supposed they had guarded, as well their government
against destruction by treason, as
their citizens against oppression, under pretence

of it; and if these ends are not attained,
it is of importance to enquire by what
means, more effectual, they may be secured.—
Seventh Annual Message. Washington ed. viii, 88. Ford ed., ix, 164.
(1807)

8519. TREASON, Suspected.—

Having
received information that divers citizens of this
Commonwealth [Virginia], in the counties of
James and York, have lately committed acts
some of which amount to high treason and others
to misprision of treason; and that some,
though they may have been able to disguise
and conceal their transactions as that legal evidence
cannot be obtained by which they may be
subjected to prosecution, * * * yet have so
conducted themselves as to furnish the most
pregnant circumstances of suspicion that they
have been guilty of those offences, or are disaffected
to the Independence of the United States,
and will, whenever they shall have opportunity,
aid or advise the measures of the public enemy,
which persons, in the critical situation of this
Commonwealth, it is indispensably necessary to
punish for their crimes by way of example to
others and to disable from doing mischief; I
must, therefore, * * * desire and authorize
you to make enquiry into the premises, and
where you shall have probable cause to believe
that any persons have been guilty of treason, or
misprision of treason; that there is legal evidence
to commit them thereof; and that an examining
court can be had on them in the county
where the offence was committed before there
shall be any danger of rescue by the enemy, you
have them delivered to the warrant of a justice
of the peace, in order that they may be
prosecuted in the usual forms of law; and that
you aid in their safe conveyance to the public
jail in Richmond, if they be ordered to be conveyed.
But where you shall be of opinion that
legal evidence cannot be obtained, that an examining
court cannot be procured in the county
before there will be danger of a rescue by the
enemy, and that there are pregnant circumstances
of suspicion that they have been guilty
of the offences of treason or misprision of treason,
or where there shall be pregnant causes of
suspicion that persons in these counties are disaffected
to the Independence of the United
States; and when occasion serves, aid or advise
the operations of the enemy; that in those cases,
you apprehend such persons, and send them in
safe custody to the jail of Richmond county.
* * * They shall be treated by those into
whose hands they shall be committed with no
insult or rudeness unnecessary for their safe
custody.—
To Colonel James Innes. Ford ed., iii, 27.
(R. May. 1781)

8520. TREASURY, Conduct of.—

There
is a point * * * on which I should wish
to keep my eye, and to which I should aim
to approach by every tack which previous arrangements
force upon us. That is, to form
into one consolidated mass all the moneys received
into the treasury, and to the several
expenditures, giving them a preference of
payment according to the order in which they
should be arranged. As for example. 1. The
interest of the public debt. 2. Such portions
of the principal as are exigible. 3. The
expenses of government. 4. Such other portions
of principal as, though not exigible, we
are still free to pay when we please. The
last object might be made to take up the residuum
of money remaining in the treasury at
the end of every year, after the three first
objects were complied with, and would be the
barometer whereby to test the economy of the
administration. It would furnish a simple
measure by which every one could mete their
merit, and by which every one could decide
when taxes were deficient or superabundant.—
To Albert Gallatin. Washington ed. iv, 428. Ford ed., viii, 140.
(W. 1802)

8521. TREASURY, Hamilton and.—

This constellation of great men in the Treasury
department was of a piece with the rest
of Hamilton's plans. He took his own stand
as a lieutenant general, surrounded by his
major generals, and stationed his brigadiers
and colonels under the name of supervisors,
inspectors, &c., in the different States. Let
us deserve well of our country by making her
interests the end of all our plans, and not
our own pomp, patronage, and irresponsibility.—
To Albert Gallatin. Washington ed. iv, 429. Ford ed., viii, 141.
(W. 1802)

8522. TREASURY, Necessity for.—

Every circumstance we hear induces us to
believe that it is the want of will, rather than
of ability, to furnish contributions which
keeps the public treasury so poor. The Algerines
will probably do us the favor to produce
a sense of the necessity of a public treasury
and a public force on that element where
it can never be dangerous.—
To David Humphreys. Washington ed. ii, 10.
(P. 1786)

8523. TREASURY, Organization of.—

We shall now get rid of the commissioner of the internal revenue, and superintendent of
stamps. It remains to amalgamate the comptroller
and auditor into one, and reduce the
register to a clerk of accounts; and then the
organization will consist, as it should at first,
of a keeper of money, a keeper of accounts,
and the head of the department.—
To Albert Gallatin. Washington ed. iv, 429. Ford ed., viii, 141.
(W. 1802)

— TREASURY, Patronage.—

See Postoffice.

8524. TREASURY, Separate department.—

The act of September 2d, 1789, establishing
a Department of Treasury, should
be so amended as to constitute the office of
the Treasurer of the United States a separate
department, independent of the Secretary of
the Treasury.—
Giles Treasury Resolutions. Ford ed., vi, 171.
(1793)

— TREASURY NOTES.—

See National
Currency.

8525. TREATIES, Binding force of.—

The moral duties which exist between individual
and individual in a state of nature,
accompany them into a state of society,
and the aggregate of the duties of all the individuals
composing the society constitutes
the duties of that society towards any other;
so that between society and society the same
moral duties exist as did between the individuals
composing them, while in an unassociated
state, and their Maker not having
released them from those duties on their

forming themselves into a nation.—
Opinion on French Treaties. Washington ed. vii, 613. Ford ed., vi, 220.
(
1793)

8526. TREATIES, Binding force of.—[continued].

Compacts between nation
and nation are obligatory on them by the
same moral law which obliges individuals to
observe their compacts. There are circumstances,
however, which sometimes excuse the
non-performance of contracts between man
and man; so are there also between nation
and nation. When performance, for instance,
becomes impossible, non-performance is not
immoral. So if performance becomes self-destructive
to the party, the law of self-preservation
overrules the laws of obligation in
others. For the reality of these principles I
appeal to the true fountains of evidence, the
head and heart of every rational and honest
man. It is there nature has written her moral
laws, and where every man may read them
for himself. He will never read there the
permission to annul his obligations for a time,
or forever, whenever they become “ dangerous,
useless, or disagreeable”, certainly not
when merely useless or disagreeable, as seems
to be said in an authority which has been
quoted, [482] Vattel. 2. 197, and though he may,
under certain degrees of danger, yet the
danger must be imminent, and the degree
great. Of these, it is true, that nations are to
be judges for themselves; since no nation has
a right to sit in judgment over another. But
the tribunal of our consciences remains, and
that also of the opinion of the world. These
will revise the sentence we pass in our own
case, and as we respect these, we must see
that in judging ourselves we have honestly
done the part of impartial and rigorous
judges.—
Opinion on French Treaties. Washington ed. vii, 613. Ford ed., vi, 220.
(1793)

8527. TREATIES, Binding force of.—[further continued].

It is not the possibility
of danger which absolves a party from his
contract, for that possibility always exists,
and in every case. * * * If possibilities
would void contracts, there never could be a
valid contract, for possibilities hang over
everything. Obligation is not suspended till
the danger is become real, and the moment of
it so imminent, that we can no longer avoid
decision without forever losing the opportunity
to do it.—
Opinion on French Treaties. Washington ed. vii, 614. Ford ed., vi, 222.
(1793)

8528. TREATIES, Binding force of.—[further continued] .

I deny that the most explicit
declaration made at this moment, that we acknowledge the obligation of the
[French] treaties, could take from us the
right of non-compliance at any future time,
when compliance would involve us in great
and inevitable danger.—
Opinion on French Treaties. Washington ed. vii, 617. Ford ed., vi, 224.
(1793)

8529. TREATIES, Binding force of.—[further continued].

The doctrine of Grotius,
Puffendorf and Wolf is that “treaties remain
obligatory, notwithstanding any change in the
form of government, except in the single case,
where the preservation of that form was the
object of the treaty”. There, the treaty ex
tinguishes, not by the election or declaration
of the party remaining in statu quo, but independently
of that, by the evanishment of the
object. Vattel lays down, in fact, the same
doctrine, that treaties continue obligatory,
notwithstanding a change of government by
the will of the other party; that to oppose
that will would be a wrong; and that the
ally remains an ally, notwithstanding the
change. So far he concurs with all the previous
writers:—but he then adds what they
had not said, nor would say,—“but if this
change renders the alliance useless, dangerous
or disagreeable to it, it is free to renounce
it”. (Vattel. 2. 197.) It was unnecessary for
him to have specified the exception of danger in this particular case, because that exception
exists in all cases, and its extent has been
considered; but when he adds that, because
a contract is become merely useless or disagreeable
we are free to renounce it,—he is
in opposition to Grotius, Puffendorf and
Wolf, who admit no such license against the
obligation of treaties, and he is in opposition
to the morality of every honest man, to whom
we may safely appeal to decide whether he
feels himself free to renounce a contract the
moment it becomes merely useless or disagreeable
to him.—
Opinion on French Treaties. Washington ed. vii, 619. Ford ed., vi, 227.
(1793)

8530. TREATIES, Construction of.—

Where the missionary of one government
construes differently from that to which he
is sent, the treaties and laws which are to
form a common rule of action for both, it
would be unjust in either to claim an exclusive
right of construction. Each nation has
an equal right to expound the meaning of
their common rule; and reason and usage
have established, in such cases, a convenient
and well-understood train of proceeding. It
is the right and duty of the foreign missionary
to urge his own constructions, to support them
with reasons, which may convince, and in
terms of decency and respect which May
reconcile the government of the country to a
concurrence. It is the duty of that government
to listen to his reasonings with attention
and candor, and to yield to them when
just. But if it shall still appear to them that
reason and right are on their side, it follows
of necessity, that exercising the sovereign
powers of the country, they have a right to
proceed on their own constructions and conclusions
as to whatever is to be done within
their limits. The minister then refers the
case to his own government, asks new instructions,
and, in the meantime, acquiesces
in the authority of the country. His government
examines his constructions, abandons
them if wrong, insists on them if right, and
the case then becomes a matter of negotiation
between the two nations.—
To Gouverneur Morris. Washington ed. iv, 44. Ford ed., vi, 388.
(Aug. 1793)

8531. TREATIES, Embarrassing.—

It is
against our system to embarrass ourselves

with treaties, or to entangle ourselves at all
with the affairs of Europe.—
To Philip Mazzei. Washington ed. iv, 553.
(W. July. 1804)

8532. TREATIES, Embarrassing.—[continued].

Our system is to have no treaties with any nation, as far as can be
avoided. The treaty with England has, therefore,
not been renewed, and all overtures for
treaty with other nations have been declined.
We believe, that with nations as with individuals,
dealings may be carried on as advantageously,
perhaps more so, while their continuance
depends on a voluntary good treatment,
as if fixed by a contract, which, when
it becomes injurious to either, is made, by
forced constructions, to mean what suits
them, and becomes a cause of war instead of
a bond of peace.—
To Philip Mazzei. Washington ed. iv, 552.
(W. 1804)

8533. TREATIES, Embarrassing.—[further continued].

We are infinitely better
off without treaties of commerce with any nation.—
To President Madison. Washington ed. vi, 453. Ford ed., ix, 513.
(M. March. 1815)

8534. TREATIES, Infractions of.—

On
the breach of any article of a treaty by the
one party, the other has its election to declare
it dissolved in all its articles, or to compensate
itself by withholding execution of equivalent
articles; or to waive notice of the breach
altogether.—
To George Hammond. Washington ed. iii, 391. Ford ed., vi, 33.
(1792)

8535. TREATIES, Infractions of.—[continued].

When one party breaks
any stipulation of a treaty, the other is free
to break it also, either in the whole, or in
equivalent parts at its pleasure.—
To George Hammond. Washington ed. iii, 424. Ford ed., vi, 64.
(1792)

8536. TREATIES, Infractions of.—[further continued].

If, in withholding a
compliance with any part of the treaties, we
do it without just cause or compensation, we
give to France a cause of war, and so become
associated in it on the other side.—
Opinion on French Treaties. Washington ed. vii, 618. Ford ed., vi, 225.
(1793)

8537. TREATIES, Laws of the land.—

Treaties are legislative acts. A treaty is a
law of the land. It differs from other laws
only as it must have the consent of a foreign
nation, being but a contract with respect to
that nation. In all countries, I believe,
except England, treaties are made by the
legislative power; and there, also, if they
touch the laws of the land, they must be approved
by Parliament. * * * An act of
Parliament was necessary to validate the
American treaty of 1783.—
Parliamentary Manual. Washington ed. ix, 80.

8538. TREATIES, Nations and.—

I consider
the people who constitute a society or
nation as the source of all authority in that
nation; as free to transact their common concerns
by any agents they think proper; to
change these agents individually, or the organization
of them in form or function whenever
they please; that all the acts done by
those agents under the authority of the nation,
are the acts of the nation, are obligatory on
them and enure to their use, and can in no
wise be annulled or affected by any change
in the form of the government, or of the
persons administering it.—
Opinion on French Treaties. Washington ed. vii, 612. Ford ed., vi, 220.
(April. 1793)

8539. TREATIES, Nations and.—[continued].

The treaties between the
United States and France were not treaties
between the United States and Louis Capet,
but between the two nations of America and
France; and the nations remaining in existence,
though both of them have since
changed their forms of government, the treaties
are not annulled by these changes.—
Opinion on French Treaties. Washington ed. vii, 613. Ford ed., vi, 220.
(April. 1793)

8540. TREATIES, Opposition to European.—

I am not for linking ourselves by new
treaties with the quarrels of Europe; entering
that field of slaughter to preserve their balance,
or joining in the confederacy of kings
to war against the principles of liberty.—
To Elbridge Gerry. Washington ed. iv, 268. Ford ed., vii, 328.
(Pa., 1799)

8541. TREATIES, Opposition to European.—[continued].

We wish to let every
treaty we have drop off without renewal.
* * * The interest which European nations
feel, as well as ourselves, in the mutual patronage
of commercial intercourse, is a sufficient
stimulus on both sides to ensure that
patronage. A treaty, contrary to that interest,
renders war necessary to get rid of it.—
To William Short. Washington ed. iv, 415. Ford ed., viii, 98.
(W. 1801)

8542. TREATIES, Power to make.—

The
States of America before their present Union
possessed completely, each within its own
limits, the exclusive right to * * * [make
treaties and] by their act of Union, they have
as completely ceded [it] to the General Government.
Art. 2d. Section 1st. “The President
shall have power, by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate, to make treaties,
provided two-thirds of the Senators present
concur.” Section 10th, “No State shall
enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation.
No State shall, without the consent
of Congress, * * * enter into any agreement
of compact with another State, or with
a foreign power * * *.” These paragraphs
of the Constitution, declaring that the
General Government shall have, and that the
particular ones shall not have, the right of
* * * treaty, are so explicit that no commentary
can explain them further, nor can
any explain them away.—
Opinion on Georgian Land Grants. Washington ed. vii, 468. Ford ed., v, 166.
(1790)

8543. TREATIES, Power to make.—[continued].

Consulted verbally by the
President [Washington] on whom a committee
of the Senate are to wait * * * to
know whether he will think it proper to redeem
our Algerine captives, and make a
treaty with the Algerines, on the single vote
of the Senate, without taking that of the Representatives.
* * * The subsequent approbation
of the Senate being necessary to
validate a treaty, they expect to be consulted
beforehand, if the case admits. So the subsequent
act of the Representatives being nec

essay where money is given, why should not
they expect to be consulted in like manner,
when the case admits? A treaty is a law of
the land. But prudence will point out this
difference to be attended to in making them;
viz., where a treaty contains such articles only
as will go into execution of themselves, or
be carried into execution by the judges, they
may be safely made; but where there are
articles which require a law to be passed
afterwards by the legislature, great caution is
requisite. Therefore [I am] against hazarding
this transaction without the sanction of
both houses. The President concurred.—
The Anas. Washington ed. ix, 106. Ford ed., i, 183.
(March. 1792)

8544. TREATIES, Power to make.—[further continued].

The subsequent approbation
of the Senate being necessary to validate
a treaty, [the Senate] expect to be consulted
beforehand, if the case admits. So
the subsequent act of the Representatives being
necessary where money is given, why
should not they expect to be consulted in
like manner, when the case admits? A treaty
is a law of the land. But prudence will point
out this difference to be attended to in making
them; viz., where a treaty contains such
articles only as will go into execution of
themselves, or be carried into execution by
the judges, they may be safely made; but
where there are articles which require a law
to be passed afterwards by the Legislature,
great caution is requisite. For example, the
consular convention with France required a
very small legislative regulation. This convention
was unanimously ratified by the Senate.
Yet the same identical men threw by
the law to enforce it at the last session, and
the Representatives at this session have
placed it among the laws which they May
take up or not, at their own convenience, as if
that was a higher motive than the public
faith. I am, therefore, against hazarding
this transaction without the sanction of both
Houses. [483] —
The Anas. Washington ed. ix, 106. Ford ed., i, 184.
(March. 1792)

8545. TREATIES, Power to make.—[further continued] .

President Washington
wished to redeem our captives at Algiers and
to make peace with them on paying an annual
tribute. The Senate were willing to approve
this, but unwilling to have the lower
house applied to previously to furnish the
money; they wished the President to take the
money from the treasury, or open a loan for
it. They thought that to consult the Representatives
on one occasion would give them
a handle always to claim it, and would let
them into a participation of the power of
making treaties, which the Constitution had
given exclusively to the President and Senate.
They said, too, that if the particular
sum was voted by the Representatives, it
would not be a secret. The President had
no confidence in the secrecy of the Senate,
and did not choose to take money from the
treasury or to borrow. But he agreed he
would enter into the provisional treaties with
the Algerines, not to be binding on us till
ratified here. I prepared questions for consultation
with the Senate, and added, that the
Senate were to be apprized, that on the return
of the provisional treaty, and after they
should advise the ratification, he would not
have the seal put to it till the two Houses
should vote the money. He asked me, if the
treaty stipulating a sum and ratified by him,
with the advice of the Senate, would not be
good under the Constitution, and obligatory
on the Representatives to furnish the money?
I answered it certainly would, and that it
would be the duty of the Representatives to
raise the money; but that they might decline
to do what was their duty, and I thought it
might be incautious to commit himself by a
ratification with a foreign nation, where he
might be left in the lurch in the execution; it
was possible, too, to conceive a treaty, which
it would not be their duty to provide for. He
said he did not like throwing too much into
democratic hands, that if they would not do
what the Constitution called them to do, the
government would be at an end, and must
then assume another form.—
The Anas. Washington ed. ix, 114. Ford ed., i, 190.
(April. 1792)

8546. TREATIES, Power to make.—[further continued].

I had observed, that
wherever the agency of either or both Houses
would be requisite subsequent to a treaty, to
carry it into effect, it would be prudent to
consult them previously, if the occasion admitted:
that thus it was, we were in the
habit of consulting the Senate previously,
when the occasion permitted, because their
subsequent ratification would be necessary;
that there was the same reason for consulting
the lower House previously, where they
were to be called on afterwards, and especially
in a case of money, as they held the purse
strings, and would be jealous of them.—
The Anas. Washington ed. ix, 115. Ford ed., i, 191.
(April. 1792)

8547. TREATIES, Power to make.—[further continued] .

[Alexander] Hamilton
laid down this position [484] with great positiveness:
That the Constitution having given
power to the President and Senate to make
treaties, they might make a treaty of neutrality
which should take from Congress the
right to declare war in that particular case,
and that under the form of a treaty they
might exercise any powers whatever, even
those exclusively given by the Constitution
to the House of Representatives. Randolph
opposed this position, and seemed to think
that where they undertook to do acts by
treaty (as to settle a tariff of duties), which
were exclusively given to the Legislature,
that an act of the Legislature would be necessary
to confirm them, as happens in England,
when a treaty interferes with duties established
by law. I insisted that in giving to the President
and Senate a power to make treaties,
the Constitution meant only to authorize them
to carry into effect, by way of treaty, any
powers they might constitutionally exercise.
I was sensible of the weak points in this position,

but there were still weaker in the other hypothesis; and if it be impossible to
discover a rational measure of authority to
have been given by this clause, I would rather
suppose that the cases which my hypothesis
would leave unprovided, were not thought of
by the convention, or if thought of, could
not be agreed on, or were thought on and
deemed unnecessary to be invested in the
government. Of this last description, were
treaties of neutrality, treaties offensive and
defensive, &c. In every event, I would rather
construe so narrowly as to oblige the nation
to amend, and thus declare what powers they
would agree to yield, than too broadly, and
indeed, so broadly as to enable the Executive
and Senate to do things which the Constitution
forbids.—
The Anas. Washington ed. ix, 181. Ford ed., i, 268.
(Nov. 1793)

8548. TREATIES, Power to make.—[further continued].

According to the rule
established by usage and common sense, of
construing one part of the instrument by
another, the objects on which the President
and Senate may exclusively act by treaty are
much reduced, but the field on which they
may act with the sanction of the Legislature,
is large enough; and I see no harm in rendering
their sanction necessary, and not much
harm in annihilating the whole treaty-making
power, except as to making peace.—
To James Madison. Washington ed. iv, 135. Ford ed., vii, 69.
(M. March. 1796)

8549. TREATIES, Power to make.—[further continued] .

If you [House of Representatives] decide in favor of your right to
refuse cooperation in any case of treaty, I
should wonder on what occasion it is to be
used, if not on one where the rights, the interests,
the honor and faith of our nation are
so grossly sacrificed; where a faction has
entered into a conspiracy with the enemies
of their country to chain down the Legislature
at the feet of both; where the whole
mass of your constituents have condemned
this work in the most unequivocal manner,
and are looking to you as their last hope to
save them from the effects of the avarice
and corruption of the first agent, the revolutionary
machinations of others, and the incomprehensible
acquiescence of the only
honest man who has assented to it. I wish
that his honesty and his political errors May
not furnish a second occasion to exclaim,
“curse on his virtues, they have undone his
country”.—
To James Madison. Washington ed. iv, 135. Ford ed., vii, 69.
(M. March. 1796)

8550. TREATIES, Power to make.—[further continued]..

I was glad to hear it
admitted on all hands in discussion [in the
Senate], that laws of the United States, subsequent
to a treaty, control its operation, and
that the Legislature is the only power which
can control a treaty. Both points are sound
beyond doubt.—
To James Madison. Washington ed. iv, 244. Ford ed., vii, 261.
(Pa., May. 1798)

8551. TREATIES, Power to make.—[further continued] .

To what subject the
treaty-making power extends, has not been
defined in detail by the Constitution; nor are
we entirely agreed among ourselves. 1. It is
admitted that it must concern the foreign na
tion, party to the contract, or it would be a
mere nullity res inter alia acta. 2. By the
general power to make treaties, the Constitution
must have intended to comprehend only
those objects which are usually regulated by
treaty, and cannot be otherwise regulated. 3.
It must have meant to except out of these the
rights reserved to the States; for surely the
President and Senate cannot do by treaty
what the whole government is interdicted
from doing in any way. 4. And also to except
those subjects of legislation in which it
gave a participation to the House of Representatives.
This last exception is denied by
some, on the ground that it would leave very
little matter for the treaty power to work on.
The less the better say others. The Constitution
thought it wise to restrain the Executive
and Senate from entangling and embroiling
our affairs with those of Europe.
Besides, as the negotiations are carried on
by the Executive alone, the subjecting to the
ratification of the Representatives such articles
as are within their participation, is no
more inconvenient than to the Senate. But
the ground of this exemption is denied as
unfounded. For examine, e. g., the treaty
of commerce with France, and it will be
found that out of thirty-one articles, there
are not more than small portions of two or
three of them which would not still remain
as subjects of treaties, untouched by these
exceptions.—
Parliamentary Manual. Washington ed. ix, 80.

8552. TREATIES, Power to make.—[further continued]..

The property and sovereignty
of all Louisiana * * * have on
certain conditions been transferred to the
United States by instruments bearing date
the 30th of April last. When these shall
have received the constitutional sanction of
the Senate, they will without delay be communicated
to the Representatives also, for the
exercises of their functions, as to those conditions
which are within the powers vested
by the Constitution in Congress.—
Third Annual Message. Washington ed. viii, 24. Ford ed., viii, 268.
(Oct. 1803)

8553. TREATIES, Power to make.—[further continued]

Whatever of the enumerated
objects is proper to be executed by
way of a treaty, the President and Senate
may enter into the treaty.—
To Wilson C. Nicholas. Washington ed. iv, 506. Ford ed., viii, 248.
(M. 1803)

8554. TREATIES, Power to make.—[further continued]

A writer in the National
Intelligencer of Feb. 24, 1816, who signs himself
“B.”, is endeavoring to shelter under the
cloak of General Washington, the present
enterprise of the Senate to wrest from the
House of Representatives the power, given
them by the Constitution, of participating
with the Senate in the establishment and
continuance of laws on specified subjects.
Their aim is, by associating an Indian
chief, or foreign government, in form of a
treaty, to possess themselves of the power of
repealing laws become obnoxious to them,
without the assent of the third branch, although
that assent was necessary to make it
a law. We are then to depend for the secure

possession of our laws, not on our immediate
representatives chosen by ourselves, and
amenable to ourselves every other year, but
on Senators chosen by the Legislatures,
amenable to them only, and that but at intervals
of six years, which is nearly the common
estimate for a term for life. But no
act of that sainted worthy, no thought of
General Washington, ever countenanced a
change of our Constitution so vital as would
be the rendering insignificant the popular, and
giving to the aristocratical branch of our government,
the power of depriving us of our
laws. The case for which General Washington
is quoted is that of his treaty with the
Creeks, wherein was a stipulation that their
supplies of goods should continue to be imported
duty free. * * * General Washington's
stipulation in that treaty was nothing
more than that our laws should not levy
duties where we have no right to levy them,
that is, in foreign ports, or foreign countries.
* * * The same writer quotes from a note in
Marshall's History, an opinion of Mr. Jefferson,
given to General Washington on the
same occasion of the Creek treaty. Two or
three little lines only of that opinion are given
us, which do indeed express the doctrine in
broad and general terms. Yet we know how
often a few words withdrawn from their place
may seem to bear a general meaning, when
their context would show that their meaning
must have been limited to the subject with respect
to which they were used. If we could
see the whole opinion, it might probably appear
that its foundation was the peculiar circumstances
of the Creek nation. We may say,
too, on this opinion, as on that of a judge
whose positions beyond the limits of the case
before him are considered as obiter sayings,
never to be relied on as authority. In July
'90, moreover, the Government was but just
getting under way. The duty law was not
passed until the succeeding month of August.
This question of the effect of a treaty was
then of the first impression; and none of us,
I suppose, will pretend that on our first reading
of the Constitution we saw at once all
its intentions, all the bearings of every word
of it, as fully and as correctly as we have
since understood them, after they have become
subjects of public investigation and discussion;
and I well remember the fact that,
although Mr. Jefferson had retired from office
before Mr. Jay's mission, and the question
on the British treaty, yet during its discussion
we were well assured of his entire
concurrence in opinion with Mr. Madison and
others who maintained the rights of the
House of Representatives, so that, if on a
primâ facie view of the question, his opinion
had been too general, on stricter investigation,
and more mature consideration, his ultimate
opinion was with those who thought that the
subjects which were confided to the House of
Representatives in conjunction with the President
and Senate, were exceptions to the general
treaty power given to the President and
Senate alone (according to the general rule
that an instrument is to be so construed as to
reconcile and give meaning and effect to all
its parts); that whenever a treaty stipulation
interferes with a law of the three branches,
the consent of the third branch is necessary
to give it effect; and that there is to this but
the single exception of the question of war
and peace. There the Constitution expressly
requires the concurrence of the three branches
to commit us to the state of war, but permits
two of them, the President and Senate, to
change it to that of peace, for reasons as obvious
as they are wise. I think, then, I May
affirm in contradiction to B., that the present
attempt of the Senate is not sanctioned by the
opinion either of General Washington or of
Mr. Jefferson.—
Jefferson MSS. Washington ed. vi, 557.
(March. 1816)

8555. TREATIES, Power to make.—[further continued]

When the British treaty
of 18—arrived, without any provision against
the impressment of our seamen, I determined
not to ratify it. The Senate thought I should
ask their advice. I thought that would be a
mockery of them, when I was predetermined
against following it, should they advise its
ratification. The Constitution had made
their advice necessary to confirm a treaty, but
not to reject it. This has been blamed by
some; but I have never doubted its soundness.—
To Spencer Roane. Washington ed. vii, 135. Ford ed., x, 142.
(P.F.,,
18191819)gt;

8556. TREATIES, Preliminary.—

I consider
a preliminary treaty as establishing certain
heads of agreement, and a truce till these
and others can be definitely arranged; as suspending
acts of hostility, and as not changing
the legal character of the enemy into that of a
friend.—
To Alexander Hamilton. Ford ed., vi, 10.
(Pa., 1792)

8557. TREATIES, Ratification of.—

It
has been the usage of the Executive, when
it communicates a treaty to the Senate for
their ratification, to communicate also the correspondence
of the negotiations. This, having
been omitted in the case of the Prussian
treaty, was asked by a vote of the House of
February 12, 1800, and was obtained. And
in December, 1800, the Convention of that
year, between the United States and France,
with the report of the negotiations by the envoys,
but not their instructions, being laid
before the Senate, the instructions were asked
for, and communicated by the President.—
Parliamentary Manual. Washington ed. ix, 81.

8558. TREATIES, Regulation of commerce by.—

Treaties are very imperfect machines
for regulating commerce in detail.—
To M. de Meunier. Washington ed. ix, 287. Ford ed., iv, 142.
(P. 1786)

8559. TREATIES, Regulation of commerce by.—[continued].

It is desirable, in many
instances, to exchange mutual advantages by
legislative acts rather than by treaty; because
the former, though understood to be in consideration
of each other, and therefore greatly
respected, yet when they become too inconvenient,
can be dropped at the will of either
party; whereas stipulations by treaty are forever
irrevocable but by joint consent let a

change of circumstances render them ever so
bothersome.—
Report on Tonnage Law. Ford ed., v, 273.
(1791)

8560. TREATIES, Repeal of.—

A treaty
made by the President, with the concurrence
of two-thirds of the Senate, is a law of the
land, and a law of superior order, because it
not only repeals past laws, but cannot itself
be repealed by future ones. [485] —
Official Opinion. Washington ed. vii, 505. Ford ed., v, 216.
(1790)

8561. TREATIES, Rescinding.—

Treaties being declared, equally with the laws of the
United States, to be the supreme law of the
land, it is understood that an act of the Legislature
alone can declare them infringed and
rescinded. This was accordingly the process
adopted in the case of France, 1798.—
Parliamentary Manual. Washington ed. ix, 81.

8562. TREATIES, Self-liberation from.—

Reason which gives * * * [the] right of self-liberation from a contract in certain
cases, has subjected it to certain just limitations.
1. The danger which absolves us must
be great, inevitable and imminent. * * * 2. A second limitation on our right of releasing
ourselves is that we are to do it from so
much of the treaties only as is bringing great
and inevitable danger on us, and not from the
residue, allowing the other party a right at
the same time, to determine whether on our
non-compliance with that part, they will declare
the whole void. This right they would
have, but we should not. * * * 3. A third
limitation is that when a party, from necessity
or danger, withholds compliance with that
part of a treaty, it is bound to make compensation
where the nature of the case admits
and does not dispense with it. [486] —
Opinion on French Treaties. Washington ed. vii, 614. Ford ed., vi, 221.
(1793)

8563. TREATIES, Short.—

Your observations
on the expediency of making short
treaties are most sound. Our situation is too
changing and too improving, to render an unchangeable
treaty expedient for us.—
To E. Rutledge. Washington ed. iii, 165. Ford ed., v, 196.
(N.Y., 17901790)gt;

8564. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, British.—

In February, 1786, Mr. Adams
wrote to me [at Paris], pressingly to join him
in London immediately, as he thought he discovered
there some symptoms of better disposition
towards us. Colonel [William Stephens] Smith, his Secretary of Legation, was the bearer
of his urgencies for my immediate attendance.
I, accordingly, left Paris on the 1st of March
and, on my arrival in London, we agreed on a
very summary form of treaty, proposing an
exchange of citizenship for our citizens, our
ships, and our productions generally, except as
to office.—
Autobiography. Washington ed. i, 63. Ford ed., i, 88.
(1821)

8565. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, British.—[continued].

On my presentation as
usual to the King and Queen, at their levées, it
was impossible for anything to be more ungracious
than their notice of Mr. Adams and
myself. I saw at once that the ulcerations in
the narrow mind of that mulish being left nothing
to be expected on the subject of my attendance;
and on the first conference with the
Marquis of Carmarthen, his Minister of Foreign
Affairs, the distance and disinclination
which he betrayed in his conversation, the
vagueness and evasions of his answers to us,
confirmed me in the belief of their aversion to
have anything to do with us. We delivered
him, however, our projét, Mr. Adams not despairing
as much as I did of its effect. We afterwards,
by one or more notes, requested his appointment
of an interview and conference,
which, without directly declining, he evaded
by pretences of other pressing occupations for
the moment. After staying there seven weeks,
till within a few days of the expiration of our
commission, I informed the minister by note
that my duties at Paris required my return to
that place, and that I should with pleasure be
the bearer of any commands to his Ambassador
there. He answered that he had none, and
wishing me a pleasant journey, I left London
the 26th, and arrived at Paris the 30th of April.—
Autobiography. Washington ed. i, 64. Ford ed., i, 89.
(1821)

8566. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, British.—[further continued].

There is no doubt what
the determination [of the British Court with
respect to a treaty] will be; but it will be useful
to have it; as it may put an end to all
further expectations on our side the water, and
show that the time is come for doing whatever
is to be done by us for counteracting the unjust
and greedy designs of this country [England].—
To John Jay. Washington ed. i, 539. Ford ed., iv, 200.
(L. March. 1786)

8567. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, British.—[further continued] .

I am quite at a loss
what you will do with England. To leave her
in possession of our posts, seems inadmissible;
and yet to take them, brings on a state of things
for which we seem not to be in readiness. Perhaps
a total suppression of her trade, or an exclusion
of her vessels from the carriage of our
produce, may have some effect; but I believe
not very great. Their passions are too deeply
and too universally engaged in opposition to
us. The ministry have found means to persuade
the nation that they are richer than they
were while we participated of their commercial
privileges. We should try to turn our trade
into other channels. I am in hopes this country
[France] will endeavor to give it more encouragement.—
To Elbridge Gerry. Washington ed. i, 557.
(P. 1786)

8568. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, British.—[further continued].

I am sorry the British
are sending a minister to attempt a treaty.
They never made an equal commercial treaty
with any nation, and we have no right to expect
to be the first. It will place you between
the injunctions of true patriotism and the clamors
of a faction devoted to a foreign interest,

in preference to that of their own country. It
will confirm the English, too, in their practice
of whipping us into a treaty. They did it in
Jay's case, were near doing it in Monroe's, and
on failure of that, have applied the scourge
with tenfold vigor, and now come on to try its
effect. But it is the moment when we should
prove our consistency, by recurring to the
principles we dictated to Monroe, the departure
from which occasioned our rejection of his
treaty, and by protesting against Jay's treaty
being ever quoted or looked at, or even mentioned.
That form will forever be a mill-stone
round our necks unless we now rid ourselves
of it once for all. The occasion is highly favorable,
as we never can have them more in our power.—
To President Madison. Washington ed. v, 443.
(M. April. 1809)

— TREATIES OF COMMERCE, Confederation and.—

See Confederation.

8569. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, Efforts to negotiate.—

Without urging, we
[Franklin, Adams and Jefferson] sounded the
ministers of the several European nations at
the Court of Versailles, on their dispositions
towards mutual commerce, and the expediency
of encouraging it by the protection of a treaty.
Old Frederick of Prussia met us cordially and
without hesitation, and appointing the Baron de
Thulemeyer, his Minister at The Hague, to
negotiate with us, we communicated to him our
project, which, with little alteration by the King,
was soon concluded. Denmark and Tuscany
entered also into negotiations with us. Other
powers appearing indifferent we did not think
it proper to press them. * * * The negotiations,
therefore, begun with Denmark and Tuscany
we protracted designedly until our powers had
expired; and abstained from making new propositions
to others having no colonies; because
our commerce being an exchange of raw for
wrought materials, is a competent price for admission
into the colonies of those possessing
them: but were we to give it, without price, to
others, all would claim it without price on the
ordinary ground of gentis amicissimæ.—
Autobiography. Washington ed. i, 62. Ford ed., i, 87.
(1821)

8570. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, Efforts to negotiate.—[continued].

The European powers seemed in fact to know little about us but as
rebels, who had been successful in throwing off
the yoke of the mother country. They were
ignorant of our commerce, which had been always
monopolized by England, and of the exchange
of articles it might offer advantageously
to both parties. They were inclined, therefore,
to stand aloof until they could see better what
relations might be usefully instituted with us.—
Autobiography. Washington ed. i, 62. Ford ed., i, 88.
(1821)

8571. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, Efforts to negotiate.—[further continued].

On the conclusion of peace [with Great Britain], Congress, sensible
of their right to assume independence, would
not condescend to ask its acknowledgment from
other nations, yet were willing, by some of the
ordinary international transactions, to receive
what would imply that acknowledgment. They
appointed commissioners, therefore, to propose
treaties of commerce to the principal nations of
Europe. I was then a member of Congress,
was of the committee appointed to prepare instructions
for the commissioners, was, as you
suppose, the draughtsman of those actually
agreed to, and was joined with your father and
Dr. Franklin, to carry them into execution.
But the stipulations making part of these instructions,
which respected privateering, blockades,
contraband, and freedom of the fisheries,
were not original conceptions of mine. They
had before been suggested by Dr. Franklin, in
some of his papers in possession of the public,
and had, I think, been recommended in some
letter of his to Congress. I happen only to
have been the inserter of them in the first public
act which gave the formal sanction of a public
authority. We accordingly proposed our treaties,
containing these stipulations, to the principal
governments of Europe. But we were
then just emerged from a subordinate condition;
the nations had as yet known nothing of
us, and had not yet reflected on the relations
which it might be their interest to establish with
us. Most of them, therefore, listened to our
propositions with coyness and reserve; old Frederick
[the Great] alone closing with us without
hesitation. The negotiator of Portugal, indeed,
signed a treaty with us, which his government
did not ratify, and Tuscany was near a final
agreement. Becoming sensible, however, ourselves,
that we should do nothing with the
greater powers, we thought it better not to
hamper our country with engagements to those
of less significance, and suffered our powers to
expire without closing any other negotiations.
Austria soon after became desirous of a treaty
with us, and her ambassador pressed it often on
me; but our commerce with her being no object,
I evaded her repeated invitations. Had these
governments been then apprized of the station
we should so soon occupy among nations,
all, I believe, would have met us promptly and
with frankness. These principles would then
have been established with all, and from being
the conventional law with us alone, would have
slid into their engagements with one another,
and become general.

These are the facts within my recollection.
They have not yet got into written history; but
their adoption by our southern brethren will
bring them into observance, and make them,
what they should be, a part of the law of the
world, and of the reformation of principles for
which they will be indebted to us.—
To John Quincy Adams. Washington ed. vii, 436. Ford ed., x, 383.
(M. March. 1826)

8572. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, Favored nation principle.—

I know of no
investigation, at the instance of any nation, of
the extent of the clause giving the rights of the
most favored nation but from the import of the
words themselves, and from the clause that a
privilege granted to any other nation shall immediately
become common, freely where freely
granted, or yielding the compensation where a
compensation is given, I have no doubt that if
any one nation will admit our goods free in consideration
of our doing the same by them, no
other nation can claim an exception from duties
in our ports without yielding us the same in
theirs.—
To James Monroe. Ford ed., iv, 19.
(P. Dec. 1784)

8573. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, Favored nation principle. ‐ [continued].

When the first article of
our instructions of May 7th, 1784, was under
debate in Congress, it was proposed that neither
party should make the other pay, in their ports,
greater duties, than they paid in the ports of
the other. One objection to this was its impracticability;
another, that it would put it out of
our power to lay such duties on alien importation
as might encourage importation by natives.
Some members, much attached to English policy,
thought such a distinction should actually
be established. Some thought the power to do
it should be reserved, in case any peculiar circumstances
should call for it, though under the
present, or, perhaps, any probable circumstances,
they did not think it would be good policy ever
to exercise it. The footing gentis amicissimæ

was, therefore, adopted, as you see in the instruction.
As far as my enquiries enable me to
judge, France and Holland make no distinction
of duties between aliens and natives. I also
rather believe that the other States of Europe
make none, England excepted, to whom this
policy, as that of her navigation act, seems peculiar.
The question then is, should we disarm
ourselves of the power to make this distinction
against all nations, in order to purchase
an exception from the alien duties in England
only; for if we put her importations on the
footing of native, all other nations with whom
we treat will have a right to claim the same.
I think we should, because against other nations,
who make no distinction in their ports
between us and their own subjects, we ought
not to make a distinction in ours. And if the
English will agree, in like manner, to make
none, we should, with equal reason, abandon
the right as against them. I think all the world
would gain, by setting commerce at perfect liberty.
I remember this proposition to put foreigners
and natives on the same footing was
considered; and we were all three, Dr. Franklin
as well as you and myself, in favor of it. We
finally, however, did not admit it, partly from
the objection you mention, but more still on account
of our instructions. But though the
English proclamation had appeared in America
at the time of framing these instructions, I
think its effect, as to alien duties, had not yet
been experienced, and therefore was not attended
to. If it had been noted in the debate,
I am sure that the annihilation of our whole
trade would have been thought too great a
price to pay for the reservation of a barren
power, which a majority of the members did not
propose ever to exercise, though they were willing
to retain it. Stipulating for equal rights for
foreigners and natives, we obtain more in foreign
ports than our instructions required, and
we only part with, in our own ports, a power
of which sound policy would probably forever
forbid the exercise. Add to this, that our treaty
will be for a very short term, and if any evil
be experienced under it, a reformation will soon
be in our power. I am, therefore, for putting
this among our original propositions to the
court of London. If it should prove an insuperable
obstacle with them, or if it should stand
in the way of a greater advantage, we can but
abandon it in the course of the negotiation.—
To John Adams. Washington ed. i, 370. Ford ed., iv, 79.
(P. July. 1785)

8574. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, Favored nation principle. ‐ [further continued].

Though treaties, which
merely exchange the rights of the most favored
nations, are not without all inconvenience, yet
they have their conveniences also. It is an important
one that they leave each party free to
make what internal regulations they please, and
to give what preferences they find expedient to
native merchants, vessels, and productions.—
Mississippi River Instructions. Washington ed. vii, 587. Ford ed., v, 477.
(1792)

8575. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, Favored nation principle. ‐ [further continued] .

It will probably be urged,
because it was urged on a former occasion, that,
if Spain grants [487] to us the right of navigating the
Mississippi, other nations will become entitled
to it by virtue of treaties giving them the rights
to the most favored nation. * * * When those
treaties were made, no nations could be under
contemplation but those then existing, or those,
at most, who might exist under similar circumstances.
America did not then exist as a
nation; and the circumstances of her position
and commerce, are so totally dissimilar to everything
then known, that the treaties of that day
were not adapted to any such being. They
would better fit even China than America; because,
as a manufacturing nation, China resembles
Europe more. When we solicited France
to admit our whale oils into her ports, though
she had excluded all foreign whale oils, her
Minister made the objection now under consideration,
and the foregoing answer was given.
It was found to be solid; and whale oils of
the United States are in consequence admitted,
though those of Portugal and the Hanse towns,
and of all other nations, are excluded. Again,
when France and England were negotiating
their late treaty of commerce, the great dissimilitude
of our commerce (which furnishes
raw materials to employ the industry of others,
in exchange for articles whereon industry has
been exhausted) from the commerce of the
European nations (which furnishes things ready
wrought only) was suggested to the attention
of both negotiators, and that they should keep
their nations free to make particular arrangements
with ours, by communicating to each
other only the rights of the most favored European
nation. Each was separately sensible of
the importance of the distinction; and as soon
as it was proposed by the one, it was acceded to
by the other, and the word European was inserted
in their treaty. It may fairly be considered,
then, as the rational and received interpretation
of the diplomatic term, “gentis
amicissimæ”, that it has not in view a nation,
unknown in many cases at the time of using
the term, and so dissimilar in all cases, as to
furnish no ground of just reclamation to any
other nation.—
Mississippi River Instructions. Washington ed. vii, 583. Ford ed., v, 473.
(1792)

8576. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, Instructions respecting.—

Whereas, instructions
bearing date the 29th day of October, 1783, were sent to the Ministers Plenipotentiary
of the United States of America at the Court
of Versailles, empowered to negotiate a peace,
or to any one or more of them, for concerting
drafts or propositions for treaties of amity and
commerce with the commercial powers of
Europe: Resolved, That it will be advantageous
to these United States to conclude such
treaties with Russia, the Court of Vienna, Prussia,
Denmark, Saxony, Hamburg, Great Britain,
Spain, Portugal, Genoa, Tuscany, Rome, Naples,
Venice, Sardinia, and the Ottoman Porte. Resolved,
That in the formation of these treaties
the following points be carefully stipulated:
1st. That each party shall have a right to carry
their own produce, manufactures, and merchandise
in their own bottoms to the ports of the
other, and thence the produce and merchandise
of the other, paying, in both cases, such duties
only as are paid by the most favored nation,
freely, where it is freely granted to such nation,
or paying the compensation where such nation
does the same. 2. That with the nations holding
territorial possessions in America, a direct
and similar intercourse be admitted between
the United States and such possessions; or if
this cannot be obtained, then a direct and similar
intercourse between the United States and
certain free ports within such possessions; that
if this neither can be obtained, permission be
stipulated to bring from such possessions, in
their own bottoms, the produce and merchandise
thereof to their States directly; and for
these States to carry in their own bottoms their

produce and merchandise to such possessions
directly. 3. That these United States be considered
in all such treaties, and in every case
arising under them, as one nation, upon the
principles of the Federal constitution. 4. That
it be proposed, though not indispensably required,
that if war should hereafter arise between
the two contracting parties, the merchants
of either country, then residing in the
other, shall be allowed to remain nine months
to collect their debts and settle their affairs,
and may depart freely, carrying off all their effects,
without molestation or hinderance, and
all fishermen, all cultivators of the earth, and
all artisans or manufacturers, unarmed and inhabiting
unfortified towns, villages or places,
who labor for the common subsistence and benefit
of mankind, and peaceably following their
respective employments, shall be allowed to
continue the same, and shall not be molested by
the armed force of the enemy, in whose power,
by the events of war, they may happen to fall;
but if anything is necessary to be taken from
them, for the use of such armed force, the same
shall be paid for at a reasonable price; and
all merchants and traders, exchanging the products
of different places, and thereby rendering
the necessaries, conveniences, and comforts of
human life more easy to obtain and more general,
shall be allowed to pass free and unmolested;
and neither of the contracting powers
shall grant or issue any commission to any private
armed vessels empowering them to take
or destroy such trading ships, or interrupt such
commerce. 5. And in case either of the contracting
parties shall happen to be engaged in
war with any other nation, it be further agreed,
in order to prevent all the difficulties and misunderstandings
that usually arise respecting the
merchandise heretofore called contraband, such
as arms, ammunition and military stores of all
kinds, that no such articles, carrying by the
ships or subjects of one of the parties to the
enemies of the other, shall, on any account, be
deemed contraband, so as to induce confiscation,
and a loss of property to individuals. Nevertheless,
it shall be lawful to stop such ships and
detain them for such length of time as the
captors may think necessary, to prevent the inconvenience
or damage that might ensue, from
their proceeding on their voyage, paying, however,
a reasonable compensation for the loss
such arms shall occasion to the proprietors; and
it shall be further allowed to use in the service
of the captors, the whole or any part of the military
stores so detained, paying the owners the
full value of the same, to be ascertained by the
current price at the place of its destination.
But if the other contracting party will not consent
to discontinue the confiscation of contraband
goods, then that it be stipulated, that if
the master of the vessel stopped, will deliver
out the goods charged to be contraband, he shall
be admitted to do it, and the vessel shall not
in that case be carried into any port; but shall
be allowed to proceed on her voyage. 6. That
in the same case, when either of the contracting
parties shall happen to be engaged in war with
any other power, all goods, not contraband, belonging
to the subjects of that other power,
and shipped in the bottoms of the party hereto,
who is not engaged in the war, shall be entirely
free. And that to ascertain what shall constitute
the blockade of any place or port, it shall
be understood to be in such predicament, when
the assailing power shall have taken such a station
as to expose to imminent danger any ship
or ships, that would attempt to sail in or out of
the said port; and that no vessel of the party,
who is not engaged in the said war, shall be
stopped without a material and well grounded
cause; and in such cases justice shall be done,
and an indemnification given, without loss of
time to the persons aggrieved, and thus stopped
without sufficient cause. 7. That no right be
stipulated for aliens to hold real property within
these States, this being utterly inadmissible by
their several laws and policy; but when on the
death of any person holding real estate within
the territories of one of the contracting parties,
such real estate would by their laws descend
on a subject or citizen of the other, were he not
disqualified by alienage, then he shall be allowed
reasonable time to dispose of the same, and
withdraw the proceeds without molestation.
8. That such treaties be made for a term not
exceeding ten years from the exchange of ratification.
9. That these instructions be considered
as supplementary to those of October
29th, 1783; and not as revoking, except when
they contradict them. That where in treaty
with a particular nation they can procure particular
advantages, to the specification of which
we have been unable to descend, our object in
these instructions having been to form outlines
only and general principles of treaty with many
nations, it is our expectation they will procure
them, though not pointed out in these instructions;
and where they may be able to form
treaties on principles which, in their judgment,
will be more beneficial to the United States
than those herein directed to be made their
basis, they are permitted to adopt such principles.
That as to the duration of treaties,
though we have proposed to restrain them to
the term of ten years, yet they are at liberty
to extend the same as far as fifteen years with
any nation which may pertinaciously insist
thereon. And that it will be agreeable to us to
have supplementary treaties with France, the
United Netherlands and Sweden, which May
bring the treaties we have entered into with
them as nearly as may be to the principles of
those now directed; but that this be not pressed,
if the proposal should be found disagreeable.
Resolved, That treaties of amity, or of amity
and commerce, be entered into with Morocoo,
and the Regencies of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli,
to continue for the same term of ten years, or
for a term as much longer as can be procured.
That our Ministers, to be commissioned for
treating with foreign nations, make known to
the Emperor of Morocco the great satisfaction
which Congress feel from the amicable disposition
he has shown towards these States, and
his readiness to enter into alliance with them.
That the occupations of the war, and distance
of our situation have prevented our meeting
his friendship so early as we wished. But
the powers are now delegated to them for entering
into treaty with him, in the execution
of which they are ready to proceed, and that
as to the expenses of his Minister, they do
therein what is for the honor and interest of the
United States. Resolved, That a commission be
issued to Mr. J. Adams, Mr. B. Franklin, and
Mr. T. Jefferson, giving powers to them, or
the greater part of them, to make and receive
propositions for such treaties of amity and commerce,
and to negotiate and sign the same,
transmitting them to Congress for their final
ratification; and that such commission be in
force for a term not exceeding two years.—
Treaty Instructions of Congress. Washington ed. ix, 226. Ford ed., iii, 489.
(May 7, 1784)

8577. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, Objects of.—

My wish to enter treaties with
the other powers of Europe arises more from
a desire of bringing all our commerce under the
jurisdiction of Congress, than from any other
views. Because, according to my idea, the

commerce of the United States with those countries,
not under treaty with us, is under the
jurisdiction of each State separately; but that
of the countries, which have treated with us, is
under the jurisdiction of Congress with the two
fundamental restraints only which I have before
noted.—
To John Adams. Washington ed. i, 360.
(P. 1785)

8578. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, Portugal.—

Considering the treaty with Portugal
among the most interesting to the United States, I some time ago took occasion * * * to
ask of the Portuguese Ambassador if he had yet
received from his Court an answer to our letter.
He told me he had not; but that he would
make it the subject of another letter. Two days
ago, his Secretaire d'Ambassade called on me
with a letter from his Minister to the Ambassador.
* * * By this [extract from the letter],
it would seem that this power is more disposed
to pursue a track of negotiation similar to that
which Spain has done. I consider this answer
as definitive of all further measures under our
commission to Portugal.—
To John Jay. Washington ed. i, 458.
(P. 1785)

— TREATY, Jay.—

See Jay Treaty.

8579. TREATY (British peace), Ratification of.—

The definitive treaty of peace
which had been signed at Paris on the 3rd of
September, 1783, and received here, could not
be ratified without a House of nine States. On
the 23d of December, therefore, we [the Congress
sitting at Annapolis] addressed letters to
the several Governors, stating the receipt of the
definitive treaty; that seven States only were in
attendance, while nine were necessary to its
ratification; and urging them to press on their
delegates the necessity of their immediate attendance.
And on the 26th, to save time, I
moved that the Agent of Marine (Robert Morris )
should be instructed to have ready a vessel
at this place, at New York, and at some
Eastern port, to carry over the ratification of
the treaty when agreed to. It met the general
sense of the House, but was opposed by Dr.
[Arthur] Lee, on the ground of expense, which
it would authorize the Agent to incur for us;
and, he said, it would be better to ratify at
once, and send on the ratification. Some members
had before suggested that seven States
were competent to the ratification. My motion
was therefore postponed, and another brought
forward by Mr. Read, of South Carolina, for
an immediate ratification. This was debated the
26th and 27th. [Jacob] Read [of South Carolina],
Lee, [Hugh] Williamson and Jeremiah
Chase, urged that the ratification was a mere
matter of form, that the treaty was conclusive
from the moment it was signed by the ministers;
that, although the Confederation requires
the assent of nine States to enter into a
treaty, yet, that its conclusion could not be
called entrance into it; that supposing nine
States requisite, it would be in the power of
five States to keep us always at war; that nine
States had virtually authorized the ratification,
having ratified the provisional treaty, and instructed
their ministers to agree to a definitive
one in the same terms, and the present one was,
in fact, substantially, and almost verbatim, the
same; that there now remain but sixty-seven
days for the ratification, for its passage across
the Atlantic, and its exchange; that there was
no hope of our soon having nine States present;
in fact, that this was the ultimate point of time
to which we could venture to wait; that if the
ratification was not in Paris by the time stipulated,
the treaty would become void; that if
ratified by seven States, it would go under our
seal, without its being known to Great Britain
that only seven had concurred; that it was a
question of which they had no right to take
cognizance, and we were only answerable for it
to our constituents; that it was like the ratification
which Great Britain had received from the
Dutch, by the negotiations of Sir William Temple.
On the contrary, it was argued by Monroe,
Gerry, Howel, Ellery and myself, that by the
modern usage of Europe, the ratification was
considered as the act which gave validity to a
treaty, until which, it was not obligatory. [488] That the commission to the ministers reserved
the ratification to Congress; that the treaty
itself stipulated that it should be ratified; that
it became a second question, who were competent
to the ratification? That the confederation
expressly required nine States to enter into
any treaty; that, by this, that instrument must
have intended, that the assent of nine States
should be necessary, as well to the completion as to the commencement of the treaty, its object
having been to guard the rights of the
Union in all those important cases where nine
States are called for; that, by the contrary construction,
seven States, containing less than
one-third of our whole citizens, might rivet
on us a treaty, commenced indeed under commission
and instructions from nine States, but
formed by the minister in express contradiction
to such instructions, and in direct sacrifice
of the interests of so great a majority; that the
definitive treaty was admitted not to be a verbal
copy of the provisional one, and whether the
departures from it were of substance or not,
was a question on which nine States alone were
competent to decide; that the circumstances of
the ratification of the provisional articles by
nine States, the instructions of our ministers to
form a definitive one by them, and their actual
agreement in substance, do not render us competent
to ratify in the present instance; if these
circumstances are in themselves a ratification,
nothing further is requisite than to give attested
copies of them in exchange for the British ratification;
if they are not, we remain where we
were, without a ratification by nine States, and
incompetent ourselves to ratify; that it was but
four days since the seven States, now present,
unanimously concurred in a resolution, to be
forwarded to the Governors of the absent States,
in which they stated as a cause for urging on
their delegates, that nine States were necessary
to ratify the treaty; that in the case of the Dutch
ratification, Great Britain had courted it, and
therefore was glad to accept it as it was; that
they knew our Constitution and would object
to a ratification by seven; that, if that circumstance
was kept back, it would be known hereafter,
and would give them ground to deny the
validity of a ratification into which they should
have been surprised and cheated, and it would
be a dishonorable prostitution of our seal; that
there is a hope of nine States; that if the treaty
would become null, if not ratified in time, it
would not be saved by an imperfect ratification;
but that, in fact, it would not be null, and
would be placed on better ground, going in unexceptional
form, though a few days too late,
and rested on the small importance of this circumstance,
and the physical impossibilities
which had prevented a punctual compliance in
point of time; that this would be approved by
all nations, and by Great Britain herself, if not
determined to renew the war, and if so determined,
she would never want excuses, were this
out of the way. Mr. Read gave notice, he
should call for the yeas and nays; whereon

those in opposition, prepared a resolution, expressing
pointedly the reasons of their dissent
from his motion. It appearing, however, that
his proposition could not be carried, it was
thought better to make no entry at all. Massachusetts
alone would have been for it; Rhode
Island, Pennsylvania and Virginia against it,
Delaware, Maryland and North Carolina would
have been divided. * * * Those who thought
seven States competent to the ratification, being
very restless under the loss of their motion,
I proposed on the 3rd of January, to meet them
on middle ground, and therefore moved a resolution,
which premised that there were but
seven States present, who were unanimous for
the ratification, but that they differed in opinion
on the question of competency; that those,
however, in the negative were unwilling that
any powers which it might be supposed they
possessed, should remain unexercised for the
restoration of peace, provided it could be done,
saving their good faith, and without importing
any opinion of Congress, that seven States were
competent, and resolving that the treaty be
ratified so far as they had power; that it should
be transmitted to our ministers, with instructions
to keep it uncommunicated; to endeavor
to obtain three months longer for exchange of
ratifications; that they should be informed that
so soon as nine States shall be present, a ratification
by nine shall be sent them: if this
should get to them before the ultimate point of
time for exchange, they were to use it, and not
the other; if not, they were to offer the act of
the seven States in exchange, informing them
the treaty had come to hand while Congress
was not in session; that but seven States were
as yet assembled, and these had unanimously
concurred in the ratification. This was debated
on the 3rd and 4th [489] ; and on the 5th, a vessel
being to sail for England, from Annapolis, the
House directed the President to write to our
ministers accordingly. January 14. Delegates
from Connecticut having attended yesterday,
and another from South Carolina coming in this
day, the treaty was ratified without a dissenting
voice; and three instruments of ratification
were ordered to be made out, one of which was
sent by Colonel Harmer, another by Colonel
Franks, and the third transmitted to the Agent
of Marine, to be forwarded by any good opportunity.—
Autobiography. Washington ed. i, 55. Ford ed., i, 77.
(1821)

8580. TREATY (British peace), Violations of.—

In the 7th article [of the treaty of
peace], it was stipulated, that his Britannic
majesty should withdraw his armies, garrisons,
and fleets, without carrying away any negroes,
or other property of the American inhabitants.
This stipulation was known to the British commanding
officers, before the 19th of March,
1783, as provisionally agreed; and on the 5th
of April they received official notice from their
court of the conclusion and ratification of the
preliminary articles between France, Spain, and
Great Britain, which gave activity to ours, as
appears by the letter of Sir Guy Carleton to
General Washington, dated April 6, 1783. From
this time, then, surely no negroes could be
carried away without a violation of the treaty.
Yet we find that so early as May 6, a large number
of them had already been embarked for
Nova Scotia, of which, as contrary to an express
stipulation in the treaty, General Washington
declared to him his sense and his surprise. In
the letter of Sir Guy Carleton of May 12, he admits
the fact; palliates it by saying he had no
right “to deprive the negroes of that liberty he
found them possessed of; that it was unfriendly
to suppose that the King's minister could stipulate
to be guilty of a notorious breach of the
public faith towards the negroes; and that, if it
was his intention, it must be adjusted by compensation,
restoration being utterly impracticable,
where inseparable from a breach of public
faith”. But surely, Sir, an officer of the King
is not to question the validity of the King's
engagements, nor violate his solemn treaties,
on his own scruples about the public faith.
Under this pretext, however, General Carleton
went on in daily infractions, embarking, from
time to time, between his notice of the treaty
and the 5th of April, and the evacuation of
New York, November 25, 3,000 negroes, of
whom our commissioners had inspection, and a
very large number more, in public and private
vessels, of whom they were not permitted to
have inspection. Here, then, was a direct, unequivocal,
and avowed violation of this part of
the 7th article, in the first moments of its being
known; an article which had been of extreme
solicitude on our part; on the fulfilment
of which depended the means of paying debts,
in proportion to the number of laborers withdrawn;
and when in the very act of violation
we warn, and put the commanding officer on his
guard, he says directly he will go through with
the act, and leave it to his court to adjust it by
compensation.—
To George Hammond. Washington ed. iii, 387. Ford ed., vi, 30.
(Pa., May. 1792)

8581. TREATY (British peace), Violations of.—[continued].

By the 7th article [of
the treaty of peace], his Britannic majesty
stipulates that he will, with all convenient
speed, withdraw his garrisons from every post within the United States. “When no precise
term”, says a writer on the Law of Nations
(Vattel, L. 4. c. 26), “has been marked for
the accomplishment of a treaty, and for the
execution of each of its articles, good sense
determines that every point should be executed
as soon as possible. This is, without doubt,
what was understood. The term in the treaty,
with all convenient speed, amounts to the same
thing, and clearly excludes all unnecessary delay.
The general pacification being signed on
the 20th of January, some time would be requisite
for the orders for evacuation to come over
to America, for the removal of stores, property
and persons, and finally for the act of evacuation.
The larger the post, the longer the time
necessary to remove all its contents; the
smaller, the sooner done. Hence, though General
Carleton received his orders to evacuate
New York in the month of April, the evacuation
was not completed till late in November. It
had been the principal place of arms and stores;
the seat, as it were, of their general government,
and the asylum of those who had fled
to them. A great quantity of shipping was
necessary, therefore, for the removal, and the
General was obliged to call for a part from
foreign countries. These causes of delay were
duly respected on our part. But the posts of
Michillimackinac, Detroit, Niagara, Oswego,
Oswegatchie, Point-au-Fer, Dutchman's Point,
were not of this magnitude. The orders for
evacuation, which reached General Carleton, in
New York, early in April, might have gone, in
one month more, to the most remote of these
posts. Some of them might have been evacuated
in a few days after, and the largest in a
few weeks. Certainly they might all have been
delivered, without any inconvenient speed in
the operations, by the end of May, from the
known facility furnished by the lakes, and the
water connecting them; or by crossing immediately
over into their own territory, and avail

ing themselves of the season for making new
establishments there, if that was intended. Or
whatever time might, in event, have been necessary
for their evacuation, certainly the order for
it should have been given from England, and
might have been given as early as that from
New York. Was any order ever given? Would
not an unnecessary delay of the order, producing
an equal delay in the evacuation, be an infraction
of the treaty? Let us investigate this
matter [490] . * * * Now is it not fair to conclude,
if the order was not arrived on the 13th of
August, 1783, if it was not arrived on the 10th
of May, 1784, nor yet on the 13th of July, in the
same year, that, in truth, the order had never
been given? and if it had never been given, May
we not conclude that it never had been intended
to be given? From what moment is it
we are to date this infraction? From that, at
which, with convenient speed, the order to
evacuate the upper posts might have been given.
No legitimate reason can be assigned, why that
order might not have been given as early, and
at the same time, as the order to evacuate New
York; and all delay, after this, was in contravention
of the treaty.—
To George Hammond. Washington ed. iii, 388. Ford ed., vi, 31.
(Pa., 1792)

8582. TREATY (British peace), Violations of.—[further continued].

Was this delay merely
innocent and unimportant as to us, setting aside
all considerations but of interest and safety?
1. It cut us off from the fur-trade, which before
the war had been always of great importance as
a branch of commerce, and as a source of remittance
for the payment of our debts to Great
Britain; for the injury of withholding our posts,
they added the obstruction of all passage along
the lakes and their communications. 2. It secluded
us from connection with the Northwestern
Indians, from all apportunity of keeping up
with them friendly and neighborly intercourse,
brought on us consequently, from their known
dispositions, constant and expensive war, in
which numbers of men, women, and children,
have been, and still are, daily falling victims
to the scalping knife, and to which there will be
no period, but in our possession of the posts
which command their country.—
To George Hammond. Washington ed. iii, 391. Ford ed., vi, 33.
(Pa., 17921792)gt;

8583. TREATY (British peace), Violations of.—[further continued] .

It may safely be said
that the treaty was violated in England before
it was known in America, and in America, as
soon as it was known, and that, too, in points
so essential, as that, without them, it would
never have been concluded.—
To George Hammond. Washington ed. iii, 391. Ford ed., vi, 33.
(Pa., 1792)

8584. TREES, Birds and.—

What would I not give that the trees planted nearest round
the house at Monticello were full-grown!—
To Martha Jefferson Randolph. D. L. J.222.
(Pa., 1793)

See Mocking Bird.

8585. TREES, Cork.—

I have been long
endeavoring to procure the cork tree from
Europe but without success. A plant which I
brought with me from Paris died after languishing
some time.—
To James Ronaldson. Washington ed. vi, 92. Ford ed., ix, 370.
(M. 1813)

8586. TREES, Fig and mulberry.—

The
culture of the fig and mulberry is by women and
children, and therefore earnestly to be desired
in countries where there are slaves. In these,
the women and children are often employed in
labors disproportioned to their sex and age.
By presenting to the master objects of culture,
easier and equally beneficial, all temptation to
misemploy them would be removed, and the lot
of this tender part of our species be much
softened.—
To William Drayton. Washington ed. ii, 199.
(P. 1787)

8587. TREES, Peach.—

I thank you for
your experiment on the peach tree. It proves
my speculation practicable, as it shows that five
acres of peach trees at twenty-one feet apart
will furnish dead wood enough to supply a fire-place
through the winter, and may be kept up at
the trouble of only planting about seventy peach
stones a year. Suppose this extended to ten
fire-places, it comes to fifty acres of ground,
five thousand trees, and the replacing about
seven hundred of them annually by planting so
many stones. If it be disposed at some little distance,
say in a circular annulus from one hundred
to three hundred yards from the house,
it would render a cart almost useless.—
To T. M. Randolph. Ford ed., v, 416.
(Pa., 1792)

— TRIAL BY JURY.—

See Jury.

8588. TRIBUTE, War and.—

We prefer
war in all cases to tribute under any form, and
to any people whatever.—
To Thomas Barclay. Washington ed. iii, 262.
(Pa., 1791)

8589. TRIPOLI, European powers and.—

There is reason to believe the example we
have set, begins already to work on the dispositions
of the powers of Europe to emancipate
themselves from that degrading yoke.
Should we produce such a revolution there, we
shall be amply rewarded for all that we have
done.—
To Judge Tyler. Washington ed. iv, 574.
(M. March. 1805)

8590. TRIPOLI, Expedition against.—

I
have never been so mortified as at the conduct
of our foreign functionaries on the loss of the
Philadelphia. They appear to have supposed
that we were all lost now, and without resource;
and they have hawked us in forma pauperis begging alms at every court in Europe.
This self-degradation is the more unpardonable
as, uninstructed and unauthorized, they have
taken measures which commit us by moral
obligations which cannot be disavowed. The
most serious of these is with the First Consul of
France, the Emperor of Russia and Grand
Seigneur. The interposition of the two first
has been so prompt, so cordial, so energetic,
that it is impossible for us to decline the good
offices they have done us. From the virtuous
and warm-hearted character of the Emperor,
and the energy he is using with the Ottoman
Porte, I am really apprehensive that our squadron
will, on its arrival, find our prisoners all
restored. If this should be the case, it would
be ungrateful and insulting to these three great
powers, to chastise the friend (Tripoli) whom
they had induced to do us voluntary justice.
Our expedition will in that case be disarmed,
and our just desires of vengeance disappointed,
and our honor prostrated. To anticipate these
measures, and to strike our blow before they
shall have had their effect, are additional and
cogent motives for getting off our squadron
without a moment's avoidable delay.—
To Robert Smith. Ford ed., viii, 301.
(M. April. 1804)

8591. TRIPOLI, Expedition against.—[continued].

Five fine frigates have
left the Chesapeake * * * for Tripoli, which,
in addition to the force now there, will, I trust,
recover the credit which Commodore Morris's
two years' sleep lost us, and for which he has
been broke. I think they will make Tripoli

sensible, that they mistake their interest in
choosing war with us; and Tunis also, should
she have declared war as we expect, and almost
wish.—
To Philip Mazzei. Washington ed. iv, 553.
(W. July. 1804)

8592. TRIPOLI, Grounds for war.—

The
war with Tripoli stands on two grounds of fact.
1st. It is made known to us by our agents with
the three other Barbary States, that they only
wait to see the event of this, to shape their conduct
accordingly. If the war is ended by additional
tribute, they mean to offer us the same alternative.
2dly. If peace was made, we should
still, and shall ever, be obliged to keep a frigate
in the Mediterranean to overawe rupture, or
we must abandon that market. Our intention in
sending Morris with a respectable force, was
to try whether peace could be forced by a coercive
enterprise on their town. His inexecution
of orders baffled that effort. Having broke him,
we try the same experiment under a better commander.
If, in the course of the summer, they
cannot produce peace, we shall recall our force,
except one frigate and two small vessels, which
will keep up a perpetual blockade. Such a
blockade will cost us no more than a state of
peace, and will save us from increased tributes,
and the disgrace attached to them.—
To Judge Tyler. Washington ed. iv, 574.
(M. March. 1805)

8593. TRIPOLI, War with.—

Tripoli
* * * had come forward with demands unfounded
either in right or in compact, and had
permitted itself to denounce war, on our failure
to comply before a given day. The style of the
demand admitted but one answer. I sent a
small squadron of frigates into the Mediterranean
with assurances to that power of our
sincere desire to remain in peace, but with orders
to protect our commerce against the threatened
attack. The measure was seasonable and
salutary. The Bey had already declared war
in form. His cruisers were out. Two had arrived
at Gibraltar. Our commerce in the Mediterranean
was blockaded, and that of the Atlantic
in peril. The arrival of our squadron
dispelled the danger. One of the Tripolitan
cruisers * * * engaged the small schooner Enterprise,
commanded by Lieutenant Sterret,
* * * was captured after a heavy slaughter of
her men, without the loss of a single one on our
part. * * * Unauthorized by the Constitution,
without the sanction of Congress, to go beyond
the line of defence, the vessel being disabled
from committing further hostilities, was liberated
with its crew.—
First Annual Message. Washington ed. viii, 7. Ford ed., viii, 116.
(Dec. 1801)

8594. TROUBLE, Borrowing.—

Are there
so few inquietudes tacked to this momentary
life of ours, that we must need be loading ourselves
with a thousand more?—
To John Page. Washington ed. i, 183. Ford ed., i, 343.
(F.,,
17621762)gt;

8595. TRUMBULL (John), Artist.—

Our countryman Trumbull is here [Paris], a
young painter of the most promising talents.
He brought with him his Battle of Bunker Hill
and Death of Montgomery to have them engraved
here, and we may add, to have them sold;
for like Dr. Ramsey's history, they are too true
to suit the English palate.—
To F. Hopkinson. Ford ed., iv, 272.
(P. 1786)

See Cornwallis.

8596. TRUST, Public.—

When a man assumes
a public trust, he should consider himself
as public property.—
To Baron von Humboldt. Rayner, Boston edition,356.
(W. 1807)

8597. TRUTH, Error vs.—

Truth is the
proper and sufficient antagonist to error, and
has nothing to fear from the conflict, unless
by human interposition disarmed of her natural
weapons, free argument and debate;
errors ceasing to be dangerous when it is permitted
freely to contradict them.—
Statute of Religious Freedom. Ford ed., ii, 239.
(1779)

8598. TRUTH, Error vs.—[continued].

Truth being as cheap as
error, it is as well to rectify it for our own
satisfaction.—
To John Adams. Washington ed. vii, 309. Ford ed., x, 272.
(M. 1823)

8599. TRUTH, Eternal.—

Truth and reason
are eternal. They have prevailed. And
they will eternally prevail, however, in times
and places they may be overborne for a while
by violence—military, civil, or ecclesiastical.—
To Rev. Mr. Knox. Washington ed. v, 503.
(M. 1810)

8600. TRUTH, Falsehood and.—

The firmness with which the people have withstood
the late abuses of the press, the discernment
they have manifested between truth
and falsehood, show that they may safely be
trusted to hear everything true and false,
and to form a correct judgment between
them.—
To Judge Tyler. Washington ed. iv, 549.
(W. 1804)

8601. TRUTH, Following.—

Here [the
University of Virginia] we are not afraid to
follow truth wherever it may lead, nor to tolerate
any error so long as reason is left free
to combat it.—
To Mr. Roscoe. Washington ed. vii, 196.
(M. 1820)

8602. TRUTH, Greatness of.—

Truth is
great and will prevail if left to herself.—
Statute of Religious Freedom. Washington ed. viii, 455. Ford ed., ii, 239.
(1779)

8603. TRUTH, Harmless.—

Truth between
candid minds can never do harm.—
To John Adams. Washington ed. iii, 270. Ford ed., v, 354.
(Pa., 1791)

8604. TRUTH, Importance of.—

It is of
great importance to set a resolution, not to
be shaken, never to tell an untruth. There
is no vice so mean, so pitiful, so contemptible;
and he who permits himself to tell a lie once,
finds it much easier to do it a second and a
third time, till at length it becomes habitual;
he tells lies without attending to it, and truths
without the world's believing him. This
falsehood of the tongue leads to that of the
heart, and in time depraves all its good dispositions.—
To Peter Carr. Washington ed. i, 396.
(P. 1785)

8605. TRUTH, Lies and.—

The man who
fears no truths has nothing to fear from lies.—
To Dr. George Logan. Ford ed., x, 27.
(M. 1816)

8606. TRUTH, Newspapers and.—

The
restraining the press to truth, as the present
laws do, is the only way of making it useful.—
To William Short. Washington ed. v, 362.
(M. 1808)

8607. TRUTH, Only safe guide.—

In all cases, follow truth as the only safe guide, and

eschew error, which bewilders us in one false
consequence after another, in endless succession.—
To John Adams. Washington ed. vii, 149. Ford ed., x, 153.
(M. 1819)

8608. TRUTH, Primary object.—

Truth
is the first object.—
To Dr. Maese. Washington ed. v, 413.
(W. 1809)

8609. TRUTH, Propagation of.—

Nor
was it less uninteresting to the world, that an
experiment should be fairly and fully made,
whether freedom of discussion, unaided by
power, is not sufficient for the propagation
and protection of truth.—
Second Inaugural Address. Washington ed. viii, 43. Ford ed., viii, 346.
(1805)

8610. TRUTH, Reason and.—

No experiment
can be more interesting than that we
are now trying, and which we trust will end
in establishing the fact, that man may be governed
by reason and truth. Our first object
should therefore be, to leave open to him all
the avenues to truth. The most effectual
hitherto found, is the freedom of the press.
It is, therefore, the first shut up by those who
fear the investigation of their actions.—
To Judge Tyler. Washington ed. iv, 548.
(W. 1804)

8611. TRUTH, Refreshing.—

We, who
are retired from the business of the world,
are glad to catch a glimpse of truth, here and
there as we can, to guide our path through the
boundless field of fable in which we are bewildered
by public prints, and even by those
calling themselves histories. A word of truth
to us is like the drop of water supplicated
from the tip of Lazarus's finger. It is as
an observation of latitude and longitude to
the mariner long enveloped in clouds, for correcting
the ship's way.—
To John Quincy Adams. Washington ed. vii, 87.
(M. 1817)

8612. TRUTH, Self-evident.—

We hold
these truths to be self-evident: that all men
are created equal; that they are endowed by
their Creator with inherent [491] and inalienable
rights; that among these, are life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness.—
Declaration of Independence as Drawn by Jefferson.

8613. TRUTH, Self-reliant.—

It is error
alone which needs the support of government.
Truth can stand by itself.—
Notes on Virginia. Washington ed. viii, 401. Ford ed., iii, 264.
(1782)

8614. TRUTH, Strength of.—

Truth will do well enough if left to shift for herself.
She seldom has received much aid from the
power of great men to whom she is rarely
known and seldom welcome. She has no
need of force to procure entrance into the
minds of men.—
Notes on Religion. Ford ed., ii, 102.
(1776?)

8615. TRUTH, Suppression of.—

Truths
necessary for our own character, must not be
suppressed out of tenderness to its calumniators.—
To President Madison. Washington ed. vi, 452. Ford ed., ix, 512.
(M. 1815)

8616. TRUTH, Unfeared.—

There is not
a truth on earth which I fear or would dis
guise.—
To William Duane. Washington ed. iv, 591. Ford ed., viii, 431.
(W. 1806)

8617. TRUTH, Unfeared.—[continued].

There is not a truth on
earth which I fear should be known.—
To Thomas Seymour. Washington ed. v, 43. Ford ed., ix, 30.
(W. 1807)

8618. TRUTH, Unfeared.—[further continued].

I feel no falsehood and
fear no truth.—
To Isaac Hillard. Washington ed. v, 551.
(M. 1810)

8619. TRUTH, Unfeared.—[further continued] .

There is not a truth existing
which I fear, or would wish unknown
to the whole world.—
To Henry Lee. Washington ed. vii, 448. Ford ed., x, 389.
(M. May 15, 1826)

8620. TRUXTUN (Thomas), Medal for.—

I have considered the letter of the director
of the mint stating the ease with which the errors
of Commodore Truxtun's medal may be
corrected on the medal itself and the unpracticability
of doing it on the die. * * * A second
law would be required to make a second die
or medal. * * * It certainly may be as well or
better done by the graver, and with more delicate
traits. I remember it was the opinion of
Doctor Franklin that where only one or a few
medals were to be made it was better to have
them engraved. The medal being corrected, the
die becomes immaterial, that has never been
delivered to the party, the medal itself being the
only thing voted to him. I say this on certain
grounds, because I think this and Preble's are
the only medals given by the United States
which have not been made under my immediate
direction. The dies of all those given by the
old Congress, and made at Paris, remain to this
day deposited with our bankers at Paris. That
of General Lee, made in Philadelphia, was retained
in the mint.—
To Jacob Crowninshield. Washington ed. v, 300.
(1808)

8621. TUDE (M. A. de la), Imprisonment.—

De la Tude comes sometimes to take
family soup with me, and entertains me with
anecdotes of his five and thirty years' imprisonment.
How fertile is the mind of man, which
can make The Bastile and dungeon of Vincennes
yield interesting anecdotes! You know this
[imprisonment] was for making four verses on
Madame du Pompadour. [492] —
To Mrs. Cosway. Washington ed. ii, 42. Ford ed., iv, 322.
(P. 1786)

8622. TURKEY, Decline of army.—

The
Turks have lost their warlike spirit, and their
troops cannot be induced to adopt the European
arms.—
To James Monroe. Washington ed. i, 358. Ford ed., iv, 65.
(P. 1785)

8623. TURKEY, Greeks and.—

It has
been thought that the two imperial courts
[Austria and Russia] have a plan of expelling
the Turks from Europe. It is really a pity so
charming a country should remain in the hands
of a people, whose religion forbids the admission
of science and the arts among them. We
should wish success to the object of the two
empires, if they meant to leave the country in
possession of the Greek inhabitants. We might
then expect, once more, to see the language of
Homer and Demosthenes a living language. For
I am persuaded the modern Greek would easily
get back to its classical models. But this is not
intended. They only propose to put the Greeks
under other masters; to substitute one set of
barbarians for another.—
To Dr. Stiles. Washington ed. i, 365.
(P. 1785)

8624. TURKEY, Humanity and.—

A
lover of humanity would wish to see that charming
country from which the Turks exclude science
and freedom, in any hands rather than
theirs, and in those of the native Greeks rather
than any others. The recovery of their ancient
language would not be desperate, could they
recover their ancient liberty. But those who
wish to remove the Turks, wish to put themselves
in their places. This would be exchanging
one set of barbarians for another only.—
To Richard Henry Lee. Ford ed., iv, 72.
(P. 1785)

8625. TURKEY, Russia, Austria and.—

It is believed that the Emperor [of Austria] and the Empress [of Russia] have schemes
in contemplation for driving the Turks out of
Europe. Were this with a view to reestablish
the native Greeks in the sovereignty of their
own country, I could wish them success, and to
see driven from that delightful country a set
of barbarians with whom an opposition to all
science is an article of religion. * * * But these
powers have in object to divide the country between
themselves. This is only to substitute
one set of barbarians for another, breaking, at
the same time, the balance among the European
powers.—
To John Page. Washington ed. i, 400.
(P. 1785)

8626. TURKEY, Terra incognita.—

I cannot think but that it would be desirable to
all commercial nations to have Turkey and all
its dependencies driven from the seacoast into
the interior parts of Asia and Africa. What a
field would thus be restored to commerce! The
finest parts of the old world are now dead in
a great degree to commerce, to arts, to sciences,
and to society. Greece, Syria, Egypt, and the
northern coast of Africa, constituted the whole
world almost for the Romans, and to us they
are scarcely known, scarcely accessible at all.—
To John Brown. Washington ed. ii, 396. Ford ed., v, 18.
(P. 1788)

See Constantinople.

8627. TYLER (John), Judge.—

Judge
John Tyler is an able and well read lawyer,
about 59 years of age. He was popular as a
judge, and is remarkably so as a governor, for
his incorruptible integrity, which no circumstances
have ever been able to turn from its
course. It will be difficult to find a character
of firmness enough to preserve his independence
on the same bench with Marshall. Tyler, I am
certain, would do it, * * * and be a counterpoint
to the rancorous hatred which Marshall
bears to the government of his country, and
* * * the cunning and sophistry within which
he is able to enshroud himself.—
To President Madison. Ford ed., ix, 275.
(1810)

8628. TYLER (John), Patriot.—

The
concurrence of a veteran patriot, who from the
first dawn of the Revolution to this day has pursued
unchangeably the same honest course, can
not but be flattering to his fellow laborers.—
To Governor Tyler. Washington ed. v, 425.
(W. Feb. 1809)

8629. TYPHUS FEVER, Treatment of.—

While I was in Paris, both my daughters
were taken with what we formerly called a
nervous fever, now a typhus. * * * Dr.
Gem, * * * never gave them a single dose
of physic. He told me it was a disease which
tended with certainty to wear itself off, but
so slowly that the strength of the patient
might first fail if not kept up; that this alone
was the object to be attended to by nourishment
and stimulus. He forced them to eat a cup of
rice, or panada, or gruel, or of some of the
farinaceous substances of easy digestion every
two hours, and to drink a glass of Madeira.
The youngest took a pint of Madeira a day
without feeling it, and that for many weeks.
For costiveness, injections were used; and he
observed that a single dose of medicine taken
into the stomach and consuming any of the
strength of the patient was often fatal. * * * I have had this fever in my family three or
four times since, * * * and have carried
between twenty and thirty patients through
without losing a single one, by a rigorous observance
of Dr. Gem's plan and principle. Instead
of Madeira I have used toddy or French
brandy.—
To James Madison. Ford ed., x, 181.
(M. 1821)

8630. TYRANNY, Absolute.—

The history
of the present King of Great Britain is
a history of unremitting injuries and usurpations,
among which appears no solitary, fact
to contradict the uniform tenor of the rest,
but all have in direct object the establishment
of an absolute tyranny over these States. [493] —
Declaration of Independence as Drawn by Jefferson.

8631. TYRANNY, British.—

That rapid
and bold succession of injuries which is likely
to distinguish the present from all other periods
of American history.—
Rights of British America. Washington ed. i, 130. Ford ed., i, 435.
(1774)

8632. TYRANNY, Despotism and.—

But why should we enumerate their injuries
in detail? By one act they have suspended
the powers of one American legislature, and
by another have declared they may legislate
for us themselves in all cases whatsoever.
These two acts alone form a basis broad
enough whereon to erect a despotism of unlimited
extent.—
Declaration on Taking up Arms. Ford ed., i, 469.
(July. 1775)

8633. TYRANNY, Eternal hostility to.—

I have sworn upon the altar of God eternal
hostility against every form of tyranny over
the mind of man.—
To Dr. Benjamin Rush. Washington ed. iv, 336. Ford ed., vii, 460.
(M. 1800)

8634. TYRANNY, Fear and.—

Fear is
the only restraining motive which may hold
the hand of a tyrant.—
Rights of British America. Washington ed. i, 131. Ford ed., i, 436.
(1774)

8635. TYRANNY, Foundation for.—

Future ages will scarcely believe that the
hardiness of one man adventured, within the
short compass of twelve years only, to lay a
foundation so broad and so undisguised for
tyranny over a people fostered and fixed in
the principles of freedom. [494] —
Declaration of Independence as Drawn by Jefferson.

8636. TYRANNY, George III.—

A prince
whose character is thus marked by every act
which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the
ruler of a people who mean to be free. [495] —
Declaration of Independence as Drawn by Jefferson.

8637. TYRANNY, Guarding against.—

The time to guard against corruption and
tyranny is before they shall have gotten hold

of us. It is better to keep the wolf out of the
fold, than to trust to drawing his teeth and
talons after he shall have entered.—
Notes on Virginia. Washington ed. viii, 363. Ford ed., iii, 225.
(1782)

8638. TYRANNY, Insurrection against.—

The general insurrection of the
world against its tyrants will ultimately prevail
by pointing the object of government to
the happiness of the people, and not merely
to that of their self-constituted governors.—
To Marquis Lafayette. Ford ed., x, 233.
(M. 1822)

8639. TYRANNY, Political.—

If there
be a God, and He is just, His day will come.
He will never abandon the whole race of man
to be eaten up by the leviathans and mammoths
of a day.—
To Marquis Lafayette. Ford ed., x, 302.
(M. 1811)

8640. TYRANNY, Rebellion against.—

Rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God.—
Motto on Jefferson's Seal, Domestic Life of. Jefferson,title page. See Languages, Purism.

8641. TYRANNY, Spirit of.—

Bodies of
men, as well as individuals, are susceptible
of the spirit of tyranny.—
Rights of British America. Washington ed. i, 128. Ford ed., i, 433.
(1774)

8642. TYRANNY, Systematic.—

Single
acts of tyranny may be ascribed to the accidental
opinion of a day; but a series of oppressions,
begun at a distinguished period,
and pursued unalterably through every
change of ministers, too plainly prove a deliberate,
systematical plan of reducing us to
slavery.—
Rights of British America. Washington ed. i, 130. Ford ed., i, 435.
(1774)