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The Book of Wei: Fascicle 5

[1]

These lines are quoted from the Classic of Changes, Hexagram 37, "Tuan
zhuan" [OMITTED] [Commentary on the Decision]. Cf. Wilhelm, I Ching, 570. See
also Wilhelm, Heaven, Earth, and Man in the Book of Changes, 86; Klöpsch,
" `Bird in a Cage,' `Jade in the Mire,' " 238. We discuss "inner and outer"
spheres of activity in Chapter 2 above. A good discussion of the concept as
it existed in later times is Ebrey, The Inner Quarters, 23-29.

[2]

Yu is the culture hero Shun, who lived near the stream Gui: "All (giving =)
to the emperor said: There is an unmarried man (below =) in a low position,
called Shun of Yu. The emperor said: Yes, I have heard (of him): what is he
like? (Si) Yue said: He is the son of a blind man; his father was stupid, his
mother was deceitful, (his brother) Xiang was arrogant; he has been able to
be concordant and to be grandly filial; he has controlled himself and has not
come to wickedness. The emperor said: I will try him; I will wive him, and
observe his behaviour towards my two daughters. He (regulated, arranged =)
directed and sent down his two daughters to the nook of the Gui river, to be
wives in the Yu (house). The emperor said: Be reverent!" (Karlgren, "The Book
of Documents," 4). See also Karlgren, "Glosses on the Book of Documents,"
69-71. For more on the lore surrounding Yao's daughters, see note 98 below
and Yuan, Zhongguo shenhua chuanshuo cidian, 149. Ji was the surname of
the Zhou ruling house. Ren was the name of the mother of King Wen of Zhou,
and Si was the name of the mother of King Wu of Zhou.

[3]

Lu Bi notes that Chunqiu: Bao qian tu [OMITTED] [Apocryphon to the Spring
and Autumn Annals: Schema for Preserving Qian] says that "only the Son of
Heaven takes twelve wives" (Sgz jijie, 5.1b). See also Tjan, Po hu t'ung, 1:251252,
349n. 466. The latter indicates that both the Son of Heaven and the nobles
might take nine wives at a time but also points out that some held the emperor
might take twelve. On the number of wives the Son of Heaven should have,
see Chapter 3, note 40.

That San guo zhi here writes Chunqiu shuo [OMITTED] is something of a


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mystery. The only apocryphon with a similar title is Chunqiu: Shuo ti ci [OMITTED]
[OMITTED] [Apocryphon to the Spring and Autumn Annals: Explaining the
Themes and Words], and we have translated accordingly. However, the
surviving fragments of that work do not contain a similar passage. Perhaps
Chen Shou is referring to a lost portion of the Shuo ti ci or to some now
unknown work. Another possibility is that Chunqiu shuo is not a title at all,
but means instead "an explanation to the Spring and Autumn Annals," as
indicated by Dubs, who, however, was unsure.

[4]

Mengzi [OMITTED] 1B.5 says: "At that time there were neither girls pining for a
husband [yuannü [OMITTED]] nor men without a wife [kuangfu [OMITTED]]" (Lau,
Mencius, 66, brackets ours). The point here is that the huge size of the imperial
harems led both to a shortage of wives for the men of the empire and to
neglected women in the harem wishing for husbands of their own.

[5]

This sentence may mean something like "Only in the Taihe period, when he
named a new lady, did he raise her position above that of pure consort," or
"In the Taihe period when he first named a new lady, he raised her position
above that of pure consort." These latter interpretations offer more specificity
about the occasion, but we are not sure which of the three might be right.
The one adopted in the translation reflects our impression that the punctuation
in the Zhonghua shuju text may be misleading.

[6]

See Appendix I, Table 2.

[7]

The expression zhuhou wang is a generic term that ought simply to be
understood as wang [OMITTED] (king or prince). See, for example, Hucker, A Dictionary
of Official Titles in Imperial China,
no. 1384; Loewe, "The Orders of
Aristocratic Rank of Han China," 110; and Lin, Zhongguo lishi da cidian:
Qin Han shi,
374-375.

[8]

Kaiyang prefecture in Langye commandery was located just north of modern
Linyi [OMITTED] in Shandong province.

[9]

Qiao was in the vicinity of modern Bo [OMITTED] county in Anhui province.

[10]

One of the main anti-eunuch voices in the political machinations of 189 was
Yuan Shao. Yuan and General-in-Chief He Jin [OMITTED] (d. 189), half brother of
Empress Dowager He [OMITTED], wanted to exterminate the eunuchs, but she
opposed this. Yuan and others decided to intimidate her by having military
leaders bring their forces to the capital. One such army was lead by Dong Zhuo.

Dong was a seasoned military leader, and his advance caused the empress
dowager to dismiss all the eunuchs except those connected with He Jin. Yuan
Shao urged He to execute them all, but the latter refused. He Jin even demanded
that Dong stop his advance, and soon the eunuchs resumed their posts. But
on 22 September 189, He Jin had an audience with his sister in which he
requested permission to kill the eunuchs. The eunuchs were suspicious of his
visit to court. Having discovered what he was up to, they lured him back as
he was leaving and cut off his head. Anti-eunuch forces then went into action.
Leading eunuchs, taking along the empress dowager, the Young Emperor (Shao
di [OMITTED]; Liu Bian [OMITTED]), the emperor's younger brother Liu Xie [OMITTED], and
others, fled to the Northern Palace. The empress dowager slipped away from
the group en route. Yuan Shao's men are reported to have massacred more
than two thousand people at the palace, but the party leading the Young
Emperor escaped and fled the city. They were caught, and those eunuchs not
killed by the pursuers committed suicide.


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While the Young Emperor and Liu Xie were returning to Luoyang, they were
intercepted by Dong Zhuo, who then proceeded to the capital with his royal
charges. He went about solidifying his position, with many former soldiers
of the He brothers joining his army. Worried about an army that was stationed
east of the capital, Dong got its commander's subordinate, Lü Bu, to murder
his superior and bring the force over to Dong's side. Dong now had a
preponderance of military power in the capital region. He forced Empress
Dowager He to depose the ruler and replaced him with Liu Xie (Emperor
Xian), who was just a boy. Dong also killed the empress dowager and the
former emperor (HHs, 69.2249-2253, 72.2322-2324, 74A.2374, 56.1830,
9.367, 369; Ch'ü, Han Social Structure, 499-502, 505-506; Sgz, 1.5, 6.172,
6.174, 21.600; de Crespigny, To Establish Peace, 1:1-25; Leban, "Ts'ao Ts'ao
and the Rise of Wei," 130-131, 135-137, 140-141, 142-147, 152).

Some idea of Dong Zhuo's brutality can be had through the following
account of events after he made Liu Xie emperor:

Zhuo was transferred to be chancellor of state and appointed marquis
of Mei. Unannounced by the herald, he would enter the hall in sword
and shoes. His mother was also appointed lady of Chiyang [OMITTED]
and provided with a prefect of the household and assistant of the
household.

Having happened upon tremendous chaos in the imperial house
when he came leading his crack troops, Zhuo was able arbitrarily
to set aside one ruler and establish another and to seize the weapons
of the arsenal and the treasures of state. His might shook the world.

By nature Zhuo was ruthless and inhuman, so he menaced the
masses with severe punishments. He was sure to take retribution over
the smallest grievance, and people could not save themselves. He once
sent an army to Yangcheng [OMITTED]. It was just at the time of the secondmonth
sacrifice to the God of Earth, and the people were all at the
altar. The soldiers all went forth and cut the men's heads off, yoked
up their carts and oxen, and loaded up the women and property. They
tied the heads they had cut off to the shafts and axles of the carts
and returned to Luoyang in a continuous line, saying they had
attacked bandits and made a big haul, and shouting "Long life!" They
entered the Kaiyang Gate [OMITTED] and burned the heads. They gave
the women to the armored soldiers as slaves and concubines. They
even raped the palace women and princesses. Such were his cruelty
and treachery.

(Sgz, 6.174)

As soon as Dong began his coup, Yuan Shao quit the capital. Cao Cao
slipped out about the same time and headed east, where he raised an army.
Both men participated in an abortive anti-Dong alliance (HHs, 74A.2374; Sgz,
1.5-6; Leban, "Ts'ao Ts'ao and the Rise of Wei," 146-149, 151-152). On
9 April 190, because of the threat posed by the opposition forces—and over
the protests of the court—Dong sent Emperor Xian to Chang'an [OMITTED], forcing
the population of Luoyang to move, too (HHs, 9.369, 62A.2327; Sgz, 1.7).
Luoyang was at the time one of the greatest and most populous cities in the
world. The suffering caused by Dong's decision and the violence with which
he put it into effect can only be imagined, but there are moving descriptions


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of the pain and destruction he inflicted. He razed Luoyang and pillaged its
environs, even ordering Lü Bu to loot imperial tombs and other mausolea
(HHs, 9.370, 72.2327; Sgz, 1.7; Zztj, 59.1897; Bielenstein, "Lo-yang in Later
Han Times," 89-90; de Crespigny, To Establish Peace, 1:42-43; Leban, "Ts'ao
Ts'ao and the Rise of Wei," 155-156). On 22 May 192, Dong Zhuo was
assassinated in Chang'an by his adopted son and confederate Lü Bu as part
of a plot organized by Wang Yun [OMITTED] (HHs, 72.2331-2332; Sgz, 6.179;
Leban, "Ts'ao Ts'ao and the Rise of Wei," 186). The literature of the Jian'an
Period often refers to the hardships and destruction that attended the end of
the Han. Two of Cao Cao's most famous poems, "Xie lu xing" [OMITTED] [Dew
on the Shallot] and "Hao li xing" [OMITTED] [Wormwood Village], deal with the
fall of the Han and the failure of the alliance against Dong Zhuo.

[11]

Yuan Shu, Yuan Shao's half brother, had been involved in the slaughter of the
eunuchs (HHs, 8.358, 69.2252). He emerged as one of eight powerful satraps
of the 190s and even tried, to no avail, to establish his own dynasty in 197
(Mansvelt Beck, "The Fall of Han," 342, 349, 351). He is mentioned several
times in Fascicle 50 on the empresses and consorts of Wu below.

[12]

On he ku [OMITTED], translated here as "what misery," see Sgz jiaogu, 39.

[13]

Empress Bian herself gave birth to four sons: Cao Pi, Cao Zhang [OMITTED] (d. 223),
Cao Zhi, and Cao Xiong [OMITTED], who died young. These brothers eventually
had at least twenty-one half brothers (Sgz, 20.579). The eldest brother, Cao
Ang [OMITTED], referred to below by his appellative Zixiu [OMITTED], was the son of
Lady Liu [OMITTED] (see also Sgz, 1.14). He was killed in battle in 197, at which time
he must have been at least twenty. Thus he would have been born no later
than 178. Cao Pi, born in 187, was the next eldest, followed by Cao Zhang,
whose birthdate is not known. Cao Zhi may have been the next son born,
but this is not an absolute certainty, for Cao Ang's younger brother Cao Shuo
[OMITTED], who seems to have died in his teens, conceivably was older (Xu, "Cao
Zhi wei Cao Cao diji erzi," 36-38). See also Appendix I, Table 9.

[14]

Cao Pi was named Cao Cao's heir in the winter of Jian'an 22 (A.D. 217; see
Sgz, 1.49, 19.557). He was general of the gentlemen-of-the-household for all
purposes (wuguan zhonglang jiang [OMITTED]) at the time. Zhang yu [OMITTED],
here translated as "chief attendants," was the name of a Han office, but it
is not entirely clear that it was a formal term (Sgz cidian, 230). Drawing on
Wei Hong's [OMITTED] (fl. A.D. 25-57) Han jiu yi [OMITTED] [Old Han Ceremonies],
Ru Chun notes that "a female chief attendant (nü zhang yu [OMITTED]) was
comparable to a [male] palace attendant" (Hs, 63.2744).

[15]

Qi commandery was in modern Shandong. There seems to be a mistake in
the date given here, for there was no yisi day in that month. Imataka, Inami,
and Kominami, Sangoku shi, 1:149, also question this date. Note that Leban,
"Ts'ao Ts'ao and the Rise of Wei," 57, reads second month for twelfth month
and thus gives the Western equivalent 4 April 160. Yanxi 3 ran from 27
December 159 to 13 January 161.

[16]

Empress Bian's father is referred to by his later title here.

[17]

This quotation from the Wei History also appears in the commentary to Shi
shuo xin yu.
See Xu, Shishuo xinyu jiao jian, 19.364-365; Mather, Shih-shuo
Hsin-yü,
342. In the Shi shuo xin yu version, the diviner is called Wang Yue
[OMITTED].

[18]

In 196, following the advice of Xun Yu [OMITTED] (163-212), Cao Cao took
Emperor Xian under his protection and installed him at Xu [OMITTED] (or Xucheng),


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also called Xuchang [OMITTED], which was located in the vicinity of modern
Xuchang in He'nan.

[19]

Cao Cao died early in Jian'an 25 (on 15 March 220) in Luoyang. Cao Pi
succeeded him as chancellor and king of Wei and, later, on 10 or 11 December
220, became emperor of the new Wei dynasty (Zhang, San Cao nianpu, 168,
177; Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:10, 38-39; Leban,
"Managing Heaven's Mandate," 322, 325).

[20]

See note 58 below.

[21]

Zhou Xuan was noted for his skill at dream interpretation. The story related
here by Pei Songzhi is found in Zhou's biography in Sgz, 29.810-811. It has
been translated as follows:

The emperor also asked, "I dreamed that I was rubbing away at the
design on a coin, trying to make it disappear. But the design only
became brighter. What does this mean?"

Xuan was distraught, and he hesitated to answer. The emperor
pressed him with the question again, and Xuan said, "This derives
from a problem in Your Majesty's own household. Although you are
wishing for something, the imperial mother does not concur. This is
the reason the pattern only brightens, although you would like to rub
it away."

At that time, it was true that the emperor wanted to inflict a
punishment on his younger brother Cao Zhi, and he was pressuring
his mother to permit it. But the imperial mother was willing only
to reduce Cao Zhi in rank.

(DeWoskin, Doctors, Diviners, and
Magicians of Ancient China,
139)
[22]

It is unclear what offense is referred to here and difficult to reconcile Empress
Bian's response with the very different one to an event recorded in Cao Zhi's
biography: "In the year Huangchu 2 [221/222], Regent-Receptionist (jianguo
yezhe
[OMITTED]) Guan Jun [OMITTED], catering to the emperor's wishes,
memorialized that "While drunk, Cao Zhi was disrespectful and coerced and
intimidated Your envoy." All the officials concerned wanted the emperor to
punish this offense, but because of the empress dowager he only demoted Cao
Zhi to marquis of An district (Anxiang hou [OMITTED])" (Sgz, 19.561). The most
detailed investigation of Cao's demotion to marquis of An district is found in
Xu, "Cao Zhi shengping ba kao," 204-212. Xu pulls the fragmentary evidence
together into a convincing sequence of events. See also Zhang, San Cao nianpu,
189-190.

[23]

For another translation of this Wei History entry, see Fang, The Chronicle of
the Three Kingdoms,
1:106, 124-126.

[24]

Chen Qun's biography is in Sgz, 22.633-638. He was an important official,
first under Liu Bei, then under Cao Cao and Cao Pi. He is often credited with
establishing the nine-rank system of official recruitment in 220, but is perhaps
better characterized as the person who formalized its use in the government
(Holzman, "Les neuf catégories," 393; Ch'en, "A Confucian Magnate's Idea
of Political Violence," 79; Fairbank, "King and Province in the Western Chin,"
10). For another translation of Chen Qun's memorial and the emperor's
response, see Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:11-12, 41.


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[25]

As Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:41, points out, there is a
pertinent passage in the Record of Rites. In Legge's translation it says, "Hence
while the wife had (herself) no rank, she was held to be of the rank of her
husband, and she took her seat according to the position belonging to him"
(Legge, LîKî, 1:441; Lj, 26.19b).

[26]

The term "imperial secretariat" is a reference to the masters of writing (shang
shu
). Well before the Wei, the notion that a person who had no rank during
his or her lifetime should not receive a posthumous name was no longer strictly
observed. See Ch'ü, Han Social Structure, 78. Although Cao Pi accepted—and
even praised—Chen Qun's argument, ultimately Cao Rui conferred titles on
Empress Bian's parents, and her grandparents as well.

[27]

On Empress Bian's family, see Appendix I, Table 3.

[28]

Note that Sgz, 3.97 gives the precise date of death as 9 July 230 rather than
the May/June date given here.

[29]

This sentence is also translated in Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms,
1:328. Gao Tumulus lay west of Ye; that is, to the west of modern Linzhang
[OMITTED], Hebei. To judge from two surviving orders he composed, Cao Cao seems
to have personally chosen this site, which was visible from the famous Bronze
Bird Terrace (Tong que tai [OMITTED]), for his tomb. He said he wished to have
a thrifty burial there (see Cao Cao ji, 3.51, 57-58; Anhui Boxian, Cao Cao
ji yi zhu,
176-177, 187-188). As early as 205, Cao Cao prohibited lavish
burials (Sgz, 1.27). On lavish versus thrifty burial and the numerous calls for
the latter near the close of the Han, see Poo, "Ideas Concerning Death and
Burial in Pre-Han and Han China."

[30]

Qian Daxin says that a du xiang was a district near the capital and that a
du xiang hou, or the marquis of such a district, ranked above a regular xiang
hou,
or district marquis (Sgz jijie, 5.7a).

[31]

Duke of Gaogui District was a title held by Cao Mao, a nephew of Emperor
Ming. In Jingchu [OMITTED] 3(239), Emperor Ming died and was succeeded by his
adopted son Cao Fang, a seven- or eight-year-old. Cao Fang's regents were
Cao Shuang and Sima Yi [OMITTED] (179-251). A decade later, Sima Yi launched
a coup, and the Sima family took control of the Wei dynasty. After Sima Yi's
death, his eldest son Sima Shi [OMITTED], also known as King Jing of the Sima
family (Sima Jing wang [OMITTED]), became the de facto ruler of Wei. In 254,
he and his younger brother Sima Zhao, also known as King Wen [OMITTED], removed
Cao Fang as emperor and replaced him with Cao Mao, who was then fourteen
years old. In 260, Cao Mao attempted to do away with Sima Zhao but was
himself killed. He was replaced by Cao Huang [OMITTED], whose name was changed
to Cao Huan because rulers' personal names were taboo, and Huang was
thought difficult to avoid (Sgz, 4.147; see Fang, The Chronicle of the Three
Kingdoms,
2:354). Cao Huan was a grandson of Cao Cao and son of Cao
Yu [OMITTED] (King Yu of Yan [OMITTED]). Known to history as Emperor Yuan [OMITTED]
[OMITTED] (r. 260-265), or the Young Emperor (Shaodi [OMITTED]), he was just a teenager
at the time (Sgz, 4.117-147; Zhang, San Cao nianpu, 233; Fu, Zhongguo tong
shi,
1:252-254). It is because Cao Mao did serve as emperor, even though he
is not so referred to here, that Bian Long's daughter is called empress.

[32]

King of Chenliu refers to Cao Huan, who is also referred to as Duke of
Changdao District (Changdao xianggong [OMITTED]). After a five-year stint
as emperor, he abdicated in 266 to Sima Yan (r. 266-290), the first ruler of
the Jin dynasty. Cao Huan's biography is in Sgz, 4.147-154.


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[33]

This paragraph is also translated in Fang, The Chronicle of the Three
Kingdoms,
2:429-430.

[34]

Bielenstein notes that "majors might command entire regiments in exceptional
cases" (Bielenstein, The Bureaucracy of Han Times, 120). That seems to be
what is meant here.

[35]

Wuqiu Shouwang (ca. 156-110 B.C.) is sometimes referred to as Yuqiu
Shouwang [OMITTED], as in Xiao Tong's [OMITTED] (501-531) "Wen xuan xu" [OMITTED]
[OMITTED] [Preface to Selections of Refined Literature]. During the reign of the Han
Emperor Wu, a bronze tripod cauldron (ding [OMITTED]) was unearthed. All the other
officials saw this object as a numinous Zhou relic, but Wuqiu dissented. When
the emperor asked why, he said it was a gift from Heaven in approbation of
the Han. Emperor Wu was greatly pleased (Hs, 64A.2798). Hs, 30.1747 credits
Wuqiu with fifteen fu, or rhapsodies, all of which are lost (Knechtges, Wen
xuan,
1:95n).

During the reign of the Han Emperor Xuan [OMITTED] (r. 74-49 B.C.), Wang Xiang
[OMITTED], who was inspector of Yi province [OMITTED] (in the region of modern
Sichuan), had Wang Bao [OMITTED] (d. ca. 61 B.C.) compose a eulogy on the virtue
of the Han, which He Wu and others learned to sing. Wang, He, and others
were rewarded by Emperor Xuan (Hs, 86.3481).

[36]

The "external difficulties" would have been Wu and Shu. The emperor seems
to have been more interested in the ladies of the palace, as indicated near the
end of Chapter 4 above.

[37]

Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:70-71, makes much of some
confusion about the date of birth of Cao Rui (Emperor Ming). However, it
seems likely that he was born later than Fang allows, probably sometime in
206. See Zhang, San Cao nianpu, 94.

Wuji, in the Han kingdom of Zhongshan, was in the vicinity of the modern
county by the same name in Hebei. Zhen Han was the son-in-law of Minister
over the Masses (situ [OMITTED]) Kong Guang [OMITTED], a supporter of Wang Mang.
Both Zhen and Kong played a role in Wang's consolidation of his power, and
Zhen became a member of his circle of advisers and one of his most important
officials. See Dubs, The History of the Former Han Dynasty, 3:137-138, 140,
142-145, 167, 181, 200, 225, 234, 236-237, 263, 319.

[38]

This places Empress Zhen's family in the level just below the highest officials
in the bureaucracy. See Bielenstein, The Bureaucracy of Han Times, 4-5;
Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, 16.

[39]

Shangcai, in the Han commandery of Ru'nan [OMITTED], was located near modern
Shangcai in He'nan. Liu Jun's [OMITTED] (462-521) commentary to A New Account
of Tales of the World
quotes the Wei Epitome, which calls her father Zhen
Hui [OMITTED] (Xu, Shishuo xinyu jiao jian, 35.489; Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü,
484). However, the sentence in which Zhen Yi's name is given as Zhen Hui
is missing from the Wei Epitome as that text has been preserved in Pei's
commentary. According to Lu Bi, the Wei Epitome text has probably been
garbled in the commentary to Shi shuo xin yu (Sgz jijie, 5.11a).

[40]

This is apparently a reference to the disintegration of the Han in the 190s and
the concomitant rise of various military leaders, rebels, and powerful regional
administrators. See Mansvelt Beck, "The Fall of Han," 349.

[41]

This is a proverb found in Zuo zhuan, Huan 10.

[42]

Changshan was a Han commandery with its seat located in modern Yuanshi


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[OMITTED] country, Hebei. Its name was changed from Hengshan [OMITTED] to avoid the
personal name of Emperor Wen of Han, Liu Heng [OMITTED].

[43]

Quliang was a Han prefecture in the area of modern Yongnian [OMITTED], Hebei.

[44]

On hao mu [OMITTED] ("keening and wailing"), see Sgz jiaogu, 40.

[45]

See Chapter 3, note 89.

[46]

You province was to the northeast, in the region of modern northern Hebei
and Liaoning.

[47]

Cf. Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:68. Ye was the seat of Ji
province and was the base of power of Yuan Shao and his son Yuan Shang
[OMITTED] (d.207). Cao Cao captured the city in 204. It was located in Hebei in
the vicinity of modern Yezhen [OMITTED] and Santai cun [OMITTED], in the southwest
of Linzhang county.

[48]

See note 19 above for the date Cao Pi became emperor. This actually marked
the beginning of the Huangchu reign period, but the name was applied
retroactively to the whole calendar year.

[49]

These two sentences are also translated in Fang, The Chronicle of the Three
Kingdoms,
1:40. Duke of Shanyang is the title that was bestowed on Emperor
Xian, the last Han emperor, after he abdicated. The abdication took place on
either 19 or 25 November 220 (Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms,
1:10, 36-37; Leban, "Managing Heaven's Mandate," 324-325). The new title
was given on 13 December 220 (Sgz, 2.76; Fang, The Chronicle of the Three
Kingdoms,
1:10, 39).

[50]

Honorable Lady Li was the mother of Cao Pi's son Cao Xie [OMITTED], the
Lamented King of Zan [OMITTED], who died at a relatively young age (Sgz,
20.590).

[51]

Empress Zhen's suicide was ordered on 6 August 221 (Fang, The Chronicle
of the Three Kingdoms,
1:48, 71).

[52]

See Chapter 5, note 83.

[53]

Cf. Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:69; Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü,
484.

[54]

Cf. Fang, The Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms, 1:69-70; Mather, Shih-shuo
Hsin-yü,
484-485.

[55]

Rear palace (hou gong [OMITTED]) is a commonly used term that refers to the section
of a palace complex where the consorts dwell.

[56]

Guanzhong (Within the Passes) is the name that was commonly applied to
the area of modern Shaanxi. The campaign mentioned here brought virtually
all of the area under Cao Cao's control (see Sgz, 1.34-36). Both Cao Zhi and
Cao Pi refer to it in rhapsodies. The preface to Cao Zhi's "Li si fu" [OMITTED]
[Rhapsody on Thoughts of Parting] says, "In the sixteenth year of Jian'an, a
great force went west to quell Ma Chao [OMITTED] [176-222]. The heir apparent
stayed behind in the capital while I went along." Cao Pi's preface to his "Gan
li fu" [OMITTED] [Rhapsody on Being Moved by Parting] likewise notes, "In the
sixteenth year of Jian'an, the emperor went on a military expedition west. I
stayed behind in charge. My elderly mother and all my younger brothers went
along" (Zhao, Cao Zhi ji jiao zhu, 1.40; Wei Wendi ji, 1.2b). See also Cutter,
"On Reading Cao Zhi's `Three Good Men,' " 8. Mengjin (Meng Ford) was
south of modern Meng county, He'nan.

[57]

This was an expedition against Sun Quan. See Sgz, 1.49.


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[58]

Palace of Prolonged Autumn (Changqiu gong [OMITTED]) refers to the empress
(Sgz jijie, 5.12b; HHs, 10A.409, commentary). The usage is like that of referring
to Empress Dowager Bian as Palace of Eternal Longevity. Prolonged Autumn
was the title of an official responsible for matters pertaining to the empresses
during the Former Han (Hs, 19A.734). The Palace of Prolonged Autumn was
established during the Later Han and was occupied by the empress (DHhy,
38.405). There are at least two explanations of the name. One holds that
autumn was adopted because it refers to the season when everything begins
to ripen (HHs, 10A.409, commentary). Another says that autumn was used
because an empress is yin (as opposed to yang), and autumn is when yin begins
to wax (Wei Zhao, Bian Shi ming [OMITTED] [Debating Explaining Names], cited
in Sghy, 9.163). See also Bielenstein, The Bureaucracy of Han Times, 69.

[59]

The term Six Palaces (liu gong [OMITTED]) generally refers to the quarters of the
empress and lesser consorts within the imperial palace. The Rites of Zhou says,
"[The administrator of the interior (nei zai [OMITTED])] teaches the rites of yin to
the Six Palaces." The commentary explains:

Zheng Sinong [OMITTED] [Zheng Zhong [OMITTED], d. 83] says, "The rites
of yin are the rites of the women. Six Palaces: five in the rear, one
in front. . . . " [Zheng] Xuan says, " `Six Palaces' refers to the queen.
The wives refer to the boudoir as `palace.' `Palace' is a euphemism
for the queen. Just as the king puts up six palaces and occupies a
primary boudoir, there are also a primary boudoir and five pleasure
boudoirs. The instructor dares not rebuke her, so he refers to her as
`Six Palaces.' This is similar to the-current way of referring to the
emperor as `Central Palace.' "

(Zlzy, 13.12a; cf. Biot, Le Tcheou-li,
1:142 n.3)
[60]

The Spring and Autumn Annals, one of the canonical texts of Confucianism,
is said to be by Confucius himself. It is an extremely terse chronicle, but due
to the importance that Confucius and others placed on it, it has traditionally
been held to be made up of carefully nuanced judgments on events of the time.
More recently, however, the existence of such praise and blame messages in
the text has been called into question. See Durrant, "Ching," 313. We follow
Wu Jinhua [OMITTED] in considering the negative bu [OMITTED] in this sentence to be
an interpolation and have omitted it (Sgz jiaogu, 41).

[61]

The term translated here as "Wei historians" could be taken as Wei History,
as in Miao, San guo zhi daodu, 22. In any case, it means the Wei shu or those
who wrote it.

[62]

See also Sgz, 13.412; Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:234; Ss,
16.444. Wang Lang was an important official and scholar who was close to
Cao Pi. He was the recipient of a famous letter from Cao Pi in which Cao
subordinates literature to "establishing virtue and making a name" as a means
to immortal fame. See Holzman, "Literary Criticism in China in the Early Third
Century A.D.," 121-122; Cutter, "The Incident at the Gate," 249; and Cutter,
"To the Manner Born?"

To be commissioned with a verge (shi chi jie [OMITTED]) conferred great prestige
on the recipient and granted him extraordinary powers over government
agencies. See Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, no.
5223. A Great Sacrifice (tailao [OMITTED]) involved sacrificing an ox, a goat, and


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a pig. Great Sacrifices were offered on only the most important occasions, for
example, as offerings to the altars, to Soil and Millet, who were the protective
deities of the empire. The precise date of Empress Zhen's canonization is in
doubt. See Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:203, 215.

[63]

For another translation of Empress Zhen's biography through the preceding
sentence, see Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:68-69. See also
Sgz, 3.92; Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:223, 234. Weichang
prefecture in Zhongshan commandery was in the vicinity of modern Wuji
county in Hebei.

[64]

A Han cun [OMITTED] (inch) was about 2.3 cm. Three States period cun were a bit
longer—about 2.4 cm. For convenient tables of Han weights and measures,
see Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe's Records, 1:xxxi-xxxiv, and Twitchett and
Loewe, The Cambridge History of China, 1:xxxviii. For more detailed
information, see Qiu, Zhongguo lidai duliangheng kao, 12-69. See especially
pp. 68-69 on the Three States period.

[65]

The reburial of Empress Zhen took place on 17 February 231 (Sgz, 3.97; Fang,
The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:320, 333).

[66]

Dongxiang probably refers to one of the prefectures of Pei. It was located in
the northeastern part of modern Anhui province. Anxi prefecture was in the
vicinity of modern Ding [OMITTED] county, Hebei.

[67]

The memorial is also mentioned in Ss, 16.444.

[68]

This is an allusion to the "Ganying" [OMITTED] [Sympathetic Responses] section
of the Xiao jing [OMITTED] [Classic of Filial Piety]. See Xiao jing zhu shu, 8.1a.

[69]

The first two groups of poems in the "Airs of the States" section of the Classic
of Poetry
are "Zhou nan" [OMITTED] and "Shao nan" [OMITTED], referred to collectively
as the "Er nan" [OMITTED] [Two Nan]. The "Two Nan," as shown by the "Minor
Preface" to the Classic of Poetry, have traditionally and allegorically been read
as depictions of the virtues of rulers' consorts and other women. See Legge,
The Chinese Classics, 4:36-41, and the discussion in Chapter 3 above.

[70]

It is unclear whether shi fa [OMITTED] here refers to an actual work. Su Xun's work
of the same title contains virtually the same explanation of zhao, citing the
Eastern Han scholar Liu Xi (Sf, 1.7b). See also Wang, Shi fa yanjiu, 367-368.

[71]

Lord Millet was a legendary ancestor of the Zhou ruling house, and Jiang Yuan
was his mother (see also Chapter 2, note 4 above). She was the wife of Di
Ku, said to be a great-grandson of the Yellow Emperor, and she became
pregnant by treading on the footprint of a giant. See Sj, 4.111-112; Chavannes,
Mémoires historiques, 1:209-210; and Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe's
Records,
1:55.

[72]

These are the same terms used by the Hallowed Documents in describing Yao.
Cf. the opening of "Yao dian" [OMITTED] [Canons of Yao] of the Hallowed
Documents.
See Legge, The Chinese Classics, 3:15.

[73]

This memorial also appears, with some textual differences, in Ss, 16.444.

[74]

The "Wang zhi" [OMITTED] [Ruler's Institutions] section of the Record of Rites says
that the emperor has seven miao [OMITTED] (temples) for seven generations of ancestors
(Lj, 12.13b). See also Zhongguo wenhuashi gongju shu, 222, and the
subcommentary in Zlzy, 42.19b.

[75]

Gaoxin shi is another name for Di Ku (see note 71 above). Gaoxin is said
to have been a toponym, perhaps the name of his benefice. Di Ku divined that
his four sons would become rulers. The four sons were: Di Zhi, who succeeded


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him as ruler; Tao Tang shi [OMITTED], i.e., the legendary sage-ruler Yao; Qi [OMITTED],
reputed ancestor of the ruling house of the Yin [OMITTED], or Shang, dynasty; and
Hou Ji. See Sj, 1.13-14, 45, 3.91, 4.111; Chavannes, Mémoires historiques,
1:39-42, 93-94, 173-174, 209-210; Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe's Records,
1:5-6, 17, 41, 55. See also Yuan, Zhongguo shenhua chuanshuo cidian, 295296.


[76]

See Zlzy, 42.19b. Yize [OMITTED] and zhonglü (called by its name xiaolu [OMITTED] in
the Rites of Zhou) are two of the notes of the classical Chinese scale of twelve
notes (Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, 4.1:165-176; Zhongguo
wenhuashi gongju shu,
175-176). The grand huo [OMITTED] was music from the time
of the Shang founder Tang. See Zlzy, 42.8a. The ancestral mother is Jiang Yuan
(see note 71 above).

[77]

Karlgren, The Book of Odes, 263. See Mao shi 245.

[78]

Karlgren, The Book of Odes, 259-261. See Mao shi 300.

[79]

Youyu shi [OMITTED] is the legendary sage-ruler Shun. The main point here is
that, like Cao Pi, Shun became emperor through the abdication of his
predecessor. On other references to this similarity, see Leban, "Managing
Heaven's Mandate," 330, 333-334.

[80]

This refers to the three generations of the Wei: Cao Cao, Cao Pi, and Cao
Rui.

[81]

This is an allusion to the poem "Weiyang" [North of the Wei] in the Classic
of Poetry
(Mao shi 134). The traditional interpretation says it is about Duke
Kang of Qin's [OMITTED] longing for his mother. See Legge, The Chinese Classics,
4:58, 203.

[82]

This section on the death of Cao Shu and the subsequent designation of Guo
De as her posthumous offspring is also translated in Fang, The Chronicle of
the Three Kingdoms,
1:388. See also Sgz, 22.636, 25.707; Fang, The Chronicle
of the Three Kingdoms,
1:373-374, 388-390.

[83]

Pingyuan is the name of a commandery that had its seat in the modern county
by the same name in northwest Shandong.

[84]

This sentence is also translated in Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms,
1:665. King of Qi here refers to Cao Fang. She became empress on 29 May
243, while Cao Fang was still titular emperor (Sgz, 4.120; Fang, The Chronicle
of the Three Kingdoms,
1:655, 665).

[85]

Yang Fu has a biography in Sgz, 25.700-708. See also Zhuo, San guo renwu
lun xu ji,
77-80. Zhuo deems him one of the few people to offer honest
criticisms to Emperor Wen.

[86]

Mao shi 191. The translation is from Legge, The Chinese Classics, 4:309. This
poem is traditionally read as a criticism of the reign of King You of Zhou and
of his minister Yin [OMITTED], who did not take steps to improve the situation. See
Legge, The Chinese Classics, 4:67. On King You, see Chapter 2 above.

[87]

The author of Encomia on the Dukes of Jin is Fu Chang [OMITTED]. See Zhao,
Nianer shi zhaji, 6.106.

[88]

General-in-chief who supports the state was an honorific designation used but
occasionally (Hong, San guo zhiguan biao 57).

[89]

The office of general-in-chief of the subduing army originated under Emperor
Wen (Lü, Zhongguo lidai guanzhi da cidian, 848; Rogers, The Chronicle of
Fu Chien,
215n).


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[90]

The reign title was retroactively changed from Xianxi to Taishi in the twelfth
month of the year (January/February 266). See also note 32 above.

[91]

Shizu [OMITTED] (Succedent Progenitor) refers to Sima Yan, the first emperor of the
Jin dynasty.

[92]

You, King of Qi, was noted for his virtue. At the advice of ministers who
disliked You, Emperor Wu ordered him to leave the capital and proceed to
his fief. As it says here, this was protested by Zhen De, Wang Ji, and others
(Zztj, 81.2581-2582). Yuan Bo [OMITTED] misconstrues these two sentences, taking
them to mean Sima Yan (the Succedent Progenitor) was pleased by Zhen De's
actions (Cao, Baihua San guo zhi, 1:206). But, as Hu Sanxing [OMITTED] (1230-1287)
points out, Zhen's new offices involved a shift out of the inner court,
with its proximity to the throne, to the outer court, or general bureaucracy
(Zztj, 81.2582). See also Js, 42.1205.

[93]

In 188, a special defense force of eight units was organized, partly to protect
the capital and the emperor and partly to offset the power of General-in-Chief
He Jin. The force was led by the eight commandants of the West Garden
(Xiyuan ba xiaowei [OMITTED]; see Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles
in Imperial China,
nos. 2285, 4368, 6568; Leban, "Ts'ao Ts'ao and the Rise
of Wei," 124-127; Mansvelt Beck, "The Fall of Han," 326). When first
organized, its head was the eunuch Jian Shi [OMITTED], who was in command of
the Upper Army (Shang jun [OMITTED]). The other seven commandants included
Yuan Shao, who commanded the Middle Army (Zhong jun [OMITTED]), and Cao
Cao, commandant of the Control Army (Dian jun xiaowei [OMITTED]; see
HHs, 8.356 n, 69.2247, 74A.2374; Sgz, 1.5; Leban, "Ts'ao Ts'ao and the Rise
of Wei," 126; Ch'ü, Han Social Structure, 495-496.)

[94]

This sentence refers to two of the kings involved in the turbulent events of
290-306, especially that segment known to history as the Ba wang zhi luan
[OMITTED] (Eight Kings Insurrection; 300-306). Brief accounts of this period
appear, for instance, in Zhao, Nianer shi zhaji, 8.125-126, and Fu, Zhongguo
tong shi,
1:260-264. Much more thorough is Fairbank, "Kingdom and
Province in the Western Chin." The following summary is based on these
sources.

Kings were very powerful in early Jin times, in contrast to the case under
the Wei. Not long after Emperor Wu (Sima Yan) took the throne in 266, he
made twenty-seven male relatives kings, some of them with very large incomes
and considerable military power. At first these kings resided in the capital. In
277, they were sent to their benefices. Some were placed in charge of the
military affairs of the provinces (zhou [OMITTED]) into which Jin territory was divided.
That same year, Emperor Wu further reduced the military apparatus of the
provinces and commanderies. This resulted in virtually all military power
residing in the kingdoms.

In 290, Emperor Wu died, and the heir apparent Sima Zhong, known to
history as Emperor Hui, ascended the throne at nine years of age. During
Emperor Hui's reign, the empire suffered from factionalism at court, incursions
by non-Chinese peoples in the North and West, armed struggle among
members of the imperial family, as well as famine and local rebellion.

In the 290s, Sima Zhong's consort Empress Jia and her faction held sway
at court. The heir apparent was Sima Yu [OMITTED], who was not her own son.
In 297, when Sima Yu was twenty, the empress and her adherents hatched
a plot to get rid of him and the threat he posed to their hold on power. The


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heir was deposed and his mother executed. Sima Lun (Lun, King of Zhao),
mentioned here in the Encomia on the Dukes of Jin, then tricked the empress
into having Sima Yu murdered. By charging her with this crime, he was able
to remove her and take control of the whole central government. Sima Lun
had been assisted in his machinations by a number of people, including Sima
Jiong [OMITTED] (Jiong, King of Qi; d. 303).

Sima Lun and his senior advisor Sun Xiu [OMITTED] were not popular among
the Jin elite, and their program of increasing Sima Lun's authority led to the
Eight Kings Insurrection. An initial attempt to overthrow Sima Lun was made
by Sima Yun [OMITTED] in September of the year 300 and failed, at the cost of
many lives. Early in 301, Sima Lun forced the abdication of Emperor Hui,
assumed the throne himself, and changed the reign title to Jianshi [OMITTED]. Sima
Jiong and others then rose up and defeated and killed Sima Lun and his
supporters. Although Sima Jiong then became the dominant figure in Jin
government, it was not long before he drew the criticism of other kings. He
was overthrown and killed in 303.

[95]

Guangzong prefecture in Anping commandery was east of modern Wei [OMITTED]
county, Hebei.

[96]

Tongdi was a prefecture with its seat south of that of modern Qin [OMITTED] county,
Shanxi.

[97]

Eastern Palace (Dong gong [OMITTED]) is the term for the residence of an heir
apparent.

[98]

Leizu [OMITTED], the daughter of Xiling shi [OMITTED], is said to have been the
principal wife of the Yellow Emperor, as well as the first sericulturalist. See
Yuan, Zhongguo shenhua chuanshuo cidian, 423-424. Gui is another name
for the legendary sage-ruler Shun, whose wives Ehuang [OMITTED] and Nüying [OMITTED]
[OMITTED] were the daughters of Shun's benefactor Yao. Sj, 6.248 says of the First
Emperor of Qin: "Traveling in a southwesterly direction be crossed over the
R[iver] Huai and came at length to Hengshan. At Nanjun [[OMITTED]] he took
boat and was sailing down the river to the Xiangshan shrine when a great
wind arose and nearly prevented his getting to land. The emperor inquired
of his wise men who Xiangjun was. They replied, `According to our
information, Xiangjun are the daughters of Yao and the wives of Shun who
are buried in this place' " (Hawkes, "The Quest of the Goddess," 56). See also
Karlgren, "Legends and Cults in Ancient China," 296; O'Hara, The Position
of Woman in Early China,
13-17.

[99]

Jie was the last ruler of the Xia dynasty, banished by the Shang founder Cheng
Tang [OMITTED] to Nanchao (modern Chao [OMITTED] county, Anhui). Moxi, Jie's consort,
is mentioned in a variety of books and is traditionally treated as a beautiful
but utterly depraved woman who contributed to the downfall of the dynasty.
See Gy, 7.255; Legge, The Chinese Classics, 3:177; Sj, 2.88-89, 19.1967; Yuan,
Zhongguo shenhua chuanshuo cidian, 259.

[100]

On Daji, see Chapter 3, "Texts Devoted to Women" above.

[101]

Yi jing, Hexagram 37, "Tuan zhuan." Cf. Wilhelm, I Ching, 570. This is a
part of the same passage that Chen Shou used to open this juan.

[102]

Cf. Zuo zhuan, Ai 24.

[103]

Mengzi, 6B.7.

[104]

This is an allusion to Zuo zhuan, Zhao 18. For another translation of Empress
Guo's biography through the following sentence, see Fang, The Chronicle of


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the Three Kingdoms, 1:106-107, 125-126. She was made empress on 1
November 222 (Sgz, 2.80; Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:106,
126).

[105]

References are to Yao's daughters, Ehuang and Nüying, who married the lowly
Shun, and Tai Jiang [OMITTED] and Tai Ren [OMITTED], grandmother and mother of King
Wen of Zhou.

[106]

In the year A.D. 77, then Empress Dowager Ma issued a long edict in which
she decried, and claimed to eschew, an unduly extravagant way of life. The
statement was possibly part of a piece of special pleading in which she was
hoping to deflect criticism from herself and her family. She claimed that her
thrift was intended to set a good example and to bring moral pressure to bear
where it was most needed (Loewe, "The Conduct of Government and the Issues
at Stake [A.D. 57-167]," 295). See also Chapters 2 and 3 above.

[107]

On the pepper rooms (jiao fang [OMITTED]), where the empresses lived, see
Knechtges, Wen xuan, 1:122n.

[108]

The expedition in question was an abortive move against Wu and seems to
have begun in the seventh month (August of 224). See Zhang, San Cao nianpu,
205-206. The Terrace of Perpetual Beginning (Yongshi tai [OMITTED]) is
mentioned as a feature of Xuchang in He Yan's [OMITTED] (d. 249) "Jingfu dian
fu" [OMITTED] [Rhapsody on the Hall of Great Blessings], a work ordered by
Emperor Ming. See Wx, 11.31b; Knechtges, Wen xuan, 2:294 n, 295.

[109]

See O'Hara, The Position of Woman in Early China, 116-117.

[110]

Guangling commandery had its seat in the vicinity of modern Yangzhou [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]. Cao Pi set out from Xuchang in the third month (March/April 225) and
reached Qiao in the fifth month (June/July). He reached Guangling in the tenth
month (November/December), but cold weather forced him to withdraw. See
Sgz, 2.84-85; Zhang, San Cao nianpu, 209.

[111]

Probably this is a reference to the Guo River [OMITTED].

[112]

This sentence and the next one are also translated in Fang, The Chronicle of
the Three Kingdoms,
1:485. Empress Guo apparently died on 14 March 235.
See Sgz, 3.104; Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:465, 483, 484485.


[113]

This refers to Empress Zhen's having been buried hastily and without proper
ceremony. Neither was her body properly clothed and coffined for burial nor
was her hair appropriately coiffed. On burial preparations in general, see
volume 1 of de Groot, The Religious System of China. Da lian [OMITTED] refers
to the coffining of the deceased, including the final stage in the dressing of the
corpse (de Groot, The Religious System of China, 1:36, 331-342).

[114]

The passage is also translated in Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms,
1:483-484. Emperor Ming was born in Jian'an 11 (206), so he would have
been about sixteen or seventeen by the time of Empress Zhen's death in
Huangchu 2 (221). As Lu Bi notes, it seems odd that he was so much in the
dark as to the circumstances of her death and burial, if these were, in fact,
as they are reported by Wei lüe (Sgz jijie, 5.21a).

[115]

See also Sgz, 3.91 (Wei lüe); Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms,
1:211-212.

[116]

The passage is also translated in Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms,
1:483.


206

Page 206
[117]

Some texts have the Wei shu say Qinglong 2, a mistake. See Sgz pangzheng,
7.6a; Sgz jijie, 5.21b.

[118]

The day renshen [OMITTED] was actually in the second month of Qinglong 3, making
the date 29 March 235 (Sgz pangzheng, 7.6a; Sgz jijie, 5.21b). The interment
of Empress Guo took place on 16 April.

[119]

The Three Luminaries (san guang [OMITTED]) are the sun, moon, and stars.

[120]

The Yellow Earth (huang lu [OMITTED]) is another name for the Yellow Springs
(huang quan [OMITTED]), that is, the subterranean abode of the dead. See, for
example, Loewe, Chinese Ideas of Life and Death, 34.

[121]

See notes 2 and 98 above.

[122]

The three mothers (san mu [OMITTED]) are the women referred to as Tai Jiang, Tai
Ren, and Tai Si; that is, the mothers of Hou Ji and kings Wen and Wu,
respectively.

[123]

The Purple Bourne (zi ji [OMITTED]) refers to imperial status.

[124]

Henei [OMITTED] was a Han commandery roughly encompassing the area along both
banks of the Yellow River within modern Henan. Dao [OMITTED] ("Mourned") was
a posthumous name given to royal personages who died young, but it could
also imply an inability to cultivate virtue. See Sf, 3b-4.4a; LXSf, B.6b-7a.

[125]

Empress Mao was made empress in the eleventh month (27 November/25
December 227; Sgz, 3.92).

[126]

Boping [OMITTED] was a prefecture northeast of modern Liaocheng [OMITTED] county,
Shandong.

[127]

We are not certain just what Mao Jia did. Dianyu [OMITTED] seems to be an
abbreviation for shuiheng dianyu [OMITTED], which in turn is equivalent to
shuiheng duwei [OMITTED] (Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial
China,
nos. 5496, 5497; Bielenstein, The Bureaucracy of Han Times, 82-83).
Among other responsibilities, this office oversaw the manufacture of various
items. Perhaps vehicles were among them.

[128]

A symposium, of course, was originally a drinking party, and that is the sense
of the word here. On the Han-Wei penchant for such activities and its effect
on literature, see, for example, Cutter, "Cao Zhi's Symposium Poems."

[129]

For another translation of Empress Mao's biography through the following
sentence, see Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 1:229, 240-241.
As Fang Beichen [OMITTED] notes, a noble of the time would not refer to himself
in such an overblown way. See Fang, San guo zhi zhu yi, 301 n. 8.

[130]

According to the traditional interpretation as represented by the "Minor
Preface," "Guan ju" (Mao shi 1, see Chapter 3 above, in the "Han
Philosophers" section) and "Lin zhi" [OMITTED] (Mao shi 11) are related. The topic
of the latter, said to be the ruler's good offspring and family, is seen as a natural
outcome of the topic of the former, said to be the acquisition of a virtuous
mate (or mates) and the moral transforming influence exerted on the world
thereby. See Legge, The Chinese Classics, 4:36-37, 38-39.

[131]

Illustrious Ancestor (Liezu [OMITTED]) refers to Emperor Ming.

[132]

The lines are from Mao shi 27, a poem traditionally interpreted as the
complaint of a neglected wife, a woman who has been replaced by a concubine
and herself demoted. See Legge, The Chinese Classics, 4:41 (prolegomena),
42.


207

Page 207
[133]

The dates of Empress Mao's death and interment, 22 September and 25
October 237, are given in Sgz, 3.110. Fang notes that the word zu [OMITTED] ("died")
is used at Sgz 3.110 instead of the hong [OMITTED] one would normally expect for
one of her rank, and speculates that Chen Shou's intention may have been to
indicate "that she died under an infamous circumstance" (Fang, The Chronicle
of the Three Kingdoms,
1:549).

[134]

For another translation of the paragraph to this point, see Fang, The Chronicle
of the Three Kingdoms,
1:518-519, 549-550.

[135]

Zeng, must have been a diannong xiaowei [OMITTED], or colonel director of
agriculture, in charge of one of the agricultural garrisons established by the
government at the direction of Cao Cao. The agricultural garrison at Yuanwu
[OMITTED] prefecture was in the vicinity of modern Yuanyang [OMITTED], He'nan. The
rank of colonel director of agriculture was equivalent to a commandery
administrator. See Crowell, "Government Land Policies and Systems in Early
Imperial China," 158-162; Tan, Zhongguo lishi dituji, vol. 3, map 5-6.

[136]

Xiping was a commandery in the vicinity of modern Xining [OMITTED] county,
Gansu.

[137]

Heyou refers to the region to the "right" (west) of the Yellow River, as the
name implies. It roughly corresponds to modern Gansu and the Ningxia Hui
Autonomous Region.

[138]

Empress Guo was made empress on 16 January 239 (Sgz, 3.113; Fang, The
Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms,
1:580, 606).

[139]

These two sentences are also translated in Fang, The Chronicle of the Three
Kingdoms,
2:44.

[140]

Guanqiu Jian has a biography in Sgz, 28.761-768. See also Zhuo, San guo
renwu lun xu ji,
121-127. Guanqiu was a loyal Wei official who had some
success as a military leader. However, when he tried to use his military power
to oppose the Simas, he ultimately failed.

Zhong Hui (225-264) has a biography in Sgz, 28.784-795. He was a Wei
general and a leading supporter of the Sima family in their struggles against
Cao Shuang and his followers for control of the Wei government. After Sima
Zhao gained control of the government, Zhong Hui and Deng Ai [OMITTED] led
the Wei campaign against Shu in 263-264. They defeated Shu, and Zhong
was rewarded with the position of minister over the masses. He apparently
had more grandiose ambitions, however, and mounted a rebellion in Shu in
an attempt to overthrow Sima Zhao. He failed and was killed (Sgz, 4.149,
28.787-793; Wan, Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi lungao, 90-91; Fu, Zhongguo tong
shi,
1:251-252).