University of Virginia Library

A. PART A

Wang Mang, whose courtesy given name was Chü-chün,
was the son of [Wang Wan], a younger [half]brother
of the Empress [nee Wang of Emperor]
Hsiao-yüan. The father, [Wang Chin], and the

His
clan.
[living] elder and younger brothers of the Empress
[nee Wang of Emperor] Yüan were all enfeoffed as
marquises during the reigns of [Emperors] Yüan and
Ch'eng. They occupied [high] positions and had
important influence in the government. In the
clan there were nine marquises and five Commanders-in-chief.[2]
A discussion is in the "Memoir of the
Empress [nee Wang of Emperor] Yüan."
Ch. 98.

Only [Wang] Mang's father, [Wang] Wan, who
had died young, was not made a marquis. The various
elder and younger cousins of [Wang] Mang were
all the sons of Generals or of the Five Marquises,[4]
so they took advantage of their opportunities and
were extravagant. In their equipages and horses,
music and women, idleness and gadding[5] they competed
with one another.

[Wang] Mang alone was an orphan and in humble
circumstances, hence he humbled himself and made
himself courteous and temperate.[6] In studying the


126

Classic of Rites [the Yi-li], he rendered to Ch'en

99 A: 1a, b


Ts'an, [a man] from P'ei Commandery,[8] the services
due to a teacher. [Wang Mang] fatigued himself
and studied extensively, wearing garments like the
Confucian masters. He served his mother and the
widow of his elder brother, [Wang Yung], and reared
[Wang Kuang], the orphaned son of his elder brother.
Thus his conduct was quite perfect. Moreover, outside
[his clan] he associated with eminent persons,
1b[10]
and within [his clan] he served his various uncles,
1b[12]
paying minute attention to the spirit of the rules of
proper conduct.

24-21 B.C.
During [the period] Yang-so, when his paternal
First
uncle who was the heir of his grandfather, the
1b[16]
General-in-chief, [Wang] Feng, became ill, [Wang]
Positions
Mang waited upon him in his illness, himself tasting
the medicine [before administering it]. For successive
months, [Wang Mang's] hair was disordered, his
face uncleansed, and he did not [even] loosen the
girdle to his garments. When [Wang] Feng was
Oct. 4, 22[19]
about to die, he therefore confided [Wang Mang] to
the Empress Dowager [nee Wang] and Emperor
[Ch'eng]. He was installed as a Gentleman of the
Yellow Gate and was promoted to be Colonel of the
Archers Who Shoot By Sound.

Ennoblement

After a long time, his paternal uncle who was
younger than [Wang Mang's] father, the Marquis of
Ch'eng-tub, [Wang] Shang1b, memorialized that he

127

99 A: 1b

wished to divide the households of his estate in order
to enfeoff [Wang Mang]. Moreover, the Privy
Treasurer of the Ch'ang-lo [Palace], Tai Ch'ung, the
Palace Attendant, Chin Shê, the Colonel of Northern
Barbarian Cavalry, Chi Hung, the Chief Commandant
of Shang-ku [Commandery], Yang Ping,
and the Gentleman-of-the-Household, Ch'en T'ang,
who were all gentlemen well-known in that age, all
spoke in behalf of [Wang] Mang. Because of that,
the Emperor esteemed [Wang] Mang. In the first
year of [the period] Yung-shih, he enfeoffed [Wang]
June 12,
Mang as Marquis of Hsin-tuc with an estate of fifteen
16[24]
hundred households in the Tu District of Hsin-yeh
[County] in Nan-yang [Commandery]. He was
promoted to be Chief Commandant of Cavalry, Imperial
Household Grandee, and Palace Attendant,
and was careful as [an imperial] guard.

As his noble rank and position became more and

His
Treatment
of Others.
more honorable, his conduct became more and more
humble. He distributed equipages and horses,
clothes, and fur garments, and bestowed them upon
his guests, so that in his household there was no
surplus [wealth]. He received and succored well-known
gentlemen. He associated with a very large
number of generals, chancellors, ministers, and
grandees, hence those who occupied official positions
in turn recommended him. Travelers talked about
2a
him; his empty fame flourished and spread, so that it
overwhelmed that of his various uncles. He dared
to do affected deeds which created a stir and performed
them without shame.

[Wang] Mang's elder brother, [Wang] Yung3, had

Care for
his Nephew
been a Department Head. He had died young and
had had a son, [Wang] Kuang1. [Wang] Mang sent
him to study at the gates of the Erudits. When
[Wang] Mang took his leave, [usually once each five

128

days], he led out and arranged his chariots and horse-

99 A: 1b, 2a


men and brought sheep and wine to recompense and
offer to [Wang Kuang1's] teachers; his favor was [also]
shown to all of [Wang Kuang1's] fellow-students, so
2a
that the masters all stared at him and the elders
admired him.

[Altho Wang] Kuang1 was younger than [Wang]

2a
Mang's son, [Wang] Yü3, [Wang] Mang had them
[both] married on the same day. [At the wedding
feast], when the guests had filled his halls, in a
moment a man told him that his Lady Dowager
[mother] was suffering from a certain pain and must
drink a certain medicine. Up to [the time] when the
guests left, he had [thus] arisen several times.

He
Refuses
to Have
any Concubines

He once[32] privately purchased a waiting-maid.
Some of his cousins came to know something about it.
Because of that, [Wang] Mang said, "The General
of the Rear, Chu [Po] Tzu-yüan, has no sons. I,
Mang, heard that this girl's line is fruitful in bearing
sons, so I purchased her for him." The same day
he presented the slave-girl to [Chu Po] Tzu-yüan.
In the foregoing manner he hid his desires and sought
for fame.

2b
At this time, Shun-yü Chang, the son of an elder
[half]-sister of the Empress Dowager [nee Wang],
He
Supplants
Shun-yü
Chang.
had, because of his ability, become one of the nine
high ministers. He was senior to and ahead of
[Wang] Mang. [Wang] Mang secretly[35] sought out
[Shun-yü Chang's] crimes. [Wang Mang] took advantage
of [this information and informed] the Commander-in-chief,
the Marquis of Ch'ü-yang, [Wang]
Ken, who had him speak [to the Empress Dowager
Dec.,
nee Wang and the Emperor. Thereupon, Shun-yü]
8 B.C.[38]
Chang suffered execution. From this [deed, Wang]

129

99 A: 2a, b

Mang obtained [a reputation] for straightforward-

8 B.C.


ness. A discussion is in the "Memoir of [Shun-yü]
Chang." [Wang] Ken then begged to retire and
93: 7a-8
recommended [Wang] Mang to take his place. The
Emperor thereupon selected him to be the Commander-in-chief.
Nov. 28
This year was the first year of [the
8 B.C.[44]
period] Sui-ho, and [Wang Mang] had reached his
thirty-eighth year.[45]

When [Wang] Mang had surpassed his equals and

His
Self-Denial

succeeded his four uncles, [Wang Feng, Wang
Shang1a, Wang Yin, and Wang Ken], as chief assistant
in the government, he wished to make his
fame and reputation surpass that of his predecessors,
hence he denied himself[47] tirelessly and invited[48]
the Capable and Good [to come to him], making them
Division Head Clerks. He bestowed upon [other]
gentlemen all of his grants [from the Emperor] and
the income from his estate, being even more economical
[in his personal expenses].

When his mother was ill, the ministers and full

His
Wife's
Economy.
marquises sent their Ladies to ask after her illness.
When [Wang] Mang's wife received them, her clothes
2b
did not trail on the ground [and she wore] a linen
apron.[51] Those who saw her, thought she was a
2b

130

servant, and sent someone to ask [who she was].

99 A: 2b


When they learned that she was the Lady, they were
all astonished.

7 B.C.
[Wang Mang] had been chief assistant in the
Apr. 17[56]
government for more than a year when Emperor
Ch'eng died. When Emperor Ai ascended the
May 7[58]
throne, he honored the Empress Dowager [nee Wang]
and made her the Grand Empress Dowager. The
[Grand] Empress Dowager [nee Wang] issued an
3a
imperial edict to [Wang] Mang, [ordering him] to go
to his residence and leave [his position vacant for
some of] the Emperor's maternal relatives.[60] [Wang]
Mang [hence] presented to the Emperor a request
His
Resignation

Refused.
begging to retire. Emperor Ai [however] sent his
Prefect of the Masters of Writing, [T'ang Lin], with
an imperial edict to [Wang] Mang, saying,

"The late Emperor entrusted the government to


131

99 A: 2b

you, sir, whereupon he departed from his subjects.

7 B.C.


We have obtained [the opportunity] to uphold the
[imperial] ancestral temples and will in truth consider
[Ourself] fortunate to be of the same mind and
similar opinions with you, sir. Now you, sir, have
sent [Us a letter saying that you] are ill and ask to
retire. Thereby you make known that We are not
able to uphold or follow the intentions of the late
Emperor. We are greatly saddened. [We] have
already issued an imperial edict to the Masters of
Writing to await your memorials, sir, about [government]
business."

[The Emperor] also sent the Lieutenant Chancellor,
K'ung Kuang, the Grand Minister of Works,
Ho Wu, the General of the Left, Shih1 Tan, and the
Commandant of the Palace Guard, Fu Hsi, to speak
to the [Grand] Empress Dowager [nee Wang], saying,
"The Emperor has heard of the Empress Dowager's
imperial edict and is much saddened. If the Commander-in-chief
[Wang Mang] does not arise, the
Emperor will then not presume to attend to the
government." The [Grand] Empress Dowager [nee
Wang thereupon] again ordered [Wang] Mang to
attend to the [government] business.

At that time, the grandmother of Emperor Ai, the

He
Opposes
the
Elevation
of the
Fu and
Ting Clans.
Queen Dowager [nee] Fu of Ting-t'ao, and his
mother, the Concubine nee Ting [of the deceased
King of Ting-t'ao], were alive, so the Marquis of
Kao-ch'ang, Tung Hung, presented to the throne a
letter saying, "According to the principles of the
Spring and Autumn [in the Kung-yang Commentary],
a mother becomes honorable because of her son, so
that the Concubine [nee] Ting should be presented
with the imperial title [of Empress Dowager]."[65]
[Wang] Mang together with Shih1 Tan impeached
[Tung] Hung for misleading the court, which constituted

132

7 B.C.

inhumanity. A discussion is in the "Memoir

99 A: 2b, 3a


86: 17a
of [Shih1] Tan."

3b
At a later date, there was a banquet in Wei-yang
He
Demotes
Palace. The Prefect of the Flunkies spread the
canopy and seat for the Queen Dowager [nee] Fu at
3a
the side of the seat for the Grand Empress Dowager
3a
[nee Wang. Wang] Mang investigated and reproached
the Queen
Dowager
nee Fu.
the Prefect of the Flunkies, saying, "The
Queen Dowager of [the kingdom of] Ting-t'ao is a
concubine from a tributary [kingdom]. How could
she he permitted to be honored equally with the most
honorable [lady in the palace]? Take it away and
put the seat [of the Queen Dowager of Ting-t'ao]
at a different [place]."

He
Resigns
Again.
When the Queen Dowager [nee] Fu heard of it,
she was furious and refused to attend [the banquet.
She thereupon held] a great hatred against [Wang]
Aug. 27,
Mang. [Hence Wang] Mang again begged to retire.
7 B.C.[77]
Emperor Ai granted [Wang] Mang five hundred
catties of actual gold, a comfortable carriage and a
quadriga of horses, dismissed him [from his position],
and sent him to his residence. Most of the ministers
and grandees praised him, so the Emperor added his
grace and favor, and established, as [regular] messenger
to his home, a Palace [Attendant Within] the
Yellow Gate to grant him a meal [from the imperial
cuisine] once every ten days. [The Emperor] sent

133

99 A: 3a

to his subordinates an imperial edict which said,

7 B.C.

"The Marquis of Hsin-tuc, [Wang] Mang, has
worried and toiled for the state and has firmly held
to his fealty. We hoped with him to produce a good
government, [but] the Grand Empress Dowager [nee
Wang] has issued an imperial edict that [Wang]
Mang should go to his residence, for which We are
very sorry. Let [Wang Mang][80] be additionally
enfeoffed with three hundred fifty households in
Huang-yu Village; let his position be Specially Advanced,
let him [be given the rank of] Serving in the
Palace, [be required] to come to court [only] on the
first and fifteenth days of the month, and present
himself with formalities like those of the three highest
ministers. When [the Emperor rides] his chariot of

4a
state, [Wang Mang] may follow in the [imperial
cortege] riding a green chariot.[82]
5 B.C.,

The second year afterwards, when the Queen Dowager

May/
[nee] Fu and the Concubine [nee] Ting had both
June[86]
been given the imperial titles [of Emperor's Great
He is
Sent
Away
From the
Court.
Empress Dowager and the Emperor's Empress Dowager,
respectively], the Lieutenant Chancellor Chu Po
memorialized,

"[Wang] Mang has not previously applied broadly
[enough] the principle of honoring those [deserving
of] honor[88] but has humbled and degraded those who
should be honored with an imperial title, [thereby]
injuring the doctrine of filial piety, so that he ought


134

5 B.C.

to suffer public execution. Fortunately [for him], he

99 A: 3a, b


has received [the advantage of a general] ordinance
3b
of amnesty, [yet] it is not proper that he should
3b
possess a noble title or land. I beg that he be dismissed
[from his titles] and made a commoner."

The Emperor said, "Because [Wang] Mang is related
to the Grand Empress Dowager [nee Wang],
let him not be dismissed [from his noble titles], but
be sent away to his estate."

Summer[94]
While [Wang] Mang had closed his gates and was
He
Executes
His Son.
keeping to himself, [Wang] Huob,[96] his son who was
neither his eldest nor his youngest, murdered a slave.
[Wang] Mang bitterly reproached [Wang] Huob
and caused him to commit suicide.

Popular
Opinion
Leads to
(2 B.C.,
Feb. 5[98] )
His
Recall.
While he had been at his estate to the third year,
officials[99] by the hundreds sent letters to the Emperor
grieving and pleading for [Wang] Mang. In the first
year of [the period] Yüan-shou, when there was an
eclipse of the sun, [some persons who had been recommended
as] Capable and Good, Chou Huo, Sung
Ch'ung, and others, in their written replies to the
examination, praised highly [Wang] Mang's achievements
and virtue. The Emperor therefore summoned
[Wang] Mang [to come to court].

His
Advances
to an
Unimportant

Official.
When [Wang] Mang had first gone to his estate,
because [Wang] Mang was an honorable and important
[personage], the Grand Administrator of
Nan-yang [Commandery] selected a Division Head
from his office, K'ung Hsiu, [a man of] Yüan, to be
the acting Chancellor of Hsin-tuc, [Wang Mang's
marquisate. When K'ung] Hsiu went to pay a

135

99 A: 3b, 4a

visit to [Wang] Mang, [Wang] Mang [treated K'ung

5 B.C.


4b
Hsiu] with all possible formalities and in person
welcomed him [at the door]. [K'ung] Hsiu had
also heard of [Wang Mang's] fame and responded to
him in like manner.

Later, when [Wang] Mang was ill, [K'ung] Hsiu
attended upon him. Because of his gracious intent,
[Wang] Mang presented him with his [own] precious
sword having jade furnishings, desiring to make
[K'ung Hsiu] a good friend. [But K'ung] Hsiu refused
to receive it. [Wang] Mang said therefore, "I verily
see that on your face, sir, there is a scar. A fine jade
can extinguish a scar. I merely wanted to present
you with the ring on the hilt of the sword."[104] He
immediately loosed its [jade] sword-ring.

When [K'ung] Hsiu again excused himself and
refused, [Wang] Mang said, "Do you, sir, dislike
[to receive it] because of its [high] value?" Then
he pounded it to pieces, himself tied it up, and thereupon

4a 4a
presented it to [K'ung] Hsiu. [K'ung] Hsiu
then received it.

When [Wang] Mang was summoned [to the court
and was about to] leave, he wanted to see [K'ung]
Hsiu, [but K'ung] Hsiu pronounced himself ill and
did not present himself.

More than a year after [Wang] Mang returned to

Aug. 15
the imperial capital, Emperor Ai died. He had no
1 B.C.[108]

136

1 B.C., August

He is
Put in
Control
of the
Government.

children and both the [August Grand] Empress

99 A: 4a


Dowager [nee Fu] and the [Emperor's] Empress
Dowager [nee] Ting had died previously. On the
same day [as the death], the Grand August Empress
Dowager [nee Wang] rode a quadriga to the Wei-yang
Palace, where she secured the imperial seals
with their seal-cords.[112] She sent a messenger galloping
to summon [Wang] Mang. She issued an imperial
edict to the Masters of Writing, [declaring] that the
various insignia and credentials for mobilizing troops,
the matters memorialized by the various officials, and
the troops of the Palace Attendants Within the
5a
Yellow Gate and of the Attendants at the Gates
should all be under the control of [Wang] Mang.

Demotion
of Tung
Hsien.
[Wang] Mang advised [the Grand Empress Dowager]
that the Commander-in-chief, the Marquis of
Kao-an, Tung Hsien2a, was too young and [that his
Aug. 16[116]
occupying that position] did not accord with public
opinion, [so that she should] take [away] his [official
and noble] seals and cords. On the same day,
[Tung] Hsien2a committed suicide.

Wang
Mang
is made
Commander-in-chief.
The [Grand] Empress Dowager [nee Wang] in an
imperial edict ordered the ministers to recommend
persons who might become the Commander-in-chief.
The Grand Minister Over the Masses, K'ung Kuang,
and the Grand Minister of Works, P'eng Hsüan,
recommended [Wang] Mang. The General of the

137

99 A: 4a, b

Van, Ho Wu, and the General of the Rear,[119] Kung-

1 B.C., August


sun Lu, recommended each other. The [Grand]
Empress Dowager installed [Wang] Mang as Commander-in-chief
Aug. 17[122]
and discussed with him the establishment
of an heir [to the throne].

The Marquis of An-yang, Wang Shun4b, was a

He
Summons
Emperor
P'ing
to the
Throne.
second cousin of [Wang] Mang, was cultivated and
self-controlled[124] in his person, and was trusted and
beloved by the [Grand] Empress Dowager. [Wang]
Mang advised her to make [Wang] Shun4b the General
of Chariots and Cavalry and send him to invite
the King of Chung-shan, [Liu Chi-tzu], to carry on
the posterity of Emperor Ch'eng. This was Emperor
Hsiao-p'ing.
He is
Entrusted
With the
Government.

The Fu
and Chao
Empress
Dowagers
Executed.

The Emperor was in his ninth year, so the [Grand]
Empress Dowager attended court and pronounced
[that she issued the imperial] decrees.[126] She entrusted
the government to [Wang] Mang.

[Wang] Mang advised her that [the lady] nee
Chao had previously killed some imperial sons[127] and
that [the lady] nee Fu had been proud and arrogant,
so she thereupon dismissed the Empress [nee] Chao
of [Emperor] Hsiao-ch'eng and the Empress [nee] Fu
of [Emperor] Hsiao-ai [from their titles]. Both were

97 B:
ordered to commit suicide. A discussion is in the
15b, 16a,
"Memoir of the [Imperial] Relatives by Marriage."
20a.

Because the Grand Minister Over the Masses,

4b
K'ung Kuang, was a famous scholar, had acted as
4b
chancellor to three lords [of men], was respected by
He gets
the [Grand] Empress Dowager, and the whole empire
5b
trusted him, [Wang] Mang therefore honored
Rid of His
Opponents.
[K'ung] Kuang greatly and served him. [Wang

138

1 B.C.

Mang] introduced [to the court K'ung] Kuang's son-

99 A: 4b


in-law, Chen Han, and made him a Palace Attendant
and the Chief Commandant of the Imperial Equipages.

[Wang] Mang attributed crimes to all the various
maternal relatives of Emperor Ai, together with
[those of] his great officials and those who held office
whom [Wang] Mang had disliked, and prepared
[unsigned] memorials begging [that they be
punished]. He had [Chen] Han take them to
[K'ung] Kuang. [K'ung] Kuang was habitually
timid and cautious, so did not dare to refuse to send
in these memorials [as his own]. Each time [they
were received, Wang] Mang advised the [Grand]
Empress Dowager to assent to these memorials. In
this way, the General of the Van, Ho Wu, and the
General of the Rear, Kung-sun Lu, were sentenced for
having recommended each other and were dismissed.
The relatives of the Ting and Fu [clans], together
with [those of] Tung Hsien2a were all dismissed from
their positions and from their noble titles and were
exiled to distant regions.

Wang
Li
Sent
Away from
the Court.
The Marquis of Hung-yang, [Wang] Li5a, was a
younger [half]-brother of the [Grand] Empress
Dowager. Although he did not occupy any [official]
position, yet because he was one of his uncles who
was respected within [the Palace, Wang Mang]
dreaded him. He feared [Wang] Li5a might casually
say something to the [Grand] Empress Dowager
which would bring it about that [Wang Mang] would
not be permitted to follow his own intentions. So
[Wang Mang] had [K'ung] Kuang also memorialize
[Wang] Li5a's former evil deeds: that he had previously
known that the Marquis of Ting-ling, Shun-yü
Chang, had committed the crime of rebellion and he
had [nevertheless] received from him a large bribe and

139

99 A: 4b, 5a

had falsely[140] spoken for him, [thus] misleading the

1 B.C.


court. Later he had advised that a secret son of a
government woman, Yang Chi, [allegedly by Emperor
Ch'eng], should be made an Imperial Son, [a
6a
possible heir to the throne. But] the common opinion
[in the court was, "It is a case of] the reappearance
of the Young Emperor of the Lü clan.[143] It is most
disturbing. It would be suspicious to the empire, so
that it would be difficult to establish [such a babe's
legitimacy] to later generations or to achieve anything
creditable in behalf of [such a babe] in swaddling
clothes." [The memorial] begged that [Wang] Li5a
should be sent back to his state.

When the [Grand] Empress Dowager would not
listen to it, [Wang] Mang said to her, "Now the
Han dynasty has decayed and has been without
[natural] heirs [to the throne] for successive generations.
You alone, [Grand] Empress Dowager, can
take the place of the young lord in directing the
government. It is sincerely to be dreaded that, even

5a
if you strive hard to use justice and uprightness in
leading the empire, it is yet to be feared that [the
empire] will not follow [you. But] now if for the
sake of your private affection you go contrary to the
advice of your highest officials, in this way your
5a
many subordinates will become dangerous and evil;

140

1 B.C.

disorder will arise because of this [event]. It is

99 A: 5a


proper to approve [this petition], temporarily send
[Wang Li5a] to his state, and, after the situation has
become more tranquil, to summon him back." The
[Grand] Empress Dowager had no alternative, so sent
[Wang] Li5a to his state. The [methods] by which
[Wang] Mang compelled and controlled his superiors
and inferiors were all of the foregoing sort.

His
Clique.
In this way, those who attached themselves to him
and accorded with him were promoted and those who
opposed or disliked him were exterminated. Wang
Shun4b and Wang Yi5 became his intimate advisers.
Chen Feng and Chen Han had charge of making
decisions[149] , P'ing Yen had charge of delicate matters[150]
, Liu Hsin1a[151] took care of [classical] literature,
Sun Chien was his military assistant.[152] [Chen]
Feng's son, [Chen] Hsün, [Liu] Hsin1a's son, [Liu]
Fen, Ts'ui Fa from Cho Commandery, and Ch'en
Ch'ung from Nan-yang [Commandery] were all
6b
favored by [Wang] Mang because of their ability.

His
Procedure.
[Wang] Mang's appearance was severe and his
speech was blunt.[155] When he wanted to have something

141

99 A: 5a, b

done, he subtly indicated it in his bearing; his

1 B.C.


clique took up his intentions and manifested them in a
memorial, [whereupon Wang] Mang bent his head
to the earth with tears in his eyes, and firmly declined.
On the one hand, he thereby misled the [Grand]
Empress Dowager, and on the other, he thereby
exhibited faithfulness to the mass of commoners.

First, he had hinted that [the Governor of] Yi
Province should induce the barbarians outside the
barrier to present a white pheasant,[158] and, in the

A.D. 1,
first year of [the period] Yüan-shih, in the first month,
Feb./Mar.
[Wang] Mang advised the [Grand] Empress Dowager
The
White
Pheasant
From the
Yüeh-shang.

to issue an imperial edict that the white pheasant
should be offered in the [imperial] ancestral temples.
The many courtiers therefore memorialized, saying,

"The [Grand] Empress Dowager entrusted to the
Commander-in-chief, [Wang] Mang, the duty of planning
the imperial enthronement that gave peace to
the [imperial] ancestral temples. When the former

5b
Commander-in-chief Ho Kuang had the merit of
5b
[similarly] having given peace to the [imperial] ancestral
He is
Likened
to Ho
Kuang.
temples, his enfeoffment was increased by
thirty thousand households, the noble title and estate
[of his posterity was ordered] to be the same [as
that of the founder of their house,[165] and he was
ranked] the same as the [former] Chancellor of
State Hsiao [Ho]. It would be proper for [Wang]
Mang to be [treated] as [Ho] Kuang was formerly
[treated]."[166]

The [Grand] Empress Dowager questioned[167] the
ministers, saying, "Is it really that, because the
Commander-in-chief, [Wang Mang], has achieved


142

A.D. 1, Feb./Mar.

great merit, he ought to be given [high] honors? Or

99 A: 5b


it is because he is of [Our] flesh and blood that
you have wanted to distinguish him?"

Thereupon various courtiers produced long expositions,
[saying, "Wang] Mang's achievements and

7a
virtuous conduct have brought about the auspicious
He is
Likened
to the
Duke of
Chou.
presage of a white pheasant [as at the time the Duke
of] Chou [was minister to King] Ch'eng. That in a
thousand years there are similarities is a law of the
sage-kings.[172] When a subject has great achievements,
in his lifetime he should have a laudable title.
Hence the Duke of Chou, during his lifetime, was
given[173] a title with [the name of] the Chou [dynasty
in it. Wang] Mang has the great achievement of
having given stability to the state and of having given
tranquillity to the Han dynasty, so that it is proper
He is
Given a
Laudatory
Title.
that he should be granted the title, `The Duke Giving
Tranquillity to the Han [Dynasty],' that the [number
of] households [in his noble estate] should be increased,
and [his posterity should be given] the same
noble title and estate [as the founder of their house].
On the one hand, [this appointment] will be in
accordance with ancient principles, and on the other
hand, it will take as its model past situations.
Thereby it will accord with the mind of Heaven."

He
Refuses
It.
When the [Grand] Empress Dowager, in an imperial
edict, ordered a Master of Writing to prepare
[an edict for] this matter, [Wang] Mang presented a
letter which said, "Your servant planned the enthronement
[of Emperor P'ing] together with K'ung
Kuang, Wang Shun4b, Chen Feng, and Chen Han.
Now I wish that the achievements and rewards of

143

99 A: 5b, 6a

[K'ung] Kuang and the others should alone be listed

A.D. 1


and that [any rewards for] your servant, Mang,
should be abandoned and set aside. Do not list me
with them."

Chen Han advised the [Grand] Empress Dowager
to issue an imperial edict, which said,

" `Without deflection and without partiality,
Great is the way of [true] Kings.'
[178]

Although a relative should be loved, [yet We] should
not be partial to him. [But] you, sir, have achieved
the merit of having given tranquillity to the [imperial]
ancestral temples. [We] cannot set aside [your
merits] and not exalt them just because you are of
[Our] flesh and blood. You, sir, must not refuse."

When [Wang] Mang again presented a letter excusing
himself, the [Grand] Empress Dowager by an
imperial edict ordered an Internuncio to lead [Wang]
Mang to await [investiture] in the Eastern Wing of
the [Palace] Hall. [But Wang] Mang pronounced

6a
himself ill and would not enter [the Palace Hall, so
the Grand] Empress Dowager sent the Prefect of the
Masters of Writing, [Yao] Hsün, with an imperial
7b
edict to [Wang Mang], saying, "Because you, sir,
6a
are humble,[182] you have refused on account of illness.
Your position, sir, is important, and may not be left
vacant. Arise promptly at this time."

When [Wang] Mang completely and firmly refused,
the [Grand] Empress Dowager again sent the Grand
Coachman at the Ch'ang-hsin [Palace, Wang] Hung,
with an imperial decree summoning [Wang] Mang.
[Wang] Mang [however] insistently pronounced himself
ill. Her entourage advised the [Grand] Empress
Dowager that it was proper not to force [Wang]
Mang's will, and merely to list K'ung Kuang and the


144

A.D. 1, April

others, whereupon [Wang] Mang would be willing to

99 A: 6a


arise.

Apr. 10[186]
The [Grand] Empress Dowager [thereupon] issued
His Followers Honored First.
to her subordinates an imperial edict, saying, "The
Grand Tutor, the Marquis of Po-shan, [K'ung]
Kuang, has guarded [the throne] for four reigns and
from reign to reign has been tutor or chancellor. He
is loyal, filial, benevolent, and sincere; his conduct
and his fealty have been outstanding. He made
the proposal and planned the imperial enthronement.
He shall be additionally enfeoffed with [the income of]
ten thousand households. [K'ung] Kuang shall become
the Grand Master, participating in a government
by Four Coadjutors.

"The General of Chariots and Cavalry, the Marquis
of An-yang, [Wang] Shun4b, has repeatedly and
continually been benevolent and filial; he was sent to
invite the King of Chung-shan, [Liu Chi-tzu, to
ascend the throne] and he has `repulsed [by diplomacy]
the attacks of [the enemy at a distance of]
ten thousand li.'[188] His achievements and virtuous
conduct are abundant and brilliant. He shall be
additionally enfeoffed with [the income of] ten
thousand households. [Wang] Shun4b shall become
the Grand Guardian.

"The General of the Left and Superintendent of
the Imperial Household, [Chen] Feng, has guarded
[the throne] for three reigns. He is loyal, trustworthy,


145

99 A: 6a, b

benevolent, and sincere. He was sent to

A.D. 1, April


invite the King of Chung-shan [to ascend the throne]
and has assisted and guided him and supplied his
needs, thereby giving tranquillity to the [imperial]
ancestral temples. [Chen] Feng shall be enfeoffed
8a
as Marquis of Kuang-yang with the income of a
state of 5000 households. [Chen] Feng shall become
the Junior Tutor.

"Upon all [these persons] there shall be conferred
the position [of being included among] the Four
Coadjutors. Their noble ranks and estates shall be
the same [for their descendants as for the founders
of their houses] and to each shall be given one
residence.

"The Palace Attendant and Chief Commandant
of Imperial Equipages, [Chen] Han, has guarded the
throne and toiled diligently. He made the proposal
and planned the imperial enthronement. [Chen]
Han shall be enfeoffed as the Marquis of Ch'eng-yang

6b
with the income of an estate of two[193] thousand
four hundred households."

When these four persons had received rewards and
[Wang] Mang had not even yet arisen, various
courtiers again presented [a memorial to the Grand
Empress Dowager nee Wang], saying, "Although
[Wang] Mang is able to yield [to others,[194] yet] he
is one whom the court should properly make illustrious
and to whom should be given at [this appropriate]
time [suitable] rewards, [thereby] making well-known
and important one who has achieved great
merits and [thereby] not causing the hopes of the
many officials or of the great multitude to be disappointed."[196]

6b

The [Grand] Empress Dowager thereupon issued
an imperial edict, saying, "The Commander-in-chief,


146

A.D. 1, April

He is Awarded High Honors.
the Marquis of Hsin-tuo, [Wang] Mang, has been one

99 A: 6b


of the three highest ministers for three reigns and
has performed the [same] duties [as those performed
by] the Duke of Chou. He has established the plan
[for the succession to the throne that is to endure for]
ten thousand generations. In achievements and
virtuous conduct[200] he has been a model to palace
officials.[201] His influence has spread over [all] within
the [four] seas, so that people of distant [regions]
have thought with affection of right principles; a potentate
of the Yüeh-shang,[202] [whose speech must be]
repeatedly interpreted [from one interpreter to another],
presented a white pheasant as tribute.

"Let [Wang] Mang be additionally enfeoffed with
[the income of] the twenty-eight thousand households
in the two counties of Shao-ling and Hsin-hsi.
His heirs who succeed him shall be exempted
[from taxes and service] and their noble rank and
estate shall be the same [as his].[203] His achievements[204]
shall be [ranked] the same as those of the
[former] Chancellor of State, Hsiao [Ho. Wang]

8b
Mang shall be the Grand Tutor and in charge of the
business of the Four Coadjutors. His title shall be
the Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty.
The first residence, that of the former Chancellor of
State, Hsiao [Ho], shall become the residence of the
Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty. Let
[this ordinance] be established and published as a

147

99 A: 6b

[permanent] ordinance and be transmitted [forever]

A.D. 1, April


without end."

Thereupon [Wang] Mang hypocritically[208] feared

His
Charter.
that he had no alternative and so he arose and received
his charter [of appointment]. The charter said,

"The Han [dynasty] was in danger because there
was no heir, and your excellency stabilized it. As to
the positions of the Four Coadjutors and the responsibilities
of the three highest ministers, your excellency
controls them. As to the various officials and the
many positions, your excellency rules them. Your
merits and virtue are abundant and brilliant.
Thereby the [imperial] ancestral temples are tranquil.
Verily, the auspicious presage of the white pheasant
is symbolical of [the way the Duke of] Chou [acted
as minister to King] Ch'eng. Hence [We] grant you
the auspicious title of the Duke Giving Tranquillity

7a
to the Han Dynasty. When you are the Coadjutor
and protector of the Emperor, do you aim at bringing
about [a condition of the utmost] tranquillity. Do
not disappoint Our intentions."

[Wang] Mang received the titles of Grand Tutor

He
Refuses
Some
Grants.
and Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty,
[but] he yielded up and returned the matter of his
increase in enfeoffment and his noble rank and estate
being the same [for his descendants as for himself],
saying, "I wish to wait until the people[212] have a

148

A.D. 1

sufficiency in their households and then only should

99 A: 6b, 7a


I be given any rewards." The other highest ministers
again argued with him. The [Grand] Empress
Dowager's imperial edict said, "You, Duke, of your
own accord aim at the people having a sufficiency
in their households, because of which [We] listen to
7a
you. Let it be ordered that your salary, Duke, and
the rewards granted to the members of your suite[216]
9a
shall all be double what they were previously, and
when the people have a sufficiency in their households
so that personally they have enough, the Grand
Minister over the Multitude, [K'ung Kuang], and
the Grand Minister of Works, [Wang Ch'ung], shall
report [the fact] in order that [you may thereupon
be granted the full amount of your reward]."

He has
Others
Honored.
[Wang] Mang again refused and would not receive
[these honors] and proposed that it would be proper
to set up descendants of the vassal kings [as kings]
and to enfeoff the descendants of the more important
of the meritorious courtiers of the Eminent Founder,
[Emperor Kao], and his successors, as marquises or
to grant them the noble rank of Marquis of the Imperial
Domain with the income of estates; and thereafter
those in office should each have his [full] rank,
[so that there may be] a government making grants to
every one, in which on the one hand, the [imperial] ancestral
temples are honored[219] , by augmenting the

149

99 A: 7a

rites and music [employed therein] and on the other

A.D. 1


hand, gentlemen and commoners are shown kindness
and widowers and widows [are given] grace
and bounty. A discussion is in the "Annals of
12: 2b,
[Emperor Hsiao]-p'ing."
4b-6a.

When [Wang] Mang had pleased the mass of commoners,[225]

He is
Given
Plenary
Power.
he also wanted the right to decide matters
on his own authority. He knew that the [Grand]
Empress Dowager had no taste for governing, so he
gave a hint to the ministers. They memorialized her,
saying, "In the past, officials have been promoted in
accordance with the order of their merits to [positions
ranking as] two thousand piculs. They, together
with minor officials who have been recommended
from the provincial divisions as being Abundant Talents
of Unusual Degree, are for the most part not
worthy [of their positions, so that] it would be proper
that they should all interview the Duke Giving
Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty, [Wang Mang].
It is also not proper that the [Grand] Empress
Dowager should in person supervise unimportant
matters."

[Thus they] caused the [Grand] Empress Dowager
to issue an imperial edict which said, "Since the Emperor
is young in years, We are temporarily directing

7b
the government until he puts on the bonnet of virility.[227]
Now most matters are complicated and detailed,
while Our years are many and [Our] bodily
9b
vigor is insufficient. [If We attend to these matters],
there is danger that [We] may not have the means of
keeping [Our] body in health or of caring for the
Emperor. Hence [We] have selected loyal and capable
persons and have set up the Four Coadjutors,

150

A.D. 1

so that [Our] many inferiors should be urged to do

99 A: 7a, b


their duty and there should perpetually be prosperity
and peace.

7b
"Confucius `said, "How sublime the way Shun and
Yü held possession of the country and yet remained
indifferent to [the details of government]!" '[232]
From this time and henceforth, except[233] for enfeoffments
of noble titles, which shall nevertheless be reported
[to Us], in all other matters, the Duke Giving
Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty and the Four
Coadjutors shall judge and decide. As to Provincial
Shepherds, [officials ranking at] two thousand piculs,
together with minor officials [who are recommended
as being] Abundant Talents, when they are [considered]
for their first appointment [to office] and
when they memorialize matters, they shall each time
be led into an office near [the palace] to answer
questions; the Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Han
Dynasty, [Wang Mang], shall examine into their
former offices and ask about their new duties, in
order that he may know whether they are worthy
or not."

Thereupon [Wang] Mang received and questioned
each one [of the officials], conveyed to them his
secret gracious intentions, and bestowed upon them
rich parting gifts, while he brought out memorials
concerning those who did not suit his purposes and

The Grand
Empress
Dowager
Imitates
His
Humility.
dismissed them, so that his power was equal to that
of the lord of men.

[Wang] Mang wanted to delight the [Grand] Empress
Dowager with vain reputation, so advised
her in conversation that since she had herself succeeded
to the extravagance of the Ting and Fu [clans


151

99 A: 7b

related to] the deceased [Emperor] Hsiao-ai, while

A.D. 2, Summer


most of the people did not have enough [to live
on],[237] it would be proper for the [Grand] Empress
Dowager temporarily to wear coarse plain silk,[238] and
to reduce considerably [the expense of] her cuisine,
in order to show [her economical spirit] to the empire.
10a

[Wang] Mang thereupon presented a letter, stating

A.D. 2,
that he would pay a million cash and offer thirty
Summer[242]
ch'ing[243] of cultivated fields, to be paid to the Grand
Minister of Agriculture, for assistance and gifts to
A Great
Charity.
the poor people.[245] Thereupon the ministers all
admired and imitated him.
8a

[Wang] Mang led the various courtiers in a memorial,

He
Lauds
the Grand
Empress
Dowager.
saying, "Your Majesty is of an honorable
age, [yet] you have for a long time worn heavy plain
white silk and have reduced your imperial cuisine,
which verily is not the way to sustain your bodily
vigor, to care for the Emperor, or to give tranquillity
to the [imperial] ancestral temples. Your subject,
Mang, has several times knocked his head to the
ground at the door to your Inner Apartments and
has advised and argued with you [concerning this
practise, but my request that this practise be discontinued]
has not yet been approved. Now, thanks
to your Majesty's virtue and beneficence, the wind
and rain have recently been timely, sweet dew has
descended, the supernatural fungus of immortality
has grown, the calendar plant and the red herb,[248]
auspicious cereals and [other] favorable signs have
all appeared simultaneously.


152

A.D. 2

"Your servant Mang and the others are not cap-

99 A: 7b, 8a


able of overcoming their great hopes: we wish that
8a
your Majesty would have compassion upon your
energy, rest your spirit, relax your thoughts, conform
to the regular imperial robes, and restore the
legal cuisine of the Grand[252] Provisioner, thereby
causing each of your subjects and children to be
completely content in his heart and to supply
your needs perfectly. We hope that you will sympathetically
scrutinize [our request]."

The
Regency
Will
Terminate
when the
Emperor
[Wang] Mang also caused the [Grand] Empress
Dowager to issue an imperial edict which said,
"Verily, [We] have heard that [according to] the
moral principles for the mother of a ruler, her
thoughts should not go outside the threshold of the
door.[254] Since the state has not received [Heaven's]
10b
blessing and the Emperor is of the age when he is in
Comes of
Age.
swaddling-clothes and is not yet capable of governing
in person, [We] have trembled with apprehension
and [guarded Ourself] for fear that the [imperial]
ancestral temples would not be tranquil. Except
for Us, who can control the general policies of the
state?

"It was for such reasons that Confucius interviewed
Nan-tzu and that the Duke of Chou acted
as regent, which was probably an expedient suited
to the time.[257] [We] have fatigued [Ourself] and
have pondered to the utmost [degree], have toiled
and worried, and have not yet become tranquil.
Hence `if the state is prodigal, then [a sage] gives it
an example of economy,'[258] and `in straightening a


153

99 A: 8a, b

curved [piece of wood, it may be spoiled by being

A.D. 2


bent backwards] beyond a straight [line,'[261] so We
may have gone too far in economizing], yet if We
8b
do not personally lead [the empire back to correctness],
what will [We be able] to say to the empire?

"[We] have hoped morning and night that the five
[kinds of] grains should be harvested in abundance
and the peoples' households should have a sufficiency.
When the Emperor dons the cap of virility, [We]
shall entrust the government to him and transfer it
to him.

"[We] now verily have had no leisure for light and
delicate [clothing] or for perfectly flavored [food]
and hope that together with the many officials [We]
may achieve [a good government]. Let [us all] make
[great] efforts towards this [end]."

Every time there was a flood or drought, [Wang]

He
Suffers
with the
People.
Mang would eat plain food.[264] When her entourage
advised her of it, the [Grand] Empress Dowager
sent a messenger with an imperial edict to [Wang]
Mang, saying, "[We] have heard that you, Duke,
have been eating [only] vegetables. Your solicitude
for the common people is indeed deep. Since in this
autumn there has fortunately been a good harvest,
and you, Duke, are so diligent in your duties, at this
time you should eat meat and care for your body for
the sake of the state."
8b 11a

[Wang] Mang pondered that the Middle States

The
Shan-yü
Takes
a Single
Personal
Name.
were already tranquil, and only the barbarians of the
four [quarters] were still the same as [before]. So
he sent an envoy to give actual gold and valuable
silks, as heavy bribes, to the Hun Shan-yü, in order
to have him send a letter to the Emperor, which
said, "I have heard that in the Middle States a

154

A.D. 2

double personal name is criticized.[268] My former

99 A: 8b


personal name has been Nang-chih-ya-szu. Now
I change my personal name to Chih, in admiration
of and conformity to the regulations of the sages."
He also sent [Lüan-ti Yün], the Hun Princess [who
had married] Hsü-pu [Tang] and who was the
daughter of Wang [Ch'iang] Chao-chün, to enter
[the court] and wait upon [the Grand Empress
Dowager. Wang Mang thus used] myriads of methods
and stratagems to dazzle deceptively and serve
flatteringly the [Grand] Empress Dowager and her
inferiors down to her Chief Chamberlain who was at
her side.

The
Emperor
to be
Married.
When [Wang] Mang had become an important
personage, he wanted to mate his daughter to the
Emperor, making her the Empress, in order to make
his power secure. [So] he memorialized, saying, "The
Emperor has been on the throne to the third year,
[yet the occupant of] the Ch'ang-ch'iu Palace, [the
Empress], has not yet been established and [the
positions of] concubines in the Lateral[271] Courts
have not yet been filled. Recently, the difficulties
of the dynasty have originated from heirs being
lacking and from [imperial] marriages and takings
[of concubines] having been incorrect. I beg that
the Five Classics be investigated and discussed in
order to establish rites for [the imperial] marriage

155

99 A: 8b

and to fix the principle of [the Emperor's] twelve

A.D. 2


9a
women,[275] in order to increase his posterity, and that
there be a wide selection [for his harem] from the
daughters of the principal wives of the descendants
from the two [immediately preceding dynasties of
true] kings, [the Shang and Chou dynasties], the
posterity of the Duke of Chou and of Confucius, and
the marquises in Ch'ang-an."

The matter was referred to the high officials and

Wang
Mang
Withholds
they presented [to the Grand Empress Dowager] the
names of a multitude of girls. The girls of the Wang
clan were the most numerous of those selected [as
11b
candidates for becoming the Empress. Wang] Mang
His Own
Daughter.
feared that they would compete with his own daughter,[279]
so he immediately presented [a letter] saying,

156

A.D. 2

"I personally am without virtue and my child's

99 A: 8b, 9a


abilities are of a low [order], so that it would not be
proper for her to be put with the multitude of girls
[from whom the Empress] is to be chosen."

The [Grand] Empress Dowager thought that he
was completely sincere, so issued an imperial edict
[for the Emperor], saying, "The girls of the Wang
clan are Our maternal relatives. Let them not be
selected [for the imperial harem]."

9a
The many common people, the [Confucian] masters,
The
People
Memorialize

That His
Daughter
Should
Become
the
Empress.
the Gentlemen, the lower officials, and [those
holding] higher positions, who [thereupon came to]
wait at the [Palace] Portals to present letters [to
the Grand Empress Dowager, numbered] more than
a thousand daily; some of the ministers and grandees
went to the middle of the [principal] court and some
prostrated themselves outside the doors of the Inner
[Apartments]. All said, "The sage virtue of your
enlightened edict is as sublime as" that, [or] "The
abundant and glorious services of the Duke Giving
Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty are as magnificent
as" this, [or], "Now that an Empress is to be established,
why should the daughter of the Duke be
specially excluded? Where would the destiny of
the empire be [better] placed? We wish to secure
the daughter of the Duke as the mother of the
empire."

[Wang] Mang sent his Chief Clerk and subordinates
by divisions to instruct and stop the ministers
and the [Confucian] masters, but those who presented
letters [to the Grand Empress Dowager]
were even greater [in number than before, so the
Grand] Empress Dowager had no alternative but to
listen to the ministers and select the daughter of
Wang] Mang [to be the Empress].

[When Wang] Mang again himself advised her


157

99 A: 9a

that it would be proper to select widely from among

A.D. 3, Spring


the host of [suitable] girls, the ministers contested
with him, saying, "It is not proper to select other
girls and thereby alter the proper line of succession,
[which can only come through the daughter of the
Duke]."

[Wang] Mang [accordingly] advised [the Grand

A.D. 3.
Empress Dowager] that he was willing to have his
Spring[288]
daughter interviewed. The [Grand] Empress Dowager
12a
sent the Privy Treasurer of Ch'ang-lo [Palace,
She is
Selected.
Hsia-hou Fan[291] ], the Superintendent of the Imperial
House, [Liu Hung3b], and the Prefect of the Masters
of Writing, [P'ing Yen[292] ], to present the proposal
[of marriage][293] and to interview the girl. They
returned and memorialized, saying, "The daughter
9b
of the Duke has been imbued with virtue and culture
and has a beautiful and fascinating appearance, so

158

A.D. 3, Spring

that it would be proper for her to continue the

99 A:


heavenly[297] succession and uphold the [imperial]
sacrifices."

There was an imperial edict sending the Grand
Master Over the Masses, [Ma Kung], and the Grand
Minister of Works, [Chen Feng], to inform in an
official document [the imperial ancestors in the imperial]
ancestral temples and in various ways to
perform divination by the tortoise-shell and by the
stalks. They reported unanimously, "The cracks
upon the tortoise-shell which occurred were [a prognostic]
that metal and water will flourish and assist.
The diagram formed by the stalks which occurred was
that the father and mother will occupy [their due]
positions,[298] which may be said to be a response
[presaging] prosperity and security, a portent of
great good fortune."


159

99 A: 9b

The Marquis of Hsin-hsiang, [Liu] T'ung2b, pre-

A.D. 3,
Spring

9b
sented [to the throne a memorial], saying, "[According
Confucian
Tradition
Awards
Him Great
Grants.
to] the Spring and Autumn, when the Son of
Heaven was about to take [a bride from the state of]
Chi6, he rewarded the Viscount of Chi with the title
of Marquis.[303] The estate of the Duke Giving Tranquillity
to the Han Dynasty, [Wang Mang], is not
yet conformable to [this] ancient regulation."

The matter was referred to the high officials, and
all advised, "Anciently, the Son of Heaven enfeoffed
the father of his Empress [with a fief] a hundred li
[square]; he honored [his father-in-law] and did not
treat him as his subject, in order to give importance
to his ancestral temple. It was the extreme of filial
piety. [Liu] T'ung's advice is in conformity with
the rites and may be approved. We beg that [Wang]


160

A.D. 3, Spring

12b
Mang be additionally enfeoffed with the 25,600

99 A: 9b


ch'ing of cultivated fields in [the county of] Hsin-yeh,
[in order that he may have] a full hundred
li."[307]

He
Returns
Hsin-yeh.
[Wang] Mang excused himself, saying, "Your subject
Mang's daughter is really not fit to be mated to
the most honorable person [i.e., the Emperor]. I
furthermore have heard about the discussions of the

161

99 A: 9b

many [officials concerning] an increase in my en-

A.D. 3, Spring


feoffment. I, your subject Mang, myself humbly
meditate that I have been permitted to rely upon
[the fact that I am] a distant relative [of the
throne][311] and have [thus] attained noble rank and
lands. If my daughter is really capable of supporting
and according with your sage virtue, the estate
of your subject Mang is [yet] sufficient to make offerings
10a
for the tribute at the court; it is not necessary
again to give me the favor of added territory. I
wish to return what was to be added." The [Grand]
Empress Dowager approved it.

The high officials memorialized that, [according to]
ancient practises, an empress was betrothed [with a


162

A.D. 3, Spring

He
Distributes

gift of] twenty thousand catties of actual gold,[315]

99 A: 9b, 10a


which would be two hundred million cash. [Wang]
Mang declined it and asked strongly that it be given
10a
to others, [but] received forty million [cash] and gave
the Dowry
Money
Among the
Families of
the Imperial
Concubines-elect.
He is
Given
Additional
Sums.
Chang
thirty-three million [cash] of that [sum] to the families
of [the Emperor's] eleven concubines, [who were
to accompany the Empress].

Various courtiers again said, "Now the betrothal
presents received for the Empress barely surpass
those for the various concubines." [So] there was
an imperial edict again increasing [the gift to Wang
Mang] by twenty-three million [cash, making it]
altogether thirty million [cash. Wang] Mang again
used ten million [cash] of that [sum] to divide among
the poor persons in his nine [sets of] relatives.

Ch'en Ch'ung was at that time Director of Justice
to the Grand Minister over the Masses, [Ma Kung],
and was good friends with Chang Ch'ang's grandson,

13a
[Chang] Sung. [Chang] Sung was a gentlemen of
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial
for
Ch'en
Ch'ung.
wide learning, and drafted for [Ch'en] Ch'ung a memorial
praising the achievements and virtuous conduct
of [Wang] Mang, which [Ch'en] Ch'ung memorialized.
It said,

"[According to] the opinion of your unworthy
servant, from the time that the Duke Giving Tranquillity
to the Han Dynasty first `brought his bundle
of dried flesh [and began studying],'[321] he has been
placed in an age when customs have been highly


163

99 A: 10a, b

extravagent and luxurious, has had the high favor

A.D. 3, Spring


Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
(1) His
Self-discipline.

of being allied in flesh and blood to [the occupants of]
two palaces, [Emperor Ch'eng and the Grand Empress
Dowager nee Wang], and has been covered
with the illustrious brilliance of his various uncles.
His wealth has been great and his power abundant,
so that his will was unopposed.

"Yet he has humbled himself, lived a life of kindness
and goodness, vanquished his desires, and walked
in the path of proper conduct, resisting the age and
correcting its customs, standing firmly alone, [wearing]
poor clothes and [eating] poor food, with a
shabby carriage and sorry horses, with one consort
and no other [woman]. No one of the multitude has

10b
failed to hear of [the wonderful conditions] within
the doors of his inner apartments and of his virtues
of filial piety and friendliness. He is quiescent,
rejoicing in the Way, gentle and good, and associating
with worthy inferiors. He is kindly to his old
friends and servitors and faithful to his teachers and
associates. Confucius said, `No [one] is as good as
the man who is poor and yet happy, rich and yet
loves the rules of proper conduct,'[326] which indeed
applies to the Duke.

"When he was a Palace Attendant and the former

(2) His
Marquis of Ting-ling, Shun-yn Chang, committed
10b
the crime of treason, the Duke did not presume to
Impartial
keep it to himself [but] advocated that [his cousin]
13b
should be punished. The Duke of Chou executed
Revelation
of His
Cousin's
Crime.
[the King's Uncles] of Kuan and of Ts'ai and Master
Chi [Yu] poisoned Shu Ya,[332] which [precedent]
indeed denotes that the Duke [is like these sages].

"For this reason, Emperor Hsiao-ch'eng gave the
Duke a mandate to be his Commander-in-chief, entrusting
him with the government of the state.


164

A.D. 3, Spring

Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
(3) His
Opposition
to the
Advancement

of Natural
Imperial
Maternal
Relatives.
When [Emperor] Hsiao-ai ascended the throne, the

99 A: 10b

Marquis of Kao-ch'ang, Tung Hung, divined the
desires [of the Concubine nee Ting] and sought for
her approbation [by suggesting that the Emperor's
natural mother, this Concubine nee Ting, should be
given the title belonging to his imperial mother,
instead of recognizing that Emperor Ai was the
adopted son of his predecessor, hence his natural
mother could not be his imperial mother. Tung
Hung thus actually proposed] creating two lines of
[imperial] descent. [But] the Duke in person impeached
[Tung Hung] and thereby established a
fundamental principle [of government]. He advocated
that it was not proper for the Queen Dowager
[nee Fu] of Ting-t'ao to have [her canopy and seat
beside] the imperial[336] canopy and seat [of the Grand
Empress Dowager],[337] in order to make plain the
constitution of the state. The Book of Odes says,
`The weak he did not devour
And the powerful he did not eject;
He did not insult widowers or widows
Nor fear the strong or resistful,'[338]
which indeed applies to the Duke.

(4) His
Unjust
Dismissal.
"He firmly held to humility and expressed his
sincerity in yielding his position. When the Queen
Dowager [nee Fu] of Ting-t'ao wanted to secure for
herself the usurped title [of Empress Dowager], she
feared his sense of duty which [made him] rebuke her
to her face [for placing] her canopy and seat [next
to that of the Grand Empress Dowager]. Flattering

165

99 A: 10b, 11a

and misleading braves, [such as] Chu Po and his

A.D. 3, Spring


Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
sort, were restrained by the other fact that [Wang
Mang] had in person impeached [Shun-yü] Chang
and [Tung] Hung. [Hence] superiors and inferiors
were united in calumniating, injuring, and causing
11a
confusion, so that they violated and perverted the
regulations, and [the Queen Dowager] succeeded in
usurping the title [of Grand Empress Dowager].
They drove away [men of] stable benevolence and
executed [the imperial] relatives by marriage [who
were related to the preceding emperor, so that]
the Duke suffered the calumny [undergone by
Wu Yüan Tzu]-hsü and [Ch'ü] Yüan, and was
14a
caused to go far away to his state [of Hsin-tuc]. The
court and the government were collapsing in ruins,
the main and subordinate [dynastic] principles were
going to pieces, and the calamity of the overthrow
[of the dynasty] remained suspended by no more
than a hair. The Book of Odes says,
`When [capable] men flee,
The state is exhausted and at the point of ruin,'[345]
which applies indeed to the Duke.
11a

"At this time, [when Emperor Ai had died], there

(5) His
Crushing
of
Imperial
Favorites.
was no heir in the [imperial] palaces; Tung Hsien2a
occupied the most important [position], added to
which the Fu clan had the assistance of their daughter,
[who was the Empress]. They all themselves
knew that they had offended the country and had a
feud with [the royal family in the kingdom of]
Chung-shan, so that it would have been necessary
for [the Fu and Ting clans] to be `one in' their worries,
protect each other by [the power which enables a
person] to `shatter metal [bars]',[348] utilize a forged

166

A.D. 3, Spring

Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
testamentary edict [of Emperor Ai], make frequent

99 A: 11a, b


use of rewards and punishments, first eliminate those
whom they dreaded and hastily introduce [to office]
those who were attached [to them], then make false
accusations against [those against whom they had]
long standing grudges, [i.e., the clan of Emperor
P'ing], and furthermore repress [even] distant [imperial]
relatives. If the circumstances had developed
and occurred [after this manner], it would not have
been difficult [for the Fu and Ting clans to seize the
power of the government].[352]

"Thanks to the Duke, who at once entered [the
court, Tung] Hsien2a was immediately made to retire,
together with his clique and relatives. At this time,
the Duke acted by his own brilliant insight and

14b 11b
wielded an unprecedented majesty. He lifted his
eyebrows with a stern air and disseminated a martial
ardor. Taking advantage of the fact that [Tung
Hsien2a] was not secure [in his position], he crushed
him before he could move. Like a thunderbolt he
set in motion the mechanism [of government] and
his enemies were broken. Even if [Meng] Pen or
[Hsia] Yü had been [there], they would not have
[had time] to take up [their weapons] and touch him;
even if Shu-li [Chi] had been [there], he would not
have had time to use his wits; even if [the Master of]
the Demon Valley had been [there], he would have
been unequal to such rapid [action]. For this reason
Tung Hsien2a lost his spirit and committed suicide
by strangling. People did not [have time] to turn
11b
around, the sun did not [have time to] move on the
sun-dial, when suddenly on all [sides, the conspirators]
were eliminated, [things were] changed and it
became a peaceful court.

"Without your Majesty, [Grand Empress Dowager],


167

99 A: 11b

no one could have presented [for appointment]

A.D. 3, Spring


Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
and given [office] to the Duke; without the Duke no
one could have vanquished this calamity.

The Book of Odes says,

`Verily, the [Grand] Master was Shang-fu, [Lü Shang].
He was an eagle, a hawk,
Assisting King Wu;[358]
and Confucius said, `With promptness you will have
(6) His
Selection
of
success;'[360] which indeed apply to the Duke.

"Hence the Duke thereupon advised [the Grand
Empress Dowager] to receive the former Chancellor

15a
of [the kingdom of] Szu-shui, [Chen] Feng, and the
Capable
Subordinates.

Prefect of T'ai, [Chen] Han, together with the
Grand Minister over the Masses, [K'ung] Kuang, and
the General of Chariots and Cavalry, [Wang] Shun4b,
[and have them] propose and plan [the enthronement
of the Emperor who should care for the dynasty's]
altars to the gods of the soils and grains, go eastwards,
bearing credentials, and invite [the present
Emperor to ascend the throne]. All of them received
enfeoffment or additional territory because of their
achievements and virtuous conduct and became famous
officials of the state. The Book of History says,
`One who knows people is wise,'[363] which applies to
12a
the Duke.

"The ministers all sighed after the Duke's virtue

(7) His
Refusal
of
Honors.
and all honored the Duke's signal services, [saying
that] they were equal to those of the Duke of Chou,
so that it would be proper to grant him the title of
the Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty
and to increase his enfeoffment by two counties, [but]
the Duke would not accept any of them. A book

168

A.D. 3, Spring

Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
says, `Shen Pao-hsü would not receive the reward for

99 A: 11b, 12a


having preserved [the state of] Ch'u,'[369] and `Yen
[Ying] P'ing-chung would not receive the enfeoffment
for having acted as [chief] assistant [in the
12a
government of the state of] Ch'i.'[371] Confucius said,
`If [a prince] is able to rule his state in accordance
with the rules of proper conduct and yielding [to
others], what [difficulty] will he have?',[372] which
apply to the Duke.

(8) His
Preliminary

Refusal to
Let his
Daughter
Become
Empress.
"When they were about to determine upon and
establish an Empress-consort for the Emperor, the
high officials sent up [to the Grand Empress Dowager]
the names [of suitable girls], the first of whom
was the daughter of the Duke, [and] the Duke declined
it strongly and asked that it be given to others.
He was constrained and had no resource, and then
only did he accept the imperial edict [ordering his
daughter to be Empress]. The love between father
15b
and child is a Heaven-[endowed quality of human]
nature and spontaneous; [a father] desires glory and
honor for his [child] much more than for himself.
The honor of being Empress is equal to that of being
the Son of Heaven. The opportunity [offered to his
daughter] at that time is rare [even] in a thousand
years. Yet the Duke thought of the great principles
of the state and yielded up the favor of the greatest
blessing. In all matters he was humble, and, [whatever

169

99 A: 12a, b

was done, he firmly refused [honors]. The Book

A.D. 3, Spring


Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
of History says, `Shun [wished to] yield to someone
more virtuous, and was not delighted [at the prospect
of taking the throne],'[378] which applies indeed to
the Duke.

"From the time that the Duke received his
charter[379] down to the present, he has been indefatigable
and orderly, daily renewing his virtue. He

12b
has added to and cultivated his whole life, so that
(9) His
Personal
Economy.
he might issue the [proper] commands to the nobles;
he has followed[382] economy and exalted moderation,
so that he might correct the customs of the age. He
12b
has diminished his wealth and disparaged his family,
so that he might lead his many subordinates; he has
humbled himself and held firmly to equity, so that
he might influence the ministers. He has taught
children and has honored scholarship, so that he

170

A.D. 3, Spring

Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
might raise the development of the state. His

99 A: 12b


slaves have worn plain cloth[387] and his horses have
not been fed grain, and the expense for his food and
drink has not surpassed that of ordinary people.
The Book of Odes says,
`One must be mild and humble
As if perched upon trees;'[388]
and Confucius said, `In his food he should not seek
for satiety and in his dwelling he should not seek for
16a
comfort;'[390] which indeed apply to the Duke.

(10) His
Generosity
"He has denied his person and was himself frugal,
buying food [only] to the point of what has been
necessary. For all articles he has depended upon the
market-place, daily emptying [his bins] and keeping
no stores.[392] He furthermore sent a letter to the
throne [asking to be permitted] to return the estate
with which Emperor Hsiao-ai had additionally enfeoffed
him and to pay[393] cash [to the government]
and to offer his cultivated fields. He entirely exhausted
his former possessions in order to lead the
many [officials in making contributions]. Thereupon

171

99 A: 12b, 13a

small and great [turned] towards him in

A.D. 3, Spring


Chang
Sung's
Laudator
Memorial
harmony, accepting his influence and following his
example; outside [the court], kings, the highest
ministers,[397] and the full marquises, and within
[the court, the occupants of the imperial] canopies
and the imperial attendants, harmoniously and at
the same time, each exhausted his possessions. Some
paid gold and cash and some offered cultivated fields
and acres to assist the impoverished and exhausted
and to provide for and support those who had not
sufficient [to live on]. Anciently, what the Chief
Governor [Tou] Tzu-wen had in the morning did not
last until night,[398] and Master Kung-yi [Hsiu] of Lu
13a 13a
would not eat mallow from his garden [in order not
to deprive gardeners of their profit], which indeed
applies to the Duke.

"He opened his gates and invited in gentlemen and

(11) His
Industry.
[those of lower rank] down to [the occupants of]
plain houses.[401] He has frequently inspected court
affairs, has controlled all the administration, and has
16b
himself interviewed the [Provincial] Governors and
[Commandery] Administrators and those of lower
[rank], investigating their whole life, until he had

172

A.D. 3, Spring

Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
made plain those to be promoted and demoted. The

99 A: 13a, b


Book of Odes says,
`He never slackened, day or night,
In serving the ruler,'[406]
and the Book of Changes says, `[The superior man]
all day is active and vigilant, and in the evening still
careful and apprehensive of evil,'[407] which indeed
apply to the Duke.

(12) His
Service
to the
State.
"During three successive reigns he has been [one
of] the three highest ministers and has twice been in
charge of accompanying the imperial funeral cortege.
He has held the position of prime minister and has
pacified and tranquillized the state. The radii of
[all within] the four seas have converged[409] [in him]
and nothing has failed to be given its [proper] place.
The Book of History says, `[Shun] was received as
the chief director [of the administration], and, amidst
violent wind, thunder, and rain, he did not go
astray,'[410] which indeed refers to the Duke.

"All the foregoing have been rare in very ancient
times and would be difficult, [even] for Yü and

13b
[Prince] Millet, yet the Duke encompassed its entirety,
`containing the one pervading principle.'[412]
He may indeed be said to be perfect.

Peroration
"For this reason, in the course of [these] three
years, his influence has affected [people] like that of

173

99 A: 13b

a god and auspicious presages have repeatedly suc-

A.D. 3, Spring


Chang
ceeded [each other]. Is this not the result of your
13b
Majesty, [Grand Empress Dowager], being able to
Sung's
Laudatory
know people and having obtained a most capable
[person]? Hence not only has the prince received
17a
the mandate [of Heaven, but] also the lives of your
Memorial.
courtiers have indeed not been in vain.[421] For such
a [reason] Prince `Yü was presented a dark-colored
jade tablet'[422] and the Duke of Chou received [the
privilege of] being sacrificed to [after his death] with
the suburban sacrifice.[423] Verily, since [these rulers]
reported [to Heaven the great deeds of those] sent
by Heaven, they did not presume to arrogate to
themselves the merit [that came from] Heaven.

"When we estimate the upright character of the
Duke, it is a model for the empire, and when we look
at the achievements of the Duke, they are a foundation
for ten thousand generations. If a foundation
has been laid and the reward is not appropriate to it,
and if a model has been established and the recompense
is not in accord, [such a condition] is verily not
the way to help the state or to obey the will of
Heaven.

"Emperor Kao rewarded and recompensed [those

Precedents
for Rewarding
Government

Servants:
Hsiao Ho
persons who had performed] the greatest services.
His Chancellor of State, Hsiao Ho, both [was given]
twice [as many] households for his estate [as others
had] and also received special ritual privileges: of
not [needing to use] his personal name in memorializing
matters and of not [being required to] hasten

174

A.D. 3, Spring

Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
in entering the [Palace] Hall.[427] More than ten of

99 A: 13b, 14a


his relatives by marriage were enfeoffed. Since
[Emperor Kao] rejoiced without satiation in goodness,
the recompenses he made were not parsimonious.
If [a person propounded] one [good] plan,
[Emperor Kao] invariably [gave that person] noble
rank. For this reason, [although] the position of
17b
Kung-sun Jung was [merely] that of a Gentleman,
Kung-sun
Jung
he was selected from [among] the standard-bearers
when he had once explained [the conduct] of Fan
14a
K'uai, and was enfeoffed [with the income of] two
thousand households.[432]

14a
"Emperor Hsiao-wen rewarded the Marquis of
Chou P'o
Chiang, [Chou P'o], by adding to his enfeoffment
[the income of] ten thousand households and granting
him five thousand catties of actual gold. Emperor
Wei Ch'ing
Hsiao-wu favored and recorded military achievements,
so allocated thirty thousand households
wherewith to enfeoff Wei Ch'ing; [Wei] Ch'ing's
three sons, some of whom were in swaddling clothes,
Ho Kuang
all became full marquises. Emperor Hsiao-hsüan
made Ho Kuang distinguished and brilliant, adding
to the households [of his estate] and commanding
[that his descendants should have] the same [rank
and estate as the founder of the house]; three persons
[in his clan] were enfeoffed, [enfeoffments] being
extended to the grandsons of his elder [half]-brother
[Ho Ch'ü-ping].[437]

"Now at the time of the Marquis of Chiang, [Chou
P'o], because of the firmness of the Han [dynasty's]


175

99 A: 14a, b

tributary [kings], thru the obstinate courage of the

A.D. 3, Spring


Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
[Marquis of] Chu-hsü, [Liu Chang1a,] by the support
of the various generals who surrounded [the Empress
Dowager nee Lü], and by the aid of the power of
mutual assistance [of these persons], altho the project
[of the Lü clan] was detestable, they were not able to
progress.

"When Ho Kuang entered his position [as Commander-in-chief],
the authority of having long held

18a
office multiplied the majesty of his great prestige.[442]
Wang
Mang's
Superiority.

[Different from Wang Mang], he never happened
upon a situation that he could not handle and that
caused him to fall into disfavor[444] and [to be compelled]
to leave the court. None of those in charge
14b
of matters in the court failed to be of the same [mind
as he]; when the break [in the imperial line occurred
at the death of Emperor Chao, Ho Kuang had controlled
the government] for a long period and his
direction of the government had brilliantly illuminated
the age. Altho it may be said that he distinguished
himself, he had [those circumstances] to
rely upon, so that [his achievement] was moreover
[comparatively] easy. Yet he suffered the embarrassment
14b
of not being discerning in making his plans
by erroneously summoning [the King of Ch'ang-yi,
Liu Ho, to the throne].

"As to [Wei] Ch'ing and [Kung-sun] Jung, [the
one gained distinction] at the point of his sword,[447]


176

A.D. 3, Spring

Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
[and the other performed] the service of [saying] one

99 A: 14b, 15a


word, yet both received a hill-[high] recompense.

"Examining the merits [of the Duke along] with
those of [the Marquis of] Chiang, [Chou P'o], and of
Ho [Kuang, the first shows] creativeness and [the
others] were followers, when compared with [those
of Wei] Ch'ing and [Kung-sun] Jung, [the Duke's
merits are as different] as earth is from heaven.
The Duke, moreover, also performed the service of

He should
be given
the same
Rewards
as the
Duke of
Chou.
controlling the government, hence he ought to be
elevated to be equal in greatness and glory with
Prince Yü and the Duke of Chou, and should receive
the [same] reward and recompense that they did.
Why should he be only discussed at the same time
as those others just mentioned, [the Marquis of
Chiang, Ho Kuang, Wei Ch'ing, and Kung-sun Jung]?
Yet he has not yet obtained nor received the generosity
[received by Wei] Ch'ing and the others.
Your servant is verily mystified by this [circumstance].

"Your servant has heard that, when services are
measureless, the recompense should be boundless,

15a 18b
and that when virtuous conduct is peerless, rewards
should be unrestrained. This is the reason for King
Ch'eng's [treatment] of[453] the Duke of Chou, which
passed beyond the limits of a hundred li [of territory]
and overpassed the restrictions of the nine distinctions,[454]
creating a territory of seven hundred li
[in extent], including both the people of [the states
of] Shang and Yen3a, and granting him to have as his
vassals the six clans from [the state of the] Yin
[dynasty],[455] `the great chariot,[456] the great banner,

177

99 A: 15a, b

[the great bow], Fan-jo, [belonging to] Feng-fu, the

A.D. 3, Spring


Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
semi-circular jade tablet [used by] the Sovereign of
the Hsia [dynasty, Yü], a [Grand] Intercessor, a
[Master of the Ducal] Clan, a [Grand] Augur, a
[Grand] Astrologer, the appendages [of state, a ducal]
15a
code and institutes, officials, high and low, vases for
offering liquors [in the ancestral temple, and other]
utensils,'[461] with a white bull as his sacrificial victim,[462]
and the rites of the suburban [kingly] sacrifices
and the sacrifice from a distance. `King
[Ch'eng] said, "My uncle, I will establish your eldest
son [as Duke of Lu]." '[463] Son and father were both
installed in order, and received their [fiefs], which
may indeed be called an unrestrained [reward for]
19a
measureless [services. But his honors] did not stop
merely with these; his six sons were all enfeoffed.[465]
The Book of Odes says,
`No word but has its answer,
`No good deed but has its reward.'[466]
15b
The reward must accord with the [deed]; if it does
not accord, it is not a reward.

"When we consider matters done in more recent

Other
Precedents
[times], there is the oath of the Eminent Founder,
[Emperor Kao], that except for [members of] the Liu
clan, no [one] should be made a king. Yet the
Baronet of P'o, [Wu Jui], was permitted to be King
of Ch'ang-sha and [Emperor Kao] promulgated an
imperial edict praising him as loyal, establishing and
publishing [his position as a permanent] ordinance,[469]

178

A.D. 3, Spring

Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
[thus] making plain that where great confidence

99 A: 15b


exists, [the Emperor] should not be held by the
regulation [restricting vassal kings to the imperial
clan].

"[According to] the Spring and Autumn [in Mr.
Tso's Commentary
], Duke Tao of Chin employed the
plan of Wei Chiang and all of China served and followed
him; when the prince of Cheng presented [to
Duke Tao] musical [instruments and musicians],
Duke Tao thereupon granted half of them to [Wei
Chiang. Wei] Chiang declined strongly and asked
that they be given to others, [but] the noble [ruler]
of Chin said, `But for you, sir, I, your humble servant,

15b
would not have been able to cross the [Yellow] River.
Verily, rewarding is in the code of the state and cannot
be annulled. Do you, sir, receive these [things].'
Wei Chiang thereupon possessed musical instruments
of metal and stone.[474] The Spring and Autumn
[in Mr. Tso's Commentary] praises him. It approves
[the fact that] he, a subject, was entirely devoted [to
his prince] and therefore refused [a reward for] his
services, [but] the prince knew his subject, and accordingly
rewarded him.

Conclusion
"Now since your Majesty, [Grand Empress Dowager],
19b
already knows that the Duke has the achievements
and virtuous conduct of the Duke of Chou,[477]
if you do not put into effect the rewards and recompenses
[granted by] King Ch'eng, and consequently
accept the Duke's firm refusals, not considering the
plain meaning of the Spring and Autumn, then how
can the common people and your courtiers praise
[your deeds], and how can they be recounted to ten
thousand generations? In truth, this is not [the
way] the state should be governed.


179

99 A, 15b, 16a

"Your stupid subject considers that it would be

A.D. 3, Spring


Chang
Sung's
Laudatory
Memorial.
appropriate to enlarge the Duke's state, causing it
to be like that of the Duke of Chou, and to set up
and establish the Duke's [eldest] son [as a noble],
causing him to be like Po-ch'in. The articles that
are granted to him should also be like those [granted
The
Honors
Recommended.

to the son of the Duke or Chou]. The enfeoffments
of [the Duke's] various sons should all be like those
of the six sons [of the Duke of Chou]. Then your
many subordinates will openly offer[482] their devotion,
and the many people will be brilliantly moved
by your virtue. If your courtiers really offer[483]
their devotion and if the common people are really
moved by your virtue, then which of the deeds of an
16a
[ideal] King would be [lacking]?

"I hope that your Majesty will ponder deeply the
weighty [deeds] of your [imperial] ancestors, respect
and fear the warnings of High Heaven, imitate[485]
the gloriousness of Yü [Shun] and of the Chou
[dynasty, follow] completely and entirely [the example
of] the grants [made] to Po-ch'in, and not be
parsimonious [in granting to the Duke] a recompense
[similar to that made to] the Duke of Chou, in order
that[486] this law of Heaven may be established and a
model may be [set] for later generations. The whole
world would [thus] be favored."

The Affair
of Lü
K'uan.

The [Grand] Empress Dowager [nee Wang] thereupon
showed [the memorial] to the various highest
ministers. [But] just when the various highest

16a
ministers were discussing this matter, it happened
that the affair of Lü K'uan arose.
20a

Previously, [Wang] Mang had wanted to arrogate


180

A.D. 3

Wang
Mang
Had
Denied
Emperor
P'ing's
Natural
Relative
a Place
at Court.
the [imperial] power to himself, so had said to the

99 A: 16a


[Grand] Empress Dowager, "Previously, when Emperor
Ai was set up [as Emperor] and went contrary
to the favor and beneficence [shown him by you,
Grand Empress Dowager, the Emperor] himself raised
his maternal relatives, the Ting and Fu [clans], to
high rank, who troubled the state, so that they almost
destroyed the [dynasty's] gods of the soils and grains,
[almost overthrowing the dynasty]. Now, since the
Emperor is young and is again upholding the main
line [of the dynasty] as the [adopted] child of Emperor
Ch'eng, it is proper to make plain the principle of
[only] a single line of [imperial] descent, in order to
ward off [such a] situation as had previously [arisen]
and to make [the new arrangement] a model for later
generations."

July/Aug.
Thereupon she had sent Chen Feng, bearing a
A.D. 1[495]
kingly seal and cord, who had gone to the Emperor's
mother, the Concubine [nee] Wei, had installed her
as the Queen of King Hsiao of Chung-shan, [the deceased
Liu Hsing], and had granted to the Emperor's
maternal uncles, Wei Pao and [Wei] Pao's younger
brother, [Wei] Hsüan, the noble rank of Marquises
of the Imperial Domain. All of them were detained
in [the kingdom of] Chung-shan and were not permitted
to go the imperial capital.

Wang

Intrigues
With
Them.
[Wang] Mang's son, [Wang] Yü3, disapproved [of
the fact] that [Wang] Mang had separated the Wei
clan [from the Emperor] and feared that when the
Emperor grew up, enmity would later appear [between
the Wei and Wang clans. Wang] Yü3 hence
sent a man privately to give letters to [Wei] Pao and
the others, instructing the Emperor's mother to send
a letter to the throne, asking [that she be permitted]
97 B:
to enter [the imperial palace]. A discussion is in the
21b-22b.
"Memoir of the Queen [nee] Wei."


181

99 A: 16a, b

[Wang] Mang did not listen [to this request, so

A.D. 3


Wang] Yü3 and his teacher, Wu Chang, together with
Wang
Mang
to be
his own wife's elder brother, Lü K'uan, discussed the
circumstances. [Wu] Chang considered that [Wang]
Mang could not be admonished, but, since he was
16b
fond of spiritual beings, they should make some
Superstitiously

Terrified.
grevious vicissitudes or portentous happenings,[504] in
order to terrify him. [Wu] Chang would thereupon
explain them by citing parallel [instances from history]
and so would cause him to give the government
to the Wei clan. [Wang] Yü3 then had [Lü] K'uan
20b
carry blood at night and sprinkle it at the door of
[Wang] Mang's residence. When the officials discovered
the [plot], [Wang] Mang had [Wang] Yü3
Wang Yü
Executed.[507]
seized and sent to prison, where he drank poison and
died. [Wang] Yü3's wife, [Lü] Yen, who was with
child, was held in prison until she gave birth to the
child; when it had been [born], she was killed.

[Wang] Mang memorialized, saying, "[Wang] Yü3
has been led into error by Lü K'uan and others, who
spread groundless rumors to mislead the crowd, which

16b
is[509] a crime similar to that of the [King's Uncles of]
Kuan and of Ts'ai. Your servant does not dare to
hide [the fact that] he has been executed."

Chen Han and others advised the [Grand] Empress

Wang
Mang
Praised
for his
Freedom
From
Partiality.
Dowager to issue an imperial edict saying,
"Verily, T'ang Yao had, [as his son], Tan-chu and
King Wen of the Chou [dynasty] had, [as sons, Hsien
and Tu, who were known as the King's Uncles of]
Kuan and of Ts'ai. These [two rulers] were both
sages of the highest [degree], yet they could not

182

A.D. 3

prevent their sons from being of the lowest [degree]

99 A: 16b


of stupidity. Why? Because their own [good]
natures could not be transplanted [into the hearts
of these others]. You, Duke, occupy the position of
the Duke of Chou and assist your lord [as he assisted]
King Ch'eng. You have also executed [your son as
he executed the King's Uncles of] Kuan and of Ts'ai,
and have not [allowed] your love for your relatives
to injure the honor [due to] those who are honorable,
[i.e., the imperial family]. We approve of it most
highly.

"Anciently, after the Duke of Chou had executed
the descendants of the four states,[513] his grand transformation
[of the country] was perfected, until
even the multilating punishments [could be] established
but not employed.[514] Do you, Duke, concentrate
on attending to the state and aim at bringing
about the [utmost] transquillity."

Hundreds
More
Executed.
Taking advantage of this [edict, Wang] Mang
exterminated the Wei clan and examined exhaustively
the case of Lü K'uan. [Wang Mang] involved [in
this case] the prominent persons of the commanderies
and kingdoms who had in the past criticized him in
21a
memorials, and within [the imperial court] even [implicated]
the Princess of Ching-wu, the King of Liang,
[Liu] Li5a, the Marquis of Hung-yang, [Wang] Li5a,
and the Marquis of P'ing-o, [Wang] Jen. Messengers
tortured or guarded them, and they all committed
suicide. Those who died were numbered by the
hundreds, so that [all] within [the four] seas trembled
at it.

The Commissioner Over the Army [subordinate to]


183

99 A: 16b, 17a

the Commander-in-chief, Pao1b, memorialized, say-

A.D. 3


Wang
Mang's
Book
Added
to the
ing, "The Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Han
Dynasty, [Wang Mang], has suffered from the fact
that his son, [Wang] Yü3, has fallen into the [same]
crimes [as the King's Uncles of] Kuan and of Ts'ai;
his love for his son was very deep, [but], for the sake
17a
of the imperial house, [Wang Mang] has not presumed
Official
Curriculum.
to consider his private [interests. Since], however,
[Wang] Yü3 has suffered for his crime, [Wang
Mang] has sighed and has been deeply moved, so he
has composed a writing in eight fascicles, in order to
warn posterity. It would be proper to publish it in
the commanderies and kingdoms and order the school
officials to teach it."

The matter was referred to the various highest
ministers, who begged that it should be ordered that
the officials of the empire who were able to recite and
explain the Duke's warning should therefore be
recorded on the official registers [of meritorious
persons preferred for official positions], just as those
[who recite and explain] the Classic of Filial Piety.[522]

17a

In the fourth year, in the spring, the suburban

A.D. 4
sacrifice (chiao) was performed to the [dynasty's]
Feb./
Eminent Founder, [Emperor Kao], making him the
Mar.[527]
coadjutor of Heaven, and the sacrifice to the greatest
exemplar (tsung) was performed to Emperor Hsiao-wen,
making him the coadjutor of the Lords on
High.[528]


184

A.D. 4, March

Mar. 16.
In the second[531] month, on [the day] ting-wei,

99 A: 17a


His
Daughter
Made
Empress.
the daughter of [Wang] Mang was established as
Empress. A general amnesty [was granted] to the
empire and the Director of Justice to the Grand
Minister over the Masses, Ch'en Ch'ung, and others,
eight persons [in all], were sent to travel separately
about the empire, to observe and see [the people's]
customs.[534]

He should
Be
Honored
Further.
The Grand Guardian, [Wang] Shun4b, and others
memorialized, saying, "[According to] the principles
of grading achievements and meritorious conduct in
the Spring and Autumn [in Mr. Tso's Commentary],
21b
`The highest [degree of celebrity] is to establish [an
example of] meritorious conduct, the next [degree] is
to establish [a name for] successful achievements, and
the next [degree] is to establish [wise] sayings.[537]
Verily, those of extreme meritorious conduct or of
great excellence are alone able to do this. Such
persons, if they were courtiers, thereupon [during]
their lifetime received great recompenses and [after]
their death became [known as] exemplary subjects;[538]
Yi Yin in the Yin [dynasty] and the Duke

185

99 A: 17a, b

of Chou in the Chou [dynasty] were such [persons]."

A.D. 4

The common people who presented [similar] letters
to the Emperor moreover [numbered] more than
eight thousand persons. They all said, "Yi Yin
became the Supporting Governor and the Duke of
Chou became the Grand Ruler. The Duke of Chou
enjoyed [the honor of] having his seven sons enfeoffed
and had recompenses greater than the highest rank
of the highest ministers. It is proper that [it should
be done] as Ch'en Ch'ung has said."

Their memorials were referred to the high officials,

A New
Title.
and the high officials begged that [Wang Mang] be
returned the two counties [of Shao-ling and Hsin-hsi,
with which his enfeoffment] had previously been
increased, [and which he had returned to the government],
together with Huang-yu Village and the
cultivated fields in Hsin-yeh [County, which he
had previously held]; that there be selected [a term]
from [each of] the titles of Yi Yin, [Supporting
Governor], and the Duke of Chou, [Grand Ruler],
so that the Duke should be given the title of Ruling
Governor, with his rank in the highest rank of the
highest ministers; his division head clerks should be
ranked at six hundred piculs; the three highest ministers,
17b
when speaking to him of [government] business,
should say that they `presume to speak of it;'[543] the
various [lower] officials should not be permitted to
have the same personal name as the Duke; when he
goes out he should be followed by twenty Attendants
at the Gates, thirty [members of] the Winged Forest,
and that before and after him there should be ten
great chariots. The Duke's Lady Dowager, [his
mother], should be granted the title, the Baronetess
of Apparent Merits, with the income of an estate of

186

A.D. 4, June 1

two thousand households, a golden seal and a red

99 A: 17b


17b
seal-ribbon; the Duke's two sons should be enfeoffed:
22a
[Wang] An1a as Marquis in Recompense to [the
Marquis of] Hsin-[tu], (Pao-hsin), and [Wang] Lin1a
as Marquis in Reward to [the Marquis of Hsin]-tu
(Shang-tu); and thirty seven million [cash] should be
added to the betrothal present of the Empress,
[making it] altogether a hundred million [cash],[548]
in order to glorify the great rites [of imperial marriage].

June 1[550]
The [Grand] Empress Dowager went to the Front
He
Refuses
Most
of the
Honors.
Hall [of the Palace] in person to enfeoff [the Duke
and his sons]. The Duke Giving Tranquillity to the
Han Dynasty was first installed, and his two sons
were later installed, as [had happened] in the former
case of the Duke of Chou. [But Wang] Mang repeatedly
bent his head to the ground, declining and
asking that [these honors] be given to others. When
he had gone out, he memorialized [the Empress
Dowager] concerning these enfeoffments, [declaring
that] he wished only to accept the title for his mother
and [wished] to return the seals and [ceremonial]
aprons of [Wang] An1a and [Wang] Lin1a, together
with their titles, positions, and the households in
their estates.

The matter was referred to the Grand Master,
[K'ung] Kuang, and others, who all said, "These
rewards are not adequate for the achievements [of
him to whom they have been given]. Humility,
self-restraint, retiringness, and yielding are the constant
moderation of the Duke. [His request] should
not be eventually accepted."

[Wang] Mang asked for an audience and firmly
declined [these honors, so the Grand] Empress Dowager


187

99 A: 17b, 18a

issued an imperial edict which said, "Every time

A.D. 4, June 1


that the Duke has an audience, he kowtows with
tears falling, as he firmly refuses [his honors]. Now
he has sent [Us] a communication [informing Us]
that he is ill. Should [We] indeed accede to his
yielding so that [We] may order him to attend to his
business? Or should [We] indeed put into effect his
recompenses and send him home to his residence?"[554]

[K'ung] Kuang and the others replied, "[Wang]

He is
Not to be
Allowed
to Refuse
Everything.

An and [Wang] Lin1 have in person received their
seals and aprons, their charters and titles, and it has
been communicated to Heaven, so that the justice
[of their appointments] is patent. The cultivated
fields of Huang-yu, Shao-ling, and Hsin-yeh are
extraordinarily great in their income. [Their disposal]
altogether rests with the Duke. If the Duke
wishes to diminish himself in order to bring about a
[moral] transformation in the state, it is proper that
[his request to yield up these fields] be approved and
22b
acceded to, and it is to be expected that the [moral]
transformation [which will bring about a condition
of] good government and peace will accordingly be
achieved in [due] time.

"[But] the office of Ruling Governor cannot be
attained by [his heirs in the next] generation, [so that
he should not be permitted to refuse it]. The cash
[used] in the betrothal presents[557] [of his daughter]
was moreover to honor her as the [future] Empress,
and not for the Duke's sake. The households [in

18a
the estate] of the Baronetess of Apparent Merits will
lapse with her [death] and not be transmitted [to her
descendants]. The two estates of Pao-hsin and
Shang-tu together [amount only to] three thousand

188

A.D. 4, June

households, which is indeed very little. [According

99 A: 18a


to] the conduct of a loyal official, it is moreover
18a
proper that he should humble his own [will] in order
to show his fealty to his lord.

"It would be proper to send the Grand Minister
over the Masses, [Ma Kung], and the Grand Minister
of Works, [Chen Feng], with credentials, bearing
your edict of decree that the Duke must quickly
enter [the court] and attend to business, and give
an edict to the Masters of Writing not again to
receive a memorial from the Duke which yields up
[his honors]." The memorial was approved. [Wang]

June 1
Mang thereupon arose and attended to business.

He presented a letter saying, "Your servant, as the

1 B.C.
Marquis of Hsin-tuc, in [the year-period] Yüan-shou,
Aug. 15
the second year, the sixth month, on [the day]
mou-wu, in a night of haste and confusion, as Marquis
of Hsin-tuc, was led into the Wei-yang Palace. On
Aug. 17
[the day] keng-shen, I was installed as Commander-in-chief
and occupied the position of [one of] the three
A.D. 1,
highest ministers. In [the year-period] Yüan-shih,
Apr. 10.
the first year, the second[568] month, on [the day]
ping-ch'en, I was installed as Grand Tutor, granted
the title of the Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Han
Dynasty, and merely acted as [one of] the Four Coadjutors.
A.D. 4,
In the present year, the fourth month, on
June 1.
[the day] chia-tzu, I was again installed as Ruling
Governor, being ranked in the highest class of the
He
Reviews
highest ministers. I, your servant Mang, myself
think humbly that my noble rank is Marquis of
23a
Hsin-tuc, my title is Duke Giving Tranquillity to the
His
Honors.
Han Dynasty, my offices are those of Ruling Governor,
Grand Tutor, and Commander-in-chief, so that

189

99 A: 18a, b

my noble rank is [too] high, my title is [too] honor-

A.D. 4, June


able, and my offices are [too] weighty for a single
person. That I should have received [these] five
great favors, is indeed beyond your humble servant's
merits.

"Since in the third year of [the period] Yüan-shih,

A.D. 3.
the empire had a good harvest, it is proper that those
official subordinate positions which have been abolished
should all be [now] reestablished.

"The Ku-liang Commentary says, `The [Grand]

He
Requests
a Seal
of Office.
Ruler of the Son of Heaven should be acquainted with
[all within] the four seas.'[578] Your servant stupidly
considers that the office of Ruling Governor has for
its duties the correcting of all the officials and the
tranquillizing of [all] within [the four] seas. Yet it
has no seal or sign, so that its name does not correspond
to its reality. [Although] your servant Mang
does not have the ability to [hold many] offices concurrently,
since now you, the sage court, have through
an error and mistake employed me, your servant begs
that the Attendant Secretaries should have a seal
engraved for the Ruling Governor with the inscription,
`Ruling Governor, Grand Tutor, and Commander-in-chief,'
18b
and, when the seal is completed,
18b
transmit it to your servant Mang, who will [then]
return the seals of the Grand Tutor and of the Commander-in-chief."
The [Grand] Empress Dowager's
imperial edict said, "It is approved. His [ceremonial]
apron[581] shall be like that of the Chancellor
of State. We will Ourself attend [court] to transmit
it to him."


190

A.D. 4, June

A Great
Gift.
[Wang] Mang thereupon again took ten million

99 A: 18b


cash of what had been added to the betrothal present
[for his daughter] and left it with the Chief Chamberlain
at the Ch'ang-lo [Palace], who had charge of
providing for [the Grand Empress Dowager].

23b
The Grand Guardian, [Wang] Shun4b, memorialized,
saying, "The empire has heard that the Duke
would not accept a territory [that would furnish] a
thousand chariots, has refused a present of [the
equivalent of] ten thousand [catties of] gold,[586] has

191

99 A: 18b

distributed his wealth and has given it away by the

A.D. 4


ten-millions, so that no one fails to reform himself.
A man of Shu Commandery, Lu Chien, and others
have stopped their litigation, blushing for shame, and
retired. Although King Wen [of the Chou dynasty
caused the rulers of the states of] Yü2a and Jui to
cease [their quarrels],[589] how could it be more than
[what Wang Mang has accomplished]? It would be
proper to inform the empire [of the foregoing facts]."
The memorial was approved.

When the Ruling Governor, [Wang Mang], went

His
Train.
out, he was both preceded and followed by ten large
chariots, with a Specially Serving Master of Writing,
Gentlemen, Attending Secretaries, Internuncios, Palace
Attendants Within the Yellow Gate, Attendants
at the Gates, and [members of] the Winged Forest.
The Ruling Governor regularily bore his credentials.
When he stopped [anywhere], an Internuncio held
them for him. The division head clerks of the Ruling
Governor were ranked at six hundred piculs. The
three highest ministers, [in speaking to him] said
He
Enlarges
the
that they "presumed to speak of [their business]."[592]

In this year, [Wang] Mang memorialized [the
plans for] and built a Ming-t'ang, a Pi-yung, and a

19a
Spiritual Tower, and for the students [in the Imperial
Imperial
University.

University] he erected ten thousand houses and had
made a Market and a Regularly Full Granary.[595]


192

A.D. 4

19a
His institutions were very grand. He established

99 A: 19a


the Classic of Music[599] [as an imperially approved
classic], and increased the regular number of the
24a
Erudits, having five for each Classic. He summoned
those from the empire who were versed in one classic
and were teaching eleven persons or more,[601] together
with those who possessed the lost [chapters of]
the Rites, the ancient [text of] the Book of History,[602]

193

99 A: 19a

the Mao [text of] the Book of Odes, the Chou Offices

A.D. 4


He Gathers
the
Learned
and Establishes
New
Classics.
[the Chou-li],[606] the Erh-ya, [books on] astronomy,
divinations and revelations, the musical tubes, the
"Ordinances for the Months,"[607] military methods,[608]
the written characters in Shih [Chou's]
Fascicles,[609] and who were versed in and understood

194

A.D. 4

their meaning. All went to the [office of the Major

99 A: 19a


in Charge of] Official Carriages, [so that Wang Mang]
ensnared and collected [all] the gentlemen of uncommon
ability in the empire. Those who came, at
former and later [times], were numbered by the
thousands. All were ordered to write out their explanations
[of the Classics] in his courts, with the
intention of making them correct their discrepancies
and errors and unify differing explanations.

Various courtiers memorialized, saying, "Anciently,
when the Duke of Chou upheld the heir who
succeeded his father, although he possessed the honor
of being in the highest rank of the highest ministers,
yet only in the seventh year were the institutions
fixed.[612] Verily, the Ming-t'ang and Pi-yung have
fallen into ruins and have been abolished for a
thousand years and no one has been able to revive
them. Now the Duke Giving Tranquillity to the
Han Dynasty has arisen from a great family and has
assisted and protected your Majesty for four years
down to the present. His achievements and virtuous
conduct are brilliant.

"The Duke, in the eighth month, when the moon

Sept. 5
began to wax, on [the day] keng-tzu,[614] received the

195

99 A: 19a

A.D. 4


196

A.D. 4

19b
message [authorizing him to] employ [people] for

99 A: 19b


the purposes of the court,[620] and he himself attended
to the required service and the work of construction.
24b
And on the next day, [the day] hsin-ch'ou, the various
Sept. 6
masters and common people assembled in great
harmony; a great crowd of a hundred thousand
[persons] joined together, working with vigor[623] for
twenty [days], when the great work was all completed.
19b
When T'ang [Yao] and Yü [Shun] did
[great] things or when at Ch'eng-chou [the Duke of
Chou] founded the dynasty's [capital], they verily
did no better.

"It is proper that the rank of the Ruling Governor
should be above that of the vassal kings, that he
should be granted bundles of silk to which are affixed
jade circlets, one chariot of state [like that for] a
large kingdom, one comfortable carriage, and two
quadrigae of black horses." The imperial edict said,
"It is approved. Let rules for the nine distinctions
be discussed."

Winter
In the winter, a great wind blew off almost all the
roof-tiles on [the buildings at] the eastern gates of
the city wall of Ch'ang-an.[626]

A.D. 5,
In the fifth year, in the first month, the hsia ancestral
Jan./Fab.
sacrifice to all the ancestors together was
performed in the Ming-t'ang; twenty-eight vassal
kings, one hundred twenty full marquises, and more
than nine hundred scions of the imperial house were

197

99 A: 19b, 20a

summoned to assist in the sacrifices.[630] After the

A.D. 5


He
Distributes
Honors
to the
Imperial
Clan.
rites were ended, thirty-six great-grandsons of [Emperor]
Hsiao-hsüan, [Liu] Hsin4g and others, were
enfeoffed as full marquises.[633] The other [persons
who assisted in the sacrifices] all had households
added [to their estates] or were granted noble ranks
and rewards of money and silk, to each a definite
amount.

At this time, because [Wang] Mang had not accepted

The People
Memorialize

that he
the cultivated fields of Hsin-yeh, the officials
and common people who sent letters to the Emperor,
[including] previous and later [times, numbered]
487,572 persons. Moreover, the vassal kings, the
25a
highest ministers, the full marquises, and [the members
should be
Rewarded.
of] the imperial house, when they had audience,
all kowtowed, saying that it would be proper immediately
to give rewards to the Duke Giving Tranquillity
to the Han Dynasty.

Thereupon [Wang] Mang presented a letter to

20a
the throne, saying, "Because I, your servant, am your
He will
Rule Like
the Duke
of Chou,
Aided by
the Others
in the
Government.

maternal relative, I have overleaped my [due] sequence
and occupy my [present] post, [but] I have
not yet been able to be worthy of my position. I
humbly reflect that your sage virtue is pure and
abundant, you have received [the mandate] of
Heaven and have followed ancient [practises], you
have instituted rites in order to govern the common
people, and you have composed music[639] in order to

198

A.D. 5

improve their customs, so that [all within] the four

99 A: 20a


seas have run and hastened to obey you, [even] the
many barbarians have all come to you, and on the
days when they had to take leave and go, none have
20a
failed to drop tears. If they had not been sincere,
how could this [situation] have been gratuitously
brought about?

"From the vassal kings on down to the lower officials
and common people, all know that your servant
Mang on the one hand and your Majesty on the
other are related as closely as the pellicle inside a
reed is to the reed. Moreover, [now] that I have
been permitted to exercise an [important] charge,
those who attribute merits and rank virtuous conduct
always have some superfluous words about me,
your servant Mang, so that when I, your servant,
have an audience and the nobles of the imperial
house themselves speak of business before me, I never
fail to break out in perspiration and be mortified.
Although my nature is stupid and rustic, I myself
know most sincerely that while my virtue is small
and my position honorable, my strength is too little
and my duties are too great. Day and night I am
fearful and circumspect, continually being afraid that

25b
I will sully and disgrace your sage court.

"Now the empire is well-governed and at peace,
the [people's] customs are uniform, the many barbarians


199

99 A: 20a, b

obey and have submitted, all of which

A.D. 5


[comes] from your Majesty's sage virtue and what
you yourself [have done]. The Grand Master,
[K'ung] Kuang, and the Grand Guardian, [Wang]
Shun4b, and others assist you in the government and
aid in ruling. None of the various ministers and
grandees have failed to be sincere and good, hence
it has been possible, in the time of five years, to
attain this extreme achievement.

"I, your servant Mang, have really had no wonderful
plans or extraordinary projects. When I have received
the sage edicts of the [Grand] Empress Dowager
and have promulgated them to your subjects, I
have not been able to attain one-tenth [of the sageness
contained therein]; when I received plans from
various capable [persons] and reported them to the
throne, I have not been able to attain five-tenths [of
the virtue contained therein], so that I ought to suffer
for the crime of being of no benefit [to the empire].
The reason that I temporarily presume to protect my
head and neck for the moment is in reality because
on the one hand I have reposed upon your Majesty's
superabundant glory and [because] on the other hand
I have relied upon my old friends, the highest
ministers.

"Your Majesty could not bear [to refuse] the

20b
words of the crowd, so their writings were each time
referred to [the officials] for discussion. Your servant
20b
Mang previously sought immediately to memorialize
and stop [their proposals], but I feared
that you thereupon would not be willing to stop the
matter.

"Now that the great rites have already been performed
and the assistants at the sacrifices have all
left, I cannot repress my greatest wish. It is my
wish that the various writings which have been referred
to those who are to discuss [these matters]
should all be laid aside and not reported to the
throne, [thereby] causing your servant Mang to be


200

A.D. 5

able to use all his efforts in completing the business

99 A: 20b


26a
of instituting [Confucian] rites and composing [Confucian]
music.[651] When these matters are completed,
I will then transmit and show them to the
empire and give them to [all] within the [four] seas
to criticize. Supposing that they contain anything
traitorous[652] or evil, your servant Mang ought accordingly
to suffer for the crime of having misled the
Emperor and of having deceived the court. If I
do not undergo any other impeachments, to be permitted
to preserve my life, to be granted to ransom
my person and return home, and to make way for a
worthier person will be the private wish of your
servant. I only hope that your Majesty would have
compassion and pity and favor me somewhat."[653]

Chen Han and others advised the [Grand] Empress
Dowager to issue an imperial edict saying, "It
is permitted. Verily, Duke, your achievements and
virtuous conduct are [the most] brilliant in the empire.
For this reason the vassal kings, the highest
ministers, the full marquises, [the members of] the
imperial house, the various masters, the lower officials,
and the common people were of one accord and


201

99 A: 20, 21

said the same things. They continually waited at

A.D. 5


the gate towers and the great court, hence their writings
were referred [by the throne to the proper officials].
On the day when the nobles and the members
of the imperial house took their leave and left, they
again presented their previously emphasized proposals.[656]
Although they were plainly instructed to be
dismissed and sent off, [yet they acted] as if they were
unwilling to leave. When [we] informed them that
in the first month of summer your rewards would be
put into effect, no one failed to rejoice and be pleased.
They called out, `Long life,' and left.

"Now every time that you, Duke, have an audience,
you always drop tears and kowtow, saying that
you wish not to receive a reward and that if a reward
is given you, you will not presume to occupy your
position. Just now [the rites and music] that are
being instituted and composed have not yet been
fixed upon, so that those matters need you, Duke,
to decide upon them, hence for the time being [We]
accede to you, Duke. When what is being instituted
and composed is all completed, the highest ministers

26b
will report it and investigate into the previous proposal
[of the nobles, etc.]. Let the ceremonial for
21a
the nine distinctions be promptly memorialized
[to Us]."

Thereupon the ministers, grandees, erudits, gentlement-consultants,

21a
and the full marquis,[660] Chang

202

A.D. 5

The Nine
Distinctions

to be
Conferred
Upon him.
Shun, and others, nine hundred two persons [alto-

99 A: 21a


gether], all said, "When the sage lords and glorious
kings beckoned to the capable and urged the able [to
come to them], those whose virtuous conduct was
abundant [were given] high positions and those
whose achievements were great [were given] rich
rewards. Hence when an exemplary subject possessed
the honor of being a `high duke with the nine
conferments,'[664] he [also] possessed the favor of having

203

99 A: 21a

been promoted `[an additional] step,'[666] with

A.D. 5


the nine distinctions.

"Now `the nine [classes of the imperial] kindred
are affectionately harmonius' and `the official class'
is already `honored,' `the myriad states' are `harmonized
and united,' and `the many people have then
become harmonious.'[668] The auspicious presages of
sageness have all arrived and the great peace has
become universal. Of the greatest lords, none were
greater than T'ang [Yao] and Yü [Shun], yet your
Majesty is worthy [of occupying their positions].
Of loyal ministers who had abundant achievements,
none were more outstanding than Yi [Yin and the
Duke of] Chou, yet the Ruling Governor, [Wang
Mang], is equal to them. It is what might be called
a revival [of ancient glories] at a different time, `[and
is as similar to those great days] as the matching of
[the two halves] of a tally.'[669]


204

A.D. 5, June 22

"We have carefully taken the universal principles

99A: 21a, b


of the six canons and what is found in the text of the
Classics, [especially] in the Chou Offices and the Record
of Proprieties
(Li-chi), and is suitable to the present
[time], and have made the distinctions for the nine
27a
conferments. Your servants beg [your approval of]
the distinctions for the conferments." The memorial
was approved.

A.D. 5,
[Wang Mang's] charter said, "Verily, in the fifth
June 22.
year of [the period] Yüan-shih, the fifth month, on
His
Charter.
[the day] keng-yin, the Grand Empress Dowager
[nee Wang] came to the Front Hall [of the Palace,
had Wang Mang] conducted and [ordered to] mount
[the steps to the throne], and in person[676] commanded
him by this imperial edict, which said,

" `Let the Duke approach, empty himself,[677] and

21b 21b
listen to Our words. Previously you, Duke, have
guarded the throne [from the time of] Emperor
Hsiao-ch'eng [now] to the sixteenth year. You have
presented your plans and have been completely loyal.
You advised [the Emperor] to execute the former
Marquis of Ting-ling, Shun-yü Chang, in order to
repress his rebellion and reveal the evil-doers. You
mounted to [the position of] Commander-in-chief
and your duties were to assist [the Emperor] at the
court.

" `When Emperor Hsiao-ai ascended the throne,
while the proud concubine, [the Queen Dowager nee
Fu] watched him furtively [for a chance] to work her
will and while his wicked courtiers hatched rebellion,


205

99 A: 21b

you, Duke, yourself impeached the Marquis of Kao-

A.D. 5, June 22


The
Charter
Bestowing
the Nine
Distinctions.

ch'ang, Tung Hung, and [at an imperial banquet]
changed and corrected the usurped seat of the now
deceased [Queen Dowager nee Fu], the mother of
King Kung of Ting-t'ao, [Liu K'ang]. From that
time on, when the officials of the court discussed
[matters], no one failed to accord with the Classics.

" `When you had resigned your position on account
of illness and returned to your great house, you were
endangered by brigand-like officials, [but] after you
had gone to your estate, Emperor Hsiao-ai awakened
[to a comprehension of his error] and again returned
you, Duke, to Ch'ang-an. When he became ill and
[his illness] became increasingly severe, he still did
not forget you, Duke, and again especially advanced
your rank.

" `That night, in [a time of] haste and confusion,
the state was without a presumptive heir and wicked

27b
courtiers filled the court, so that the peril was indeed
great. We reflected that no one was more fitting
than you, Duke, [to make] a plan for giving tranquillity
to the state, [so We] had you inducted into
the court. That same day [We] dismissed the Marquis
of Kao-an, Tung Hsien2a, and within the interval
of a turn of the clepsydra, your loyal plans were
immediately established and the main and subordinate
[dynastic] principles were all set forth in detail.

" `[During the year-periods] Sui-ho and Yüan-shou,

8-7 B.C.
when you twice happened upon the death of
2-1 B.C.
an emperor, you carried out all things perfectly, so
that civil disturbances did not take place. You have
assisted Us to the fifth year, [during which time] you
have corrected fundamental matters of human relationships
and have fixed the altars of Heaven and
Earth.[685] You have carefully served the gods in

206

A.D. 5, June 22

The
Charter
Bestowing
the Nine
Distinctions.

heaven and earth and have disposed of [matters in

99 A: 21b, 22a


all] the four seasons. You have restored what had
been abolished for a thousand years and straightened
out the mistakes of a hundred generations.[689]
[People from all over] the empire have met in harmony
and a great crowd has collected together. The
Spiritual Tower [spoken of] in the Book of Odes,[690]
the building of [the city of] Lo in the Book of History,[692]
22a
the institutes of the capital at Hao and the
regulations of the Shang [dynasty's] capital[693] have
22a
been revived by you in the present [age]. You have
made glorious and illustrious the supreme achievements
28a
of the deceased deified rulers and have made
brilliant and manifest the `excellent virtue'[696] of the
founder and exemplars [of the imperial line]. You
have exalted and made apparent the principle that
respect for the father [of a dynasty] consists in
[making him] the coadjutor of Heaven. You have
restored and established the rites for the suburban
sacrifice to the most prominent ancestor of the line
anterior to the founder of the house (chiao), the
sacrifice to the most ancient ancestor of the line (ti),
and for the sacrifice to the greatest exemplar of the
house (tsung),[697] in order to make glorious the great

207

99 A: 22a

[principle of] filial piety. For this reason [all within]

99 A: 22a, b


The
Charter
Bestowing
the Nine
Distinctions.

the four seas are concordant, all countries incline
towards correct principles, and the barbarians, who
have different customs [from the Chinese], have of
their own accord come [to the imperial court] without
being summoned and are gradually progressing
[in civilization] and have corrected their ceremonial
bonnets and bring their treasures to assist at the
[imperial] sacrifices.

" `You have searched for old [precedents and have
based [yourself] on the [correct] Way [of action], you
have obeyed the [Confucian] canons and honored
ancient [practices, so that] whenever you acted, you
have been successful, and in everything you have
attained the mean. Your extreme virtue and essential
principles have become known to the gods; the
imperial ancestors have esteemed you and rejoiced,
so that lights have shone brightly and happy portents
from Heaven have arrived repeatedly. The
grand [cosmological] principles are universally concordant
[and there have been] more than seven hundred
auspicious presages of unicorns, phoenixes,
tortoises, and dragons.[701]
You are accordingly instituting


208

A.D. 5, June 22

The
Charter
Bestowing
the Nine
Distinctions.

rites and composing music, so that you will

99 A: 22a, b


have the great merit of having restored peace to the
[imperial] ancestral temples and the [imperial] gods
of the soils and grains. All [persons] under Heaven
rely upon you alone, Duke. Your office is that of
Ruling Governor and your rank is[705] in the highest
class of the highest ministers.

" `[We] now add [to your honors] the distinctions
for the nine conferments. Let them be used in assisting
at the [imperial] sacrifices and in performing
your civil and military duties. [Their favor] shall
moreover be conferred upon your [deceased] ancestors.

22
Oh! How can that fail to be good!' "

22b
Thereupon [Wang] Mang bent his head to the
The Nine
Distinctions.

ground, and, bowing repeatedly, received [1] a green
apron,[709] a tunic embroidered with dragons and other
figures and a mortar-board hat, a short tunic and
28b
robe, a fine gold mouth for a scabbard and a fine
gold tip for a scabbard,[711] and ornamented shoes,[712]

209

99 A: 22b

[2] a princely chariot with bells and a quadriga of

A.D. 5, June 22


The Nine
Dictinctions.

horses,[716] with the dragon banner with nine tails and
the spotted deerskin cap and white silk pleated robe,
a war-chariot with a quadriga of horses, [3] a red bow
and arrows and a black bow and arrows,[717] [4 a] vermillion
axe of authority to be held on his left and a
metal (copper) battle-axe to be held on his right, one
set of armor and a helmet, [5] two flagons of black
millet herb-flavored liquor[718] and two jade tablet

210

A.D. 5, June 22

23a
spoons, [6] two green jade tablets for the nine con-

99 A: 23a


The Nine
Distinctions.

ferments,[723] [7] vermillion doors, [8] inside staircases,[724]
and [9] the insignia of having an Office of
[Superintendancy over] his Clan, an Office of Praying,
an Office of Augury, an Office of Recording, three
hundred men of [the Gentlemen] as Rapid as Tigers,
one Household Steward and one Assistant [Household
Steward]. In each of the Offices over his Clan,
of Praying, of Divination, and of Recording there
23a
were established Bailiffs and Accessory [Officials].
When the Duke Giving Tranquility to the Han Dynasty
29a
was in his yamen inside [the Palace] or in his
residence outside [the Palace, the Gentlemen] as
Rapid as Tigers were to act as the guard at his gates,
and those who were qualified to come out or in were
to have their names inscribed on a register [at his
gates]. From the Four Coadjutors and the three
highest ministers [on down, if anyone] had business
at his yamen or residence, they were all to use passports.
The Prince's Lodge of the Kings of Ch'u was
made the residence of the Duke Giving Tranquillity
to the Han Dynasty. It was grandly repaired and

211

99 A: 23 a

built and a vacant space [arranged] all around it for

A.D. 5, June 22


The Nine
Distinctions.

the guard. The temples and funerary chambers of
his [deceased] grandfather and father were all given
vermillion doors and inside staircases.[730]

Ch'en Ch'ung also memorialized, "When the Duke
Giving Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty goes outside
of the city gate for the purpose of sacrificing to his
[deceased] grandfather or father, it would be proper
for the Colonel of the City Gate to accompany [the
Duke] at the head of his cavalrymen. Then when
[the Duke] enters [the city] he will have the guards


212

A.D. 5

of his gates [to protect him] and when he goes out

99 A: 23a, b


of [the city] he will have cavalrymen [following him,
by all of which] his state would be made more honorable."
His memorial was approved.

Autumn
That autumn, because of the auspicious presage
that the Empress [nee Wang] would have descendants,[735]
23b
[Wang] Mang cut the Tzu-wu Road. The
The Tzu-wu

Road.
Tzu-wu Road cuts straight across the Southern
Mountains from Tu-ling and passes [into] Han-chung
[Commandery].

The eight messengers[737] [who had been sent to
observe and influence the people's] customs had returned
and had said that the customs of the empire

29b
have been unified. They had falsely invented accompanied
A
Flattering
Report
On the
State
Of the
Empire.
and unaccompanied songs from the commanderies
and kingdoms to praise [Wang Mang's]
achievements and virtuous conduct, in altogether
thirty thousand words. [Wang] Mang memorialized
that [their report] should be established and published
as a [permanent] ordinance.[740] He also memorialized
that [because] there existed such [perfect]
institutions, in the market-places there were not two
23b
prices, the offices were without law-cases or litigation,
towns were without thieves or robbers, the countryside
was without famished people, things dropped on
the roads were not picked up, and males and females
took separate paths,[742] [hence] those who violated

213

99 A: 23b, 24a

[the institutions should merely suffer] punishments

A.D. 5


[which portrayed] the likeness [of the mutilating
punishments in the criminal's clothing].[745]

Liu Hsin1a, Ch'en Ch'ung, and others, twelve persons

June 29.[747]
[altogether], were all enfeoffed as full marquises
because they had built the Ming-t'ang or had spread
the [imperial] teaching and influence.[748]

Since [in the empire, Wang] Mang had brought

The
Ch'iang
Are
Induced
To
Surrender
the
Kokonor
Territory.
about [the condition of] complete tranquillity, in
that to the north he had influenced the Huns, to the
east he had caused [people] to come [from] beyond
the ocean, and to the south he had attracted the
Huang-chih, [but] only in the western quarter he had
not yet produced [any effects], he therefore sent a
General of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, P'ing Hsien,
and others, bearing much money and silk, to tempt
the Ch'iang outside the barriers and have them present
their territory [to the throne and to express] a
desire to be received by and to be subordinate [to
Chinese rule.

Upon his return, P'ing] Hsien and the others memorialized,
saying, "The leaders of the Ch'iang
tribes, Liang Yüan, and others, whose number might

24a
be twelve thousand persons, wish to be received and
to be your subjects. They offer the Hsien-shui Sea,
the Yün Gorge, and the Salt Lake. The level land
with fine grass is all given to the Chinese people,
and [the Ch'iang] will themselves dwell in the narrow
and difficult places and act as guards at the frontiers.

"When I asked Liang Yüan the reason for his submitting,
he replied, saying, `The Grand Empress


214

A.D. 5

Dowager is sage and glorious, the Duke Giving

99 A: 24a


Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty is most benevolent,
30a
and the world is completely peaceful, so that the five
[kinds of] cereals ripen and there are good harvests.
Some stalks of grain are ten feet or more tall, sometimes
one spikelet has three kernels, sometimes,
without being sown, [grain] springs up of itself,
sometimes [silk] cocoons form themselves without
any worms having been fed, sweet dew comes down
from Heaven and wine springs come out of the
earth,[754] "male and female phoenixes have come
and arrived,"[755] supernatural birds have descended
and perched, so that for the [last] four years the
Ch'iang people have had nothing to suffer [from the
government]. Hence "oh! how pleasant"[756] to be
admitted [to the Chinese empire] and to become
your subordinates.'

"It would be proper at this time to settle them in
[stationary] occupations and to establish a [Chief
Commandant] of a Dependent State to direct and
protect them."

The matter was referred to [Wang] Mang. [Wang]
Mang memorialized in reply, saying, "You, [Grand]
Empress Dowager, have controlled the rule for several
years; your grace and bounty have inundated
and overflowed, so that a filial attitude of submission
[has spread over] the four quarters and not even the
most distant regions with different customs have

24a
failed to turn towards correct principles. A Yüeh-shang
potentate, [whose speech must be] successively
interpreted, presented a white pheasant; the Huang-chih
[came] from [a distance of] thirty thousand li

215

99 A: 24a, b

to offer a live rhinoceros as tribute; kings of the

A.D. 5


Oceanic
Barbarians.
Eastern Barbarians crossed the Great Ocean to offer
the treasures of their states; the Hun Shan-yü conformed
to [Confucian] institutions and did away with
his double personal name. Now at the western
boundary, Liang Yüan and the others in turn present
their land and [desire to] become your menials.
Anciently T'ang Yao's [virtue] `filled[761] and covered
[all within] the four extremities of the empire,' but
it could not surpass your [virtue].

"Now I have carefully examined that there are
already a Tung-hai (Eastern Sea), a Nan-hai (Southern
Sea), and a Po-hai (Northern Sea) Commandery,
[but] there is not yet a Hsi-hai (Western Sea) Commandery.
I beg that you will accept the territory
which Liang Yüan and the others are offering and
make it the commandery of Hsi-hai.

"Your servant has also heard that when the Sage-kings

30b
gave order to the ornaments of Heaven, [the
Geographical

Arrangements

to be
Rectified.
stars], and fixed the principles of geographical [arrangements],
they took the mountains, streams, and
customs of the common people as the principles for
the boundaries of their provinces. The territory of
the Han dynasty is broader than that of the two
[sage-]lords and three [dynasties of] kings,[764] having
24b
altogether thirteen provinces. Many of the names
of the provinces together with their boundaries do
not correspond to those in the Classics. The `Canon
of Yao' [speaks of] twelve provinces;[766] later they

216

A.D. 5

were fixed at nine provinces. The vast territory of

99 A: 24b


the Han dynasty is far-extending. When the Provincial
Shepherds go to inspect their divisions, the
most distant ones are more than thirty thousand li
[away], so that there cannot be [only] nine [provinces].
I would respectfully employ the ideas of the
Classics in correcting the names of the twelve provinces
and make boundaries for them to correspond to
the correct original [boundaries]." The memorial
was approved.

Thousands
Exiled to
Kokonor.
He also added fifty items to the laws. Offenders
were transported to Hsi-hai [Commandery]. Those
who were transported were counted by the thousands
and ten-thousands, so that the common people for
the first [time] held grudges [against Wang Mang].

The Marquis of Ch'üan-ling, Liu Ch'ing4i, sent

24b
to the imperial court a letter saying, "When King
It is
Suggested
that he
be made
Regent.
Ch'eng of the Chou [dynasty] was a minor, he was
called the Young Prince, and the Duke of Chou acted
as Regent. Now that the Emperor is rich in youthfulness,
it would be proper to order the Duke Giving
Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty to perform the
duties of the Son of Heaven like the Duke of Chou."
The various courtiers all said, "it would be proper
[to do] as [Liu] Ch'ing4i has said."

31a
In the winter, when [the planet] Mars was occulted
Winter.
by the moon,[774] Emperor P'ing became ill.
A
Declaration

Stored in a
Metal-bound

Coffer.
[Wang] Mang made a written declaration [to
Heaven] in which he begged for [the Emperor's] life
at the altar to the Supreme [One]. He had a jade
circlet hung on his person, carried jade insignia, and
[declared] that he was willing in person to take the
place [of the dying Emperor]. The declaration was
stored in a "metal-bound coffer"[776] and placed in the

217

99 A: 24b, 25a

Front Hall [of the Palace]. He ordered the various

A.D. 5


highest ministers not to presume to speak [to him
about government business, in order that he might
concentrate on caring for the Emperor's illness].[779]

In the twelfth month, Emperor P'ing died. A

A.D. 6,
general amnesty [was granted] to the empire.
Feb. 3.[782]
[Wang] Mang summoned those who understood the
Emperor
P'ing
Dies.
rites, Tsung-po Feng and others. With them,
[Wang Mang] determined that the officials of the
empire [ranking at] six hundred piculs and above
should all wear mourning to the third year. [Wang
Mang] memorialized, that the Temple of [Emperor]
Hsiao-ch'eng should be honored with the title of
[the Temple of] the Controlling Exemplar and the
Temple of [Emperor] Hsiao-p'ing with the title of
[the Temple of] the Primary Exemplar.

At that time, the line of descent from Emperor
Yüan had been ended, but of the great-grandsons of
Emperor Hsüan there were living: five kings and

25a
forty-eight full marquises, [including] the Marquis of
Kuang-chi, [Liu] Hsien3c.[785] [Wang] Mang hated it

218

A.D. 6, Feb.

The
Youngest
Descendant
of
Emperor
Hsüan
Selected
to Succeed
to the
Throne.
that they were adults, so advised, "A cousin is not

99 A: 25a


permitted to be the successor [to his cousin of the
same generation]." So he selected the very youngest
among [Emperor Hsüan's] great-great-grandsons,
[Liu] Ying1a, the son of the Marquis of Kuang-chi,
[Liu] Hsien3c. He was in the second year of his age.
[Wang Mang] took as a pretext that when he was
divined about and physiognomized, he was the most
auspicious [of all].

In this month, the Displayer of Splendor in the

Feb.
South, Hsieh Hsiao, memorialized that the Chief of
Wu-kung [prefecture], Meng T'ung, while a well was
being dug, had secured a white stone, round above
31b
the square below, with red writing on the stone.

219

99 A: 25a, b

The writing said, "An instruction to the Duke Giving

A.D. 6, Feb.


The First
Portent
that Wang
Mang
Should
Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty, [Wang] Mang,
that he should become the Emperor." The coming
of mandates [from Heaven] through portents began
indeed with this one.

[Wang] Mang had the various highest ministers

25a
advise the [Grand] Empress Dowager [nee Wang]
Become
Emperor
of it. The [Grand] Empress Dowager said, "This
[thing] is trumped up to deceive the empire. [Its
message] cannot be put into practise." The Grand
Guardian, [Wang] Shun4b, said to the [Grand] Empress
Dowager that when matters have already
reached such [a condition as they had], there was
nothing that could be done [about it], that if she
wished to check it, she did not have the strength to
stop it; and also that [Wang] Mang would not presume
25b
to have any other [intentions], but merely desired
He is
Made
Regent.
to be entitled[798] the Regent, in order to make
his power greater and to settle the empire and make
it obedient. The [Grand] Empress Dowager listened
to him and promised [to do so].

[Wang] Shun4b and others thereupon together had
the [Grand] Empress Dowager issue an imperial
edict which said, "Verily, [We] have heard that when
`Heaven gave birth to' the crowd of `common people,'
they were unable to govern themselves, so `He set
up princes for them',[799] in order to control them.
When a prince is young, there must be someone
whom he can rely upon, who should then act as
regent. Then only will [the prince] be able to carry
out [the duties] given him by Heaven and complete
the transforming influence of Earth, so that the
various living beings will flourish and be nurtured.
Does not the Book of History say, `The work is
Heaven's—let men take the place of [Heaven]'?[800]


220

A.D. 6, Feb.

"Because Emperor Hsiao-p'ing was young, We

99 A: 25b


temporarily took charge of the government of the
state. [We] hoped to put upon him the cap of maturity
and to entrust the government to him and
32a
hand it over. But now his life has been cut short
and he is dead. Alas! How sad!

"[We] have already had the high officials summon
twenty-three great-great-grandsons of Emperor
Hsiao-hsüan, to choose an appropriate person to be
the heir and successor of Emperor Hsiao-p'ing. This
great-great-grandson is of the age when he is in
swaddling-clothes; if [We] are not able to secure [to
be his regent] a princely man who has reached the
very heart of virtue, who can give tranquillity to
[the empire]?

"The Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Han
Dynasty, [Wang] Mang, has assisted in the government
for three reigns, has repeatedly met with critical
times, has tranquillized and made brilliant the House
of Han, and has thereupon made [people] of customs
differing [from those of the Chinese become] like
[the Chinese even] in their institutions, [so that] he

25b
has had the same presages as those had at a different
age by the Duke of Chou. Now the Displayer of
Splendor in the South, [Hsieh] Hsiao, and the Chief
of Wu-kung [prefecture, Meng] T'ung, have presented
[a memorial] speaking of a red stone portent.
We have thought profoundly that its meaning, which
said, `[Wang Mang] should become Emperor,' is
however that as Regent he should perform the duties
of the Emperor. Verily if there is a model, accomplishment
is easy; [but] if there is no sage, there is no
model.[805]

"Let it be ordered that the Duke Giving Tranquillity
to the Han Dynasty should occupy [the


221

99 A: 25b, 26a

post of] Regent and should [be permitted to] mount

A.D. 6, Feb.


the eastern [master's] steps [at the altar to Heaven],
as in the former case [was done by] the Duke of Chou.
26a
Let the prefecture of Wu-kung become the territory
whose revenue is allocated to the Duke Giving Tranquillity
to the Han Dynasty, and let its name be the
town of Han-kuang (the Han [dynasty's] brilliance).
Let there be prepared a memorial concerning the
ceremonial [for the above]."

Thereupon the various courtiers memorialized,
saying, "The sage virtue of the [Grand] Empress

He is
Given the
Dowager is brilliant. You have seen deeply into the
intentions of Heaven and have issued an imperial
32b
order that the Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Han
Rites of
a Son of
Heaven
and the
Title of
Acting
Emperor.
Dynasty should act as Regent. Your subjects have
heard that when King Ch'eng of the Chou [dynasty]
was a minor and the practises of the Chou [dynasty]
had not yet been completed, so that King Ch'eng was
unable to perform his duties to Heaven and Earth
and to renew the illustrious services [performed by
Kings] Wen and Wu, the Duke of Chou temporarily
acted as Regent and the practises of the Chou [dynasty]
were therefore completed and its kingly house
was at peace. If he had not acted as Regent, then
it is to be feared that the Chou [dynasty] would have
lost the mandate of Heaven.

"The Book of History [quotes the Duke of Chou as]
saying [to Prince Shih, the Duke of Shao], `If the
son or grandson who becomes the heir to and serves
our [lord, King Wu], should be altogether incapable
of reverencing [the deities] above and below,
[Heaven, Earth, the ancestors, and gods], and lose
the glory of his predecessors, if we [were retired,
living] at home, we would remain ignorant of it.[812]


222

A.D. 6, Feb.

The Mandate [of Heaven] is not easy [to retain], and

99 A: 26a, b


the assistance of Heaven is not sure, so that His
mandate may be lost.'[815] The explanation says,
26a
`The Duke of Chou wore the tasselled mortar-board
bonnet of the Son of Heaven, faced south and held
audience for the courtiers, and made proclamations
and gave ordinances, constantly calling them the
mandates of the King. The Duke of Shao was a
worthy person, [but] did not understand the intentions
of the sage, [the Duke of Chou], hence was not
pleased.'[817] The [Record of] Proprieties (Li[chi]), in
`Record of the Ming-t'ang,' says, `When the Duke of
Chou held court for the nobles in the Ming-t'ang,
[like] the Son of Heaven, he turned his back to the
33a
axe-embroidered screen, faced south, and stood
up.'[819] It means that the Duke of Chou occupied
the throne of the Son of Heaven to the sixth year,
26b
held court for the nobles, established the rites, and
composed the music, so that the empire submitted
widely. [But] the Duke of Shao was not pleased.
At that time, King Wu had [just] died and the coarse
mourning garments had not yet been put off. If we
consider it in this way, when the Duke of Chou first
became Regent, he then occupied the Son of Heaven's
throne and it was not [that he waited] until the sixth
year [before] he mounted the eastern steps.[821]


223

99 A: 26b

"The lost chapter of the Book of History, `Auspi-

A.D. 6, Feb.


cious Grain,'[824] says, `When the Duke of Chou offered
the herb-flavored millet liquor, he stood upon the
steps of the eastern staircase and was conducted to
mount them, and the presentation speech [at the
offering] said, "The Acting King is ruling over the
government and diligently harmonizing the world." '
The [foregoing] is how the Duke of Chou was entitled
by the person [who read] the presentation
speech when [the Duke of Chou] was regent in the
government.

"When King Ch'eng put on his cap of maturity,
the Duke of Chou thereupon presented the government
to him. The Book of History [quotes the Duke
of Chou] as saying, `We return [the government to
Our] nephew, the intelligent prince.'[825]
The Duke
of Chou constantly called [his orders] the mandates
of the King, and acted on his own authority without
reporting [matters to the King], hence he said, `I
return [the government] to my nephew, the intelligent
prince.'

"Your subjects beg that the Duke Giving Tranquillity
to the Han Dynasty should act as Regent,
mount the eastern steps,[826] wear the apron and tasselled
mortar-board hat of the Son of Heaven, turn
his back to the axe-embroidered screen[827] between
the door and window, and face south as he holds


224

A.D. 6, Feb.

court for the courtiers and attends to the business of

9 A: 26b, 27a


government. When he goes in or out [of the Palace]
33b
in his chariot and robes, [the people] should be
26b
warned and [the streets] cleared. The common people
and courtiers should call themselves his `subjects'
or `female servants.'[832] In all [these matters, he
should be treated] as in the regulations for the Son of
Heaven.

"When he makes the suburban sacrifices to Heaven
and to Earth, makes the sacrifice to the greatest exemplar
of the house in the Ming-t'ang, makes offerings
and sacrifices in the [imperial] ancestral temples, and
performs worship and makes sacrifices to the many
gods, in his presentation speech he should be called,
`the Acting Emperor.' The common people and
courtiers should speak of him as `the Regent-Emperor';
he should call himself `I'.[833] In judging and
deciding matters [when holding] court, he should
regularily employ the imperial edicts of the Emperor
and pronounce [that he issues imperial] decrees,[834]
thereby upholding and obeying the will of August
Heaven, assisting and protecting the House of Han,
and guarding and tranquillizing the young heir to
Emperor Hsiao-p'ing, [thus] carrying out the principle
of entrusting [a Regent with the rule] and exalting
the development of good government and
peace.

"When he pays court at an audience of either the
Grand Empress Dowager [nee Wang] or the Empress

27a
Dowager [nee Wang], he should reassume the devotion
of a subject. He should in his own person [as a
noble] exercise the government and issue `instructions'
to his own palace, his family, his [marquis's]
estate, and his special territory [of Han-kuang], as in

225

99 A: 27a

his previous practise, [according to] the legal practises

A.D. 6, Feb.

of a noble. Your subjects, risking death, make
this request." The edict of the [Grand] Empress
Dowager said, "It is approved."

The next year, [Wang Mang] changed the year-period
and called it Chü-shê (the Regency).

In [the year-period] Chü-shê, the first year, the

I
first month, [Wang] Mang sacrificed to the Lords on
A.D. 6,
High at the Southern [Altar for] the suburban sacrifice,
Feb./Mar.
welcomed the spring at the Eastern [Altar for]
the suburban sacrifice, performed the rites of the
great archery contest in the Ming-t'ang, and served
food to Thrice Venerable and Fivefold Experienced.
He completed the rites, then left.[841]

He established the Five Clerks At the Foot of the

Court
Steno-
Pillars, with their rank like that of the [Attendant]
Secretaries. When he attended to government business,
34a
they attended at his side and recorded and made
graphers.
detailed accounts of his words and acts.

In the third month, on [the day] chi-ch'ou, [Liu]

Apr. 17.
Ying1a, a great-great-grandson of Emperor Hsüan,
Liu Ying
is made
Heir-apparent

and Young
Prince.
was set up as the Imperial Heir-apparent and was
given the title, Young Prince (Ju-tzu). Wang Shun4b
was made Grand Tutor Assisting on the Left, Chen
Feng was made Grand Support Aiding on the Right,
and Chen Han was made Grand Guardian Serving
at the Rear. There were also established four Junior
[Coadjutors] whose ranks were all two thousand
piculs.[847]

In the fourth month, the Marquis of An-chung,

May/June
Liu Ch'ung2c, plotted with his Chancellor, Chang
27a

226

A.D. 6, May/June

Shao, saying, "The Duke Giving Tranquillity to the

99 A: 27a, b


Han Dynasty, [Wang] Mang, acts on his own authority
27b
in holding court and exercizing the government,
Liu
Ch'ung's
Rebellion.
which will inevitably endanger the Liu clan. No
one of those in the empire who disapprove of it has
however dared to be the first to make a move. This
is a shame to the [imperial] house. I will give an
example to the [imperial] house and clan and be the
first [to attack. All] within [the four] seas will
certainly respond." [Chang] Shao and others, who
followed him, [to the number of] more than a hundred
persons, thereupon made an assault upon [the city of]
Yüan, [but] did not succeed in entering it and were
defeated.

Chang
Sung's
Memorial
for
Liu
Chia
[Chang] Shao was a cousin of Chang Sung.
[Chang] Sung, with [Liu] Ch'ung's father's cousin,
Liu Chia1s, went to [the palace] portals and surrendered
of their own accord, [so that Wang] Mang
pardoned them and did not condemn them. Thereupon
[Chang] Sung composed a memorial for [Liu]
Chia1s, which said,

6-1 B.C.
"During [the year-periods] Chien-p'ing and Yüan-shou,
when the main line [of the Han Dynasty] was
in imminent danger of being cut short and the [imperial]
house was in imminent danger of being overthrown,
thanks to your Majesty [Wang Mang's] sage
34b
virtue, you `crawled on your knees to rescue and
save it,'[857] you protected and defended, succored[858]
and guarded it, so that the [heavenly] mandate of
the [Han] state was again prolonged and the imperial
house opened its eyes [again].

"When you attended court, controlled the government,
put out proclamations, and put forth ordinances,


227

99 A: 27b

in your every act you made the imperial

AD. 6, May/June


Chang
Sung's
Memorial
for
Liu Chia.
house the first [and most important consideration]
and the promotion and employment of the nine [sets
of imperial] relatives as the primary matter. You
have had included with them and recorded [upon the
registers of the imperial house] cadet branches [of
that house] and have established kings and marquises
[from among these cadet branches], so that those
who face south [in holding court and call themselves
by the designation a noble uses for himself], ku,[862]
are numbered by the hundreds. You gathered in
and restored those members whose [registration in
the imperial house] had been broken off, you preserved
those [whose lines of descent as nobles] had
died out, and you continued [those lines whose heads]
had been dismissed [from their noble ranks], so that
they form a numerous company who are able to be
shoulder to shoulder and head to head [with the other
nobles] and have been restored in their persons. You
have thereby defended the Han [dynasty's] state
and supported the Han clan.

"You have established the Pi-yung and set up the
Ming-t'ang to propagate the law of Heaven and to
spread the influence of the sages. You have held
court for the various princes in order to render your
`culture and virtue'[863] manifest. You have added to
the lands and territory of all the nobles in the imperial
house, so that all under Heaven lift up their


228

A.D. 6, May/June

27b
heads, stick out their necks and sigh [with approval],

99A: 27b, 28a


and the sound of their praises is `magnificent and ear'-filling,[867]
and enters [the sense of hearing]. The
28a
reason that the state has gained this beauty, has
Chang
Sung's
Memorial
for
Liu Chia.
obtained this fame, has enjoyed these blessings, and
has received this glory—is it not [the result of the
fact that] the Grand Empress Dowager considers
[that she must be diligent until] `sundown'[870] and
that `in the evening' your Majesty is still `carefully'
contemplating [your duties]?[871] How [otherwise
could it be] explained?

"When there has been disorder, you have controlled
it; when there has been danger, you have
turned it to tranquillity; when there has been calamity,

35a
you have led it to happiness; when [lines of
descent] have been cut off, you have continued their
succession, when [the Emperor] is young, you have
taken his place and borne his burdens. Day and
night, you have performed detailed labor; in cold and
in heat, you have been diligent, without any time for
relaxation, with unending unwearied effort. All was
for the sake of the empire and to favor the Liu clan.

"The courtiers, whether stupid or wise, and the
common people, whether male or female, have all
understood your high intentions. But the Marquis
of An-chung, [Liu] Ch'ung2c, alone entertained perverse
illusions in his heart and held rebellious
thoughts, so that he raised his troops and moved the
multitude, intending to endanger the imperial [ancestral]
temples. Of his wickedness one cannot endure
to hear and for his crime one cannot be patient
with [mere] execution. Verily, he was an enemy of
[loyal] subjects and [filial] sons,[873] a foe of the imperial


229

99 A: 28a, b

house, a rebel against the state, and an injury

A.D. 6, May/June


Chang
Sung's
Memorial
for
Liu Chia.
to the country.

"For this reason, his clan and relatives by marriage
quaked, became distant to him and gave information
of his crimes; the common people dispersed,
rebelled against him, and threw away their
arms, so that in advancing he could not [take] a
step and when he retired he suffered the calamity
[visited upon] him [by Heaven]. His mother, who
was near the end of her life, and his smiling babes,
carried in [their nurses'] arms,[877] were beheaded at

28b 28a
the same time with him; their heads were hung on
the ends of poles with their pearl earrings [still] in
their ears and their hair ornaments still on [their
heads]. How can it not be perverse to make a plan
35b
such as this?

"Your servant has heard that anciently, when [the
head of] a rebellious state had already been punished,
then[880] they made a pool out of his palace-buildings,
making them a stagnant pond, and put filth into it,
calling its name, `The baleful waste,' so that, although
it might grow vegetables, yet people would
not eat them.[881] They put four walls [around] its
mound to the gods of the soils, covered it above, and


230

A.D. 6, May/June

Chang
Sung's
Memorial
for
Liu Chia.
put a mat [on it] below,[884] so that spirits of

99 A: 28b, 29a


the earth could not communicate [with those of
heaven.[886] The soil of] its mound was distributed
to the nobles' [altars for the gods of the soils], so that
when they went out of their gates and saw it, it would
be visible to them as a warning.

"Just now, when the empire heard that [Liu]
Ch'ung2c rebelled, all wanted to raise up [the skirts
of] their robes, [take] a two-edged sword in their
hand, and rail at him. Those who first reached him,
cut[887] his throat, struck his breast, pierced his
body,[888] and hacked his flesh. Those who came

29a
later wanted to pull down his gates, break down his
walls, raze his houses, and burn his utensils. [As
rapidly as] an echo follows a sound, [their blood]
stained the earth, so immediately was a wound created

231

99 A: 29a

[in people's feelings]. [The members of] the im-

A.D. 6, May/June


28b
perial house moreover [felt it] especially keenly, so
that, when they spoke of him, they inevitably gnashed
36a
their teeth. Why so? Because he had gone contrary
Chang
Sung's
Memorial
for
Liu Chia.
to and rebelled against your favor and beneficence
and did not recognize where the greatest
virtue lay.

"The [members of] the imperial house, for the
most part, live at places distant [from Yüan]; I, Chia,
have been fortunate to have been able to hear of
[his rebellion] first and have not [been able] to resist
my indignant desire. I wish to take the lead of the
imperial house, myself, [with] my sons and my elder
and younger brothers, to carry baskets on our shoulders
and to bear mattocks,[895] gallop to Nan-yang
[Commandery], and make a pond of [Liu] Ch'ung2c's
palace-buildings, in order to cause them to be according
to the ancient institutions. They, together with
the mound to the gods of the soils belonging to [Liu]
Ch'ung2c, should be like the mound to the gods of the
soils at Po5,[896] and should be used to grant to the
nobles, in order that it may be an eternal lesson and
warning. I wish that [this matter] may be referred
to the Four Coadjutors, the ministers, and the
grandees, for discussion, in order to make plain its
right and wrong and to show it [as an example] to the
four quarters [of the empire]."

[Wang] Mang was thereupon very much pleased.

Liu Chia
and Chang
Sung
Rewarded.
The ministers all said,[898] "It would be proper [to do]
as [Liu] Chia1s says," [so Wang] Mang advised the
[Grand] Empress Dowager to issue an imperial edict,

232

A.D. 6

which said, "Verily, although [Liu] Chia1s, a father

99 A: 29a, b


and his sons, his elder and younger brothers, are related
to [Liu] Ch'ung2c, they did not presume to show
partiality to him. Whenever they saw some sprouts
[of evil], they led each other in giving information
[about it]. Now that this calamity [of rebellion] has
come to pass, they unanimously and together [want
to] take vengeance upon him. [Their act is] a response
29b
to ancient institutions, so that their loyalty
and filial devotion is apparent.

"Let [Liu] Chia1s be enfeoffed with a thousand
households of [the prefecture] of Tu-yen, as the
Marquis Leading[902] by the Rules of Proper Conduct,
and [let Liu] Chia1s's seven sons be all granted the
noble rank of Marquises of the Imperial Domain."

36b
Later [Chang] Sung was also enfeoffed as the
Marquis of Pure Virtue. In Ch'ang-an there was a
saying about him, which said,

"If you seek enfeoffment,
Go to Chang [Sung] Po-sung.
Strength in fighting
Is not as good as cleverness in preparing memorials."

[Wang] Mang also enfeoffed more than a hundred
officials and common people of Nan-yang [Commandery]
who had distinguished themselves. He
made a stagnant pond of Liu Ch'ung2c's residence.

29a
People who later plotted to rebel all had stagnant
ponds [made out of their residences].[905]


233

99 A: 29b

The various courtiers furthermore advised [the

A.D. 6


Wang
Mang's
Power
Increased.
Grand Empress Dowager] that Liu Ch'ung2c and the
others had plotted treason because [Wang] Mang's
power was too light, and that it would be proper to
honor and make him more powerful in order that he
might control [all] within [the four] seas.

In the fifth month, on [the day] chia-ch'en, the

July 1.
[Grand] Empress Dowager issued an imperial edict
He is made
Acting
Emperor.
that when [Wang] Mang comes to a court audience
of the [Grand] Empress Dowager, he should be called
the Acting Emperor.

In the winter, the tenth month, on [the day] ping-

Sept. 11.
ch'en, the first day of the month, there was an eclipse
of the sun.[912]

In the twelfth month, various courtiers memorialized,

A.D. 7,
begging to increase the officials in the palace
Jan./Feb.
and in the home of the Duke Giving Tranquillity to
His
Residence
is given
the Honors
of an
Imperial
Palace.
the Han Dynasty, [Wang Mang], to establish a
Chief Leader of Conscripts, Chiefs and Assistants in
his Temple, Stable, and Kitchen, Palace Bodyguards,
[Gentlemen] As Rapid as Tigers, and those of lower
[rank, to the number of] more than a hundred persons,
and also establish Guards [for him to the
number of] three hundred persons. The rooms, [in
the imperial palace], of the Duke Giving Tranquillity
to the Han Dynasty should be [called] the Regent's
Apartments; his yamen should be [called the Regent's
Hall; and his residence should be [called] the Regent's
Palace.[916] The memorial was approved.

[Wang] Mang advised the [Grand] Empress Dowager
to issue an imperial edict which said, "Verily
when the late Grand Master, [K'ung] Kuang, died


234

A.D. 7

previously, his achievements were already made

99 A: 29b, 30a


37a
known. The Grand Guardian, [Wang] Shun4b, the
Grand Minister of Works, [Chen] Feng, the General
of Light Chariots, [Chen] Han, and the General of
Foot-soldiers, [Sun] Chien, all formed plans for inducing
30a
the Shan-yü [to adopt Chinese customs].
His
Associates'
Sons
Honored.
They also had charge of the Spiritual Tower, the
Ming-t'ang, the Pi-yung, and the four [altars for]
the suburban sacrifices, and fixed their institutions
and regulations. They opened up the Tzu-wu Road,
were of the same mind with the Ruling Governor in
delighting in virtue, and were in accord with his ideas
and of mutual assistance to him, so that their achievements
and virtuous conduct are abundant and apparent.
[We] enfeoff the sons of [Wang] Shun:
[Wang] K'uang1a as the Marquis of the Same Mind
[with the Ruling Governor] and [Wang] Lin2 as the
Marquis Delighting in Virtue; [K'ung] Kuang's
grandson, [K'ung] Shou, as the Marquis of Accordance
of Ideas; [Chen] Feng's grandson, [Chen]
K'uang, as the Marquis of Mutual Assistance; and
add [to the enfeoffments of Chen] Han and of [Sun]
Chien, to each [the income of] three thousand households."

The
Ch'iang
Rebel.
In this year, P'ang T'ien, Fu Fan, and others of
the Western Ch'iang, who had held a grudge [because
Wang] Mang had taken away their land and
made of it the commandery of Hsi-hai, rebelled and
attacked the Grand Administrator of Hsi-hai [Commandery],
29b
Ch'eng Yung. [Ch'eng] Yung fled hastily,
[so Wang] Mang executed [Ch'eng] Yung and
sent the Colonel Commissioner for the Ch'iang, Tou
K'uang, to attack [the Ch'iang].

II
In the second year, in the spring, Tou K'uang and
Spring.
others attacked and routed the Western Ch'iang.

June/July.
In the fifth month, [Wang Mang] changed [the
Change
of
Coinage.
coinage] and created as [objects of] exchange, [gold]
inlaid knife [coins] (ts'o-tao), one of which was worth
five thousand [cash], graving knife [coins] (ch'i-tao),

235

99 A: 30a

one of which was worth five hundred [cash], and

A.D. 7


large cash (ta-ch'ien), one of which was worth fifty
[cash]. Together with the [previous] five-shu
cash,[930] [all of them were to] circulate together.
Many common people cast counterfeit [money].
Full marquises and those of lower [rank] were not
37b
permitted to possess actual gold; they were to transport
it to the Imperial Wardrobe, to receive its value
[in money]. Yet in the end he did not give them
its value.

In the ninth month, the Grand Administrator of

Oct.
Tung Commandery, Chai Yi, held his [annual]
Chai Yi's
Rebellion.
general [military review and] examinations,[934] led
[out] his chariots and cavalry, and made use of this
occasion to mobilize emergency troops. He set up
the Marquis of Yen-hsiang, Liu Hsin4g, as the Son
of Heaven, and sent a call-to-arms to the commanderies
and kingdoms, saying, "[Wang] Mang murdered
Emperor P'ing by poison and, as Regent, [has taken
to himself] the throne of the Son of Heaven, intending

236

A.D. 7, Oct.

to cut short [the reign of] the House of Han.

99 A: 30a, b


Now we should respectfully[937] inflict the punishment of
Heaven and execute [Wang] Mang."

Wang
Mang's
Fearfulness.

In the commanderies and kingdoms he caused a
crowd of more than a hundred thousand [persons] to
doubt and suspect [Wang Mang.[939] Wang] Mang
was frightened and afraid and could not eat. Day
and night he held the Young Prince, [Liu Ying], in
his arms. He gave information [to the gods] in
prayers at [the altars for] the suburban sacrifices and
at [the imperial ancestral] temples. He made a
document after the model of the "Great Announcement,"[941]
30b
and sent the Grandee-remonstrant Huan
T'an and others to publish it in the empire and to
proclaim the idea that, since [Wang Mang] had [only]
the post of regent, he would be obliged to return the
government [in due time] to the Young Prince.
[Wang Mang] sent Wang Yi5, Sun Chien, and
others, eight generals [in all], to attack [Chai] Yi,
and distributed [others] to garrison the various
passes and guard the barriers in the defiles.

Rebellion
Near the
Capital.
Some men of Huai-li, Chao Ming, Ho Hung, and
others, raised troops in response to Chai Yi, and
plotted with them, saying, "The generals and picked
troops have all gone to the east, so that the imperial
capital is empty [of troops] and it is possible to
30a
attack Ch'ang-an." Their bands were quite large,
38a
reaching almost a hundred thousand persons.
[Wang] Mang was afraid and sent the generals,
Wang Ch'i and Wang Chi6, leading troops, to resist
them. He made the Grand Guardian, Chen Han,
the General-in-chief. [Chen Han] received his axe

237

99 A: 30b

of authority in the Temple of [Emperor] Kao [and

A.D. 7, 8


was ordered] to lead the empire's troops. In his left
[hand] he held his credentials and in his right [hand]
he grasped his axe of authority. He encamped outside
the city walls. Wang Shun4b and Chen Feng
day and night patrolled in the [Palace] Halls.

In the twelfth month, Wang Yi5 and the others

Dec./Jan.
routed Chai Yi at Yü3.
A.D. 8.

The Director of Majesty, Ch'en Ch'ung, who had

Chai Yi
Defeated.
been sent to superintend to army, sent [to Wang
Mang] a letter, saying,

"Your Majesty has upheld the great plan[950] of

A
Flattering
Memorial.
Heaven and in your heart you have accorded with
[the prognostications from] the precious tortoise.[952]
You have received the great mandate [of Heaven, so
that] you know beforehand [what will] succeed [and
what will] fail, and you were influenced by and responded
to the auguries by the tortoise-shell and the
lots. This means that you are the associate of
Heaven. When a lord who is the associate of
Heaven reflects, he changes the emanations; when he
speaks, he moves [the many] beings and things; when
he acts, he brings his transforming influence to success.

"Your subject Ch'ung humbly read of the date
when your written imperial edict was issued, and
your humble servant compared it with the time [of
the victory]. When your sage reflections were first
begun, the rebellious caitiffs were then routed; when
the words of your edict were first written, the rebellious
caitiffs were seriously defeated, and when your
written imperial decree was first issued, the rebellious
caitiffs were completely beheaded. Before the many


238

A.D. 8

generals had time to array the sword points [of their

99 A: 30b, 31a


troops], and before I, your subject Ch'ung, had time to
complete my foolish thoughts, the matter had been
already settled." [Wang] Mang was greatly pleased.

31a 38b
In the third year, in the spring, there was an earthquake,
III
and a general amnesty [was granted] to the
Spring.
empire.

Wang Yi5 and the others returned to the imperial
capital and went west to join with Wang Chi6 and
the others to attack [Chao] Ming and [Ho] Hung,

84: 18b,
who were all routed and annihilated. A discussion is
19a.
in the "Memoir of Chai Yi."

The
Victory
Banquet.
[Wang] Mang held a great banquet in the White
Tiger Hall of the Wei-yang Palace to make grants to
the generals and leaders for their toil. In an imperial
edict, [he ordered] Ch'en Ch'ung to examine
30b
and estimate the military achievements [of the
leaders] and rank them as high or low.

Five
Grades of
Nobility
Established.

[Wang] Mang then sent [to the Grand Empress
Dowager] a memorial which said, "In an age of brilliant
sages, there are many capable persons in the
state, hence at the time of T'ang [Yao] and Yü
[Shun], in every house [someone] was capable of being
enfeoffed and when their meritorious services had
been performed and their work had been done, rewards
were given. At the time of the assembly
[called by] the Sovereign of the Hsia [dynasty, Yü,]
at T'u-shan, those who held jade and silk [at the
ceremonies, belonged to] ten thousand states.[963]
(The nobles held jade and their sub-vassals held silk.)
[In the time of] King Wu of the Chou [dynasty, at

239

99 A: 31a

the assembly] above the Meng Ford, there were still

A.D. 8


eight hundred nobles. When the Duke of Chou occupied
[the post] of Regent, he performed the suburban
sacrifice to Prince Millet as the coadjutor of
Heaven and performed in the Ming-t'ang the ancestral
sacrifice to the greatest exemplar, to King Wen,
as the coadjutor of the Lord on High. For this
reason, when, within the four seas, each person came
to [assist in] the sacrifice in accordance with his duty,
there were indeed probably 1800 nobles. The Record
of Proprieties
(Li-chi), [in the chapter,] `The Royal
Regulations,' [speaks of] more than seventeen hundred
states.[966] For this reason, when Confucius
composed the Classic of Filial Piety, he said, `[anciently,
the brilliant kings] did not presume to neglect
the ministers of [even] small states—then how much
more dukes, marquises, earls, viscounts, and barons!
39a
Hence they brought it about that the myriad states
rejoiced in heart and therefore served [the King's]
deceased predecessors.'[968] The foregoing [was the
result of] the Son of Heaven's filial piety.

"The Ch'in [dynasty] acted contrary to the [right]
way, killing the nobles and exterminating their clans,
making [their territories] into commanderies and prefectures,
with the intention of arrogating to itself [all]
the benefits of the whole country. Hence [in the
reign of] the Second Emperor, it fell and Emperor
Kao received the mandate [of Heaven] to do away
with [the Ch'in dynasty's] oppression. He examined
[his subjects'] merits, distributed rewards, and established
several hundred [kings' and marquises']
states. Later they declined considerably [in number]
and the remainder have barely preserved [their noble


240

A.D. 8

ranks].

99 A: 31a, b

"You, Grand Empress Dowager, have yourself controlled
the great fundamental [features of the government]
and have extensively enfeoffed meritorious and
virtuous [persons] in order to stimulate [people] to
goodness. You have revived destroyed [nobilities],
and continued [noble houses] that had been ended,

31b
in order to perpetuate their lines. For this reason
your great transforming influence has spread abroad
and will be completely effective in a short time.

"It happened that, when the Ch'iang malefactors
injured Hsi-hai Commandery, when rebellious caitiffs

31a
spread lying words in Tung Commandery, and when
treasonable robbers misled the crowd [even] in the
land west [of the imperial capital], no loyal subjects
or filial sons failed to become angry, so that those
against whom they made expeditions have been extirpated
and have all suffered[973] for their crimes, with
the result that the empire is altogether peaceful.

"I[974] have been instituting rites and composing
music, and have verified by investigation that there
is an explicit written statement [to the effect that]
the noble ranks of the Chou [period] were of five
grades and that their lands were of four grades,[975] and
that there is the saying but no written statement that
the noble ranks of the Yin [period] were of three
grades.[976] Confucius said, `The Chou [dynasty]


241

99 A: 31b, 32a

surveyed the two [preceding] dynasties. How replete

A.D. 8


39b
was its culture! I follow the Chou [dynasty].'[980]
Your subject begs that the various leaders who ought
to receive noble ranks and estates should [be granted]
noble ranks of five grades and lands of four grades."
The memorial was approved.

Thereupon the highest of those who were enfeoffed
were made marquises and earls; the next were made
viscounts and barons; those who would have been
granted the noble rank of Marquis of the Imperial
Domain [had their nobilities] changed and were entitled
Sub-vassals. Altogether there were several

32a
hundreds [of people enfeoffed]. Those who had attacked
[the rebels in] Hsi-hai [Commandery] had [the
word] Ch'iang used in their titles, [those who had attacked
the rebels in] Huai-li had [the word] Wu (military)
used in their titles; [those who had attacked]
Chai Yi [had the word] caitiff (lu) used in their titles.

The courtiers again memorialized, saying, "Of the

His
Sons
Ennobled.
persons whose merits the [Grand] Empress Dowager
has embellished and whose virtue she has recorded,
the greatest ones [will be remembered for] a thousand
years, and the lesser ones for the present generation.
Some were enfeoffed for civil [deeds] and some received
noble ranks for military [acts]. None,

242

A.D. 8

[whether their merits were] deep or shallow, great

99A: 32a


or small, have failed to be presented [for rewards].

"Now the Regent-Emperor, [Wang Mang], turns
his back to the screen and mounts the eastern steps,
so that it is proper that he should be [treated] differently
from at the time when he was [merely] the
chief minister of the state. Although his instituting
[of regulations] and composing [of music and dances]
has not yet been all completed, it is proper that the
noble ranks of his two sons should be advanced and
that both should be made dukes.

"[According to the principle of] the Spring and
Autumn
[in the Kung-yang Commentary], that `treating
well the good should be extended to their sons
and grandsons and [treating well] the worthy to' their
descendants,[985] it is proper that [these persons]
should possess lands and territory. King Ch'eng

31b
gave broad enfeoffments to the sons of the Duke of
Chou by concubines, so that all his six sons had soil
enveloped in quitch-grass [as a token of their enfeoffment].
So the relatives of the famous Chancellor
[of State] and of [the famous] General-in-chief of the
Han dynasty, Hsiao [Ho] and Ho [Kuang, respectively,]
40a
were all [enfeoffed] together with their relatives
and connections. [Wang Mang's] elder brother's
son, [Wang] Kuang1, might first be enfeoffed as
a full marquis. When the institutions and regulations
are all completed, the Grand Minister over the
Masses and the Grand Minister of Works should
present the names of [Wang Mang's various grandsons]
to the throne in accordance with the previous
written imperial edict."

The [Grand] Empress Dowager's imperial edict
said, "[We] promote the sons of the Regent-Emperor:
the Marquis in Recompense to [the Marquis of]
Hsin-[tu], [Wang] An1a, to be the Duke Recommended


243

99 A: 32a, b

by [the Marquis of] Hsin-[tu]; and the

A.D. 8


Marquis in Reward to [the Marquis of Hsin-] tu,
[Wang] Lin1a, to be the Duke in Recompense to [the
Marquis of] Hsin [-tu]; and enfeoff [Wang] Kuang1
as the Marquis of Vast Merit."

At this time, [Wang] Mang returned his state of
Hsin-tuc, so various courtiers again advised [the
Grand Empress Dowager] and she enfeoffed [Wang]
Mang's grandson, [Wang] Tsung, as the Marquis
of Hsin-tuc.

Since [Wang] Mang had annihilated Chai Yi, he

He
Plots to
Become
Emperor.
himself considered that his majesty and virtue was
increasing daily and that he had secured the assistance
of Heaven and of men, so he plotted to ascend
[the throne] as the actual [Emperor].

In the ninth month, [Wang] Mang's mother, the

Oct./Nov.
Baronetess of Apparent Merits, died. [Wang
His
Mother
Dies.
Mang's] mind was not upon mourning, so he had the
[Grand] Empress Dowager issue an imperial edict
[ordering] the discussion of [what] mourning garments
[should be worn]. The Junior Supporter, the
Hsi-and-Ho, Liu Hsin1a, with the Erudits and Confucians
[to the number of] 78 persons [altogether],
all said,

"The principle of acting as Regent is to direct the
performance of the duties established by Heaven,
to promote the reverencing of the way of [the ancient

32b
Sage]-lords,[994] to bring to a successful issue the laws
His
Mourning
Rites.
and regulations, and to make tranquil and concordant
[all] within [the four] seas. Anciently, when
T'ang the Victorious of the Yin [dynasty] had died
and his Heir-apparent had died in his youth, his son
T'ai-chia was a minor and unintelligent, so Yi Yin
banished him to the T'ung Palace and acted as
40b
Regent in order to promote the course of the Yin

244

A.D. 8, Oct./Nov.

[dynasty]. When King Wu of the Chou [dynasty]

99 A: 32b


had died, the ways of the Chou [dynasty] had not yet
been completed and `King Ch'eng was young' and a
minor, `so the Duke of Chou protected King
Ch'eng'[999] and acted as Regent in order to perfect
32a
the ways of the Chou [dynasty]. For this reason the
Yin [dynasty] had the development of being `orderly'[1001]
and the Chou [dynasty] had the merit of
establishing but not employing the mutilating punishments.[1002]

"Now the Grand Empress Dowager has frequently
`happened upon untoward circumstances in
the state,'[1003] and has commissioned the Duke Giving
Tranquillity to the Han Dynasty to rule and control
the various officials, and to govern[1004] the empire
justly. It has happened that since the Young Prince
is a minor and has not yet been able to be diligently
respectful[1005] to [the gods] above and below, August
Heaven has sent down auspicious presages and has
produced the portent of the red stone. For this
reason, the Grand Empress Dowager followed the
plain mandate of Heaven and issued an imperial edict
that the Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Han
Dynasty should act as Regent and mount the eastern
steps in order that he might perform the duties of
the sage Han [dynasty] and make it equally eminent
with that of T'ang [Yao], Yü [Shun], and the three
dynasties.


245

99 A: 32a, b

"The Regent-Emperor thereupon opened his pri-

A.D. 8, Oct./Nov.


vate yamen[1008] and met with various Confucians to
institute rites and compose [the proper] music, to
assist in fixing the [titles of] the many offices, and to
complete beautifully the work of Heaven. His sage
mind is in all respects complete, and eminent are his
41a
individual insights. The Chou Rites (the Chou-li)
was discovered and secured,[1010] so that it was made
plain what should be `followed' and `surveyed'.[1011]
He took Heaven as his model and searched out ancient
ways, yet modified them. It was just as when
[K'ung Ch'iu] Chung-ni heard [the music] Shao,[1012]
and [just as] `the sun and moon' `cannot [be climbed
33a
up to by any] stairs.'[1014] If [Wang Mang] had not
32b
the utmost of sage wisdom, how could he have been
able to perform these [deeds]? The fundamental and
subordinate principles [of government] are all displayed
and completed [except for] one basketful.[1016]
These [matters] are the means by which he has devoted
himself to protecting and assisting the sage
Han [dynasty] and giving tranquillity to the great
multitude.


246

A.D. 8, Oct./Nov.

"Now the Baronetess of Apparent Merits has died.

99 A: 33a, b


The [Ceremonies and] Rites [Yi]-li [says], `The son of a
concubine who becomes the heir [of his father] wears
the three-month's szu mourning for his own mother,'
and the explanation says, `He is in the same position
as the most honorable person [in the family, i.e., his
father, and so] should not presume to wear [deep]
mourning for his own mother.'[1019] The Regent-Emperor
has, through his sage virtue, obtained the mandate
of August Heaven, received the imperial edict
of the [Grand] Empress Dowager that he should act
41b
as Regent and mount the eastern steps,[1021] and support
the descendant of the great Han imperial family.
On the one hand, he has his weighty [duties] to
Heaven, Earth, and the gods of the soils and the
grains, and on the other hand, he has the care of the
great multitude and the multifarious matters [of the
government],[1022] so that he is not permitted to consider
his own relatives. Hence the Grand Empress
Dowager has established his eldest grandson [as a
noble], causing him to be the marquis at Hsin-tuc
and the successor to Marquis Ai, [Wang Wan], making
plain that the Regent-Emperor is in the same
position as the most honorable person, [the Emperor],
upholds the sacrifices at [imperial] ancestral temples,
33b
is in charge of supplying the needs of the Grand
Empress Dowager, and is not permitted to wear
mourning for his own parents.

"The Chou Rites (Chou-li) says, `A king, . . . [in
wearing mourning] for his nobles, [wears] the hemp

33a
mourning badge and cap,' to which there is added a
ring of `hemp banding.'[1025] If [the nobles] are of the

247

99 A: 33b

same surname [as the king], then [his mourning gar-

A.D. 8


ments] are of hemp (Cannabis); if they are of a different
surname, then they are of ke hemp (Pueraria).
The Regent-Emperor ought to wear the hemp mourning
badge for the Baronetess of Apparent Merits and
a cap to which there has been added a hemp ring of
banding, like the mourning garments of the Son of
Heaven in condoling his nobles, in order to respond to
the institutions of the sages."

[Wang] Mang therefore acted [accordingly]. Altogether
he paid one mourning [visit] and a second
[time] assembled [the mourners] and ordered the
Marquis of Hsin-tuc, [Wang] Tsung, to be in charge
[of the ceremonies] and wear mourning to the
third year.

The Director of Majesty, Ch'en Ch'ung, memorialized

Wang
Mang's
Nephew's
Execution
that the Marquis of Vast Merit, [Wang] Kuang1,
had secretly sent a message to the Bearer of the
Gilded Mace, Tou K'uang, and had ordered him to
kill a man,[1029] and that for this reason [Tou] K'uang
had arrested and bound [this person] and had applied
the law to him. [Wang] Mang was furious and
bitterly reproached [Wang] Kuang1. [Wang]
42a
Kuang1's mother said [to her son], "Do you yourself
consider in what way [you are any different from
Wang Yü] Chang-sun or [Wang Huob] Chung-sun,
[Wang Mang's dead sons]?" Thereupon [both of
them], mother and son, committed suicide; together
with [Tou] K'uang they all died.

Previously, because [Wang] Mang had served his


248

A.D. 8

mother, had nourished his elder brother's wife, and

99 A: 33b, 34a


had raised his elder brother's son, [Wang Kuang1],
he had made a name [for himself]. Then later, his
perversity and cruelty were again used to show [that
he was actuated by] public spirit and sense of duty.
34a
He ordered [Wang] Kuang1's son, [Wang] Chia1b, to
inherit [his father's] noble rank and become the
Marquis [of Vast Merits].

[Wang] Mang issued a written message,[1034] which
said, "The principle of `stopping and hushing [instruments'


249

99 A: 34a

as a sign of mourning for the Emperor][1036] will

A.D. 8, 9


end with the last month of [this] winter. In the
first month [of the next year], at the suburban
sacrifices, the eight [kinds of] musical instruments
should be played. Altogether how many grades of
33b
music [should be played by their own musicians]
Mourning
Rites for
Nobles
Ordered
Fixed.
for the kings, ministers, and gentlemen? For each
of the several ranks, what should be the number of
the five [kinds of] notes and the eight [kinds of]
musical instruments? Let [the proper officials] with
the Confucian Masters under their control each
employ their spirits and minds to the utmost and set
forth their ideas completely."

In this year, Liu Ching1a, the Marquis of Kuang-jao,

More
Portents
that he
Should
Become
Emperor.
Hu Yün, a Millenary of the General of Chariots
and Cavalry, and Tsang Hung, a subordinate of the
Grand Guardian, memorialized mandates [from
Heaven through] portents. [Liu] Ching1a spoke of
the new well in Ch'i Commandery, [Hu] Yün spoke
of the stone ox in Pa Commandery and [Tsang] Hung
spoke of the stone at Yung in the [Yu]-fu-feng
[Commandery. Wang] Mang welcomed and accepted
all [of them],[1041] and in the eleventh month,
42b
on [the day] chia-tzu, [Wang] Mang presented a
A.D. 9,
memorial to the [Grand] Empress Dowager, which
Jan. 6.
said,

"When your Majesty with your extreme sagacity

He asks
to be
Temporarily

Emperor.
`happened upon untoward circumstances in the
state,'[1046] and met with the dangers [at the end of]
the twelve reigns of the Han [dynasty, at the end of]
the three [times] seven [decades of years],[1047] you

250

A.D. 9, Jan. 6

received a majestic mandate from Heaven, and

99 A: 34a, b


issued an imperial mandate that I, your servant
Mang, should act as Regent, should receive the care
of the Young Prince, and should be entrusted with
the charge of the empire. Your servant Mang was
careful and vigilant, fearing lest I would be unworthy.

"[A member of] the imperial house, the Marquis
of Kuang-jao, Liu Ching1a, has sent to the throne a
letter saying,

Aug./
" `During the seventh month, Hsin Tang, the
Sept.,
Chief of the Ch'ang-hsing Commune in the county
A.D. 8.
of Lin-tzu in Ch'i Commandery, in one night had a
dream several times, which said,

" ` "I am a messenger from his excellency Heaven.
His excellency Heaven sent me to inform you, Chief
of the Commune, saying, `The Regent-Emperor is
due to be the actual [Emperor].' If you do not believe
me, in this commune there is due to be a
new well."

34b
" `The Chief of the Commune arose at dawn and
looked, and in the Commune there actually was a
new well, which entered into the earth for almost a
hundred feet.'

Dec. 25,
"In the eleventh month, on [the day] jen-tzu,
A.D. 8.
[which was a day] for establishing,[1056] and was the
winter solstice, the stone ox from the Pa Commandery

251

99 A: 34b

[arrived] and, on [the day] mou-wu, the

A.D. 9, Jan. 6


Dec. 31,
inscription on the stone at Yung arrived at the Front
A.D. 8.
Hall of the Wei-yang Palace. When your servant,
with the Grand Guardian, the Marquis of An-yang,
34a
[Wang] Shun4b, and others were looking at them, a
wind arose from Heaven and dust obscured things.
When the wind ceased, we obtained a copper portent
and a silk design from in front of the stone. Its
43a
text reads,
`A portent by which Heaven [proclaims that you should become] Emperor.
The person who presents it should be enfeoffed as a marquis.
Accept the mandate of Heaven
And obey the command of the gods.'
A Chief Commandant of Cavalry, Ts'ui Fa, and
others looked at it and explained it.

"Moreover previously, in [the reign of] Emperor
Hsiao-ai, in [the year-period] Chien-p'ing, the second

July 13,
year, the sixth month, on [the day] chia-tzu, [the
B.C. 5.
Emperor] issued a written imperial edict changing
[the year-period] and making it the first year of [the
period] T'ai-ch'u-yüan-chiang. When the source of
this [matter] is examined, [it is found to be] the
books of revelation by Kan Chung-k'o and Hsia
Ho-liang, which have been stored in the Orchid
Terrace. Your servant Mang considers that the
words, `the first year of [T'ai-ch'u]-yüan-chiang
(great general)' [mean that] when `the General
(Chiang)-in-chief acts as Regent, he will change the
year-period (yüan),' which is a testimony for the
present [time].

"The Book of History, [in the chapter], `The
Announcement to the King's Uncle of K'ang,' [says],
`[The Acting] King, [the Duke of Chou], speaks in
the following fashion, "The chief of the nobles, Our
younger brother, my little one, Feng, [the King's


252

A.D. 9, Jan. 6

Uncle of K'ang]." '[1066] The foregoing words [show

99 A: 34b, 35a


that] the Duke of Chou, when acting as Regent, was
35a
entitled King. In the Spring and Autumn, it is not
said that Duke Yin ascended the throne, because he
was Regent.[1069] These two Classics were those fixed
by the Duke of Chou and Confucius, indeed to be a
model for later [generations]. Confucius said, `[The
superior man] fears the Mandate of Heaven, fears
the great, and fears the precepts of the Sages.'[1070]
[How can] your servant Mang presume not to obey?

"Your servant begs that in respectfully serving
the gods in heaven and earth, in the [imperial] ancestral

43b
temples, and in memorializing the Grand
Empress Dowager and the Empress [nee Wang] of
[Emperor] Hsiao-p'ing, he may call himself `the
Acting Emperor,' [but that] when he gives proclamations
or ordinances to the empire or when [anyone in]
the empire memorializes him about matters, they
should not use [the words] `Regent' [i.e., should
merely say, `Emperor']; that the third year of [the
period] Chü-shê should become the first year of [the
34b
period] Ch'u-shih,[1073] and that 120 gradations on the
clepsydra [in a day] should be the rule,[1074] which

253

99 A: 35a, b

should be used to respond to the Mandate of Heaven.

A.D. 9, Jan.

"Your servant Mang will day and night rear and
raise the Young Prince and bring it about that he will
be equal in virtue with King Ch'eng of the Chou
[dynasty] and [thus] spread abroad the majesty and
virtue of the Grand Empress Dowager to all quarters,
hoping to `enrich and then teach [the people].'[1077]
When the Young Prince is capped, I will `return [the
government] to the intelligent prince,'[1078] as in the
former circumstance the Duke of Chou did." The
memorial was approved.

The mass of commoners knew [what was Wang
Mang's] motive in receiving respectfully the mandate
[given through] the portents. The courtiers discussed
it extensively and memorialized separately in
order to indicate the gradual [steps] by which he
should take [the throne as] the actual [Emperor].

A Gentleman Attendant at the Gate,[1079] Chang

An
Abortive
Rebellion.
Ch'ung, and others, six persons [in all], plotted together
to abduct [Wang] Mang and set up the King
of Ch'u, [Liu Yü1a, as Emperor, but the plot] became
known and they were executed and died.

Ai Chang, a man of Tzu3a-t'ung, had been doing

35b
elementary studying in Ch'ang-an. Heretofore he
had no distinction but loved to boast. When he saw
that [Wang] Mang was acting as Regent, he immediately
made a bronze casket with two envelop
covers.[1082] He wrote on one of them, "The design

254

A.D. 9, Jan. 8

in the metal casket [with] the Seal of the Lord of

99A: 35b


44a
Heaven's Act." On the other he wrote, "The written
Ai Chang's
Portent
from
Emperor
Kao.
metal charter [with] the Seal of the Red Lord's
Act,[1087] which a certain person transmits to the
Yellow Emperor, [Wang Mang." (Instead of]
"certain person" [there was written Pang], the
personal name of Emperor Kao). The writing said
that Wang Mang should be the actual Son of Heaven
and the [Grand] Empress Dowager [should act] according
to the mandate of Heaven. Both on the
design and the writing were written [the names of]
eight persons who were [Wang] Mang's high officials.
It also named two fine names, Wang Hsing (Wang
Rises) and Wang Sheng (Wang Prospers); [Ai]
Chang, taking advantage [of this opportunity, also]
inserted his own surname and personal name amongst
[them, so that] altogether there were eleven persons.
For all of them there were written official [titles] and
35a
noble ranks as [Wang Mang's] coadjutors and assistants.

When [Ai] Chang heard that the matters of the
well in Ch'i [Commandery] and of the stone ox had

Jan.8.[1090]
been referred [to the officials], on that very day, at
dusk, he put on yellow clothes, took the casket, went
to the Temple of [Emperor] Kao, and thereupon
delivered it to the Supervisor [of the Temple].[1091]

255

99 A: 35b, 36a

The Supervisor thereupon reported it.

A.D. 9, Jan. 10

On [the day] mou-ch'en,[1094] [Wang] Mang went to

Jan. 10.
the Temple of [Emperor] Kao, bowed, and received
He Takes
the Throne
as Actual
Emperor.
the metal casket and the resignation [of the Han
dynasty, which] the gods had [commanded]. Wearing
the royal hat,[1097] he visited the [Grand] Empress
Dowager, returned, seated himself in the Front Hall
of the Wei-yang Palace, and issued a written message,
which said:

"I possess no virtue, [but] I rely upon [the fact

His
Announcement.

that] I am a descendant of my august deceased
original ancestor, the Yellow Lord, and a distant
descendant of my august deceased first ancestor,
the Lord of Yü, [Shun], and the least of the Grand
Empress Dowager's relatives. August Heaven and
the Lords on High have made abundantly apparent
their great assistance, so that the mandate [of
Heaven] has been completed and the succession [to
the imperial rule] has been set in order. By portents
and credentials, designs and writings, a metal casket
44b
and a written charter, the gods have proclaimed
that they entrust me with the myriad common people
of the empire.

"The Red Lord is the genius of Emperor Kao of
the Han dynasty. He has received a mandate from
Heaven and has transmitted the state [to me by] a

36a
writing on a metal charter. I have been extremely
reverent and awed—[how could I] presume not to
receive it respectfully? On [the day] mou-ch'en,
Jan. 10.
which is a day for founding,[1102] I wear the royal hat

256

A.D. 9, Jan. 10

and ascend the throne as the actual Son of Heaven.

99 A: 36a


257

99 A: 36a

It is fixed that the title [of my dynasty] in possessing

A.D. 9, Jan. 10


the empire shall be Hsin.[1107]


258

A.D. 9, Jan. 10

"Let there be a change in the first day of the first

99 A: 36a, b


month, an alternation in the colors of the [court]
robes, a variation in the sacrifical victims, a difference
in the standards and pennons, and a diversity in the
utensils and institutions. Let the first day of the
Jan. 15.
twelfth month, [the day] kuei-yu, become the first
day of the first month in the first year of [the year-period
Shih]-chien-kuo,[1111] and let the crowing of the
36b
cock be the hour.[1113] The colors of robes shall match
the virtue [of the ruling element, earth, so that]
yellow shall be esteemed. The sacrificial victims
35b
shall correspond to the first month, and so shall be

259

white.[1115] The pennons and banners of commissioners'
credentials shall all be made pure yellow.
The writing on them shall be, `Credentials of the
Five Majestic [Principles] for Commissioners of the
Hsin [Dynasty],' to accord with the majestic mandate
of August Heaven and the Lords on High."

 
[2]

HS 98: 15b says "ten marquises," but that passage includes Shun-yü Chang in its
enumeration. He was merely a relative of the Wang clan on the distaff side.

[4]

For these Five Marquises (Wang T'an2b, Wang Shang1a Wang Li5, Wang Ken, and
Wang Feng-shih) and similar terms, cf. Glossary sub vocibus.

[5]

"Yi-yu [OMITTED] idleness and gadding" is a phrase from Analects XVI, v.

[6]

Kung-chien [OMITTED] is a phrase from Analects I, x, 2.

[8]

HS 88: 25b states that Ch'en Ts'an's younger brother, Ch'en Ch'in, taught Wang
Mang the Tso-chuan (cf. also HHS, Mem. 26: 9b); Hsü Hsüan taught him the Book of
Changes,
cf. HHS, Mem. 34: 4b. (From Yang Shu-ta.) The Classic of Rites (Li-Ching)
is listed in HS 30: 10a.

[10]

Bold-face type numbers indicate the paging in Wang Hsien-ch'ien's Han-shu Pu-chu,
as in previous volumes.

[12]

Light upright numbers indicate the paging in the Ching-yu ed., reprinted in the
"Po-na" Series, pub. by the Commercial Press.

[16]

Italic numbers indicate the paging in the Palace ed. or Wu-ying Tien ed., pub. in the
"Szu-pu Pei-yao Collecteana."

[19]

HS 19 B: 43b.

[24]

HS 18: 21a.

[32]

For [OMITTED], the Ching-yu ed. (1035) reads [OMITTED]. Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) states
that the Official edition (1739) and the Southern Academy ed. (1531) also read thus.

[35]

The Official ed. erroneously reads [OMITTED] for the [OMITTED] read by the Ching-yu and other
editions.

[38]

HS 10: 15b = HFHD II, 416 dates Shun-yü Chang's death in the eleventh month,
which began on Dec. 3. Pan Ku is anticipating events. Wang Mang was appointed
Commander-in-chief before Shun-yü Chang died.

[44]

HS 19 B: 48a dates this event in the xi month, on the day ping-yin. This day did
not occur in that month; no other cyclical characters seem plausible. Probably the date
should be x, ping-yin, November 28 (julian). Wang Ken resigned on Nov. 16; the office
of Commander-in-chief would not have been left vacant for long.

[45]

Wang Mang was born in 45 B.C., according to 27 Ba: 26a.

[47]

An allusion to Analects XII, i (Soothill, p. 115).

[48]

The Sung Ch'i ed. (ca. xii cent.) said that after [OMITTED], for [OMITTED], there should be read [OMITTED].

[51]

The Fang-yen (attributed to Yang Hsiung2, 53 B.C.-A.D. 18; annotated, possibly
restored by Kuo P'o, 276-324) 4: 1b, 2a says, "The pi1-hsi [OMITTED] [translated `apron', lit.,
`covering for the knees'], in the region of the Yangtze and Huai [Rivers], is called hui [OMITTED].
Some call it fu [OMITTED] [more exactly [OMITTED]]; in the region of Weih, Sung, and Southern Ch'u, it
is called the large napkin [OMITTED]; from [the region] east of the [Han-ku] Pass and westwards
it is called pi-hsi. In the countryside of Ch'i and Lu it is called jan [OMITTED]." The
Erh-ya (before and during the Han period) 5: 7a says, "Clothes that cover (pi) the front
are called ch'an [OMITTED] (aprons)," and Kuo P'o glosses, "They are the present pi-hsi." The
Shih-ming (ca. iii cent. A.D.; attributed to Liu Hsi [fl. dur. Han period]) ch. 16, 5: 1b,
2a says, "The pi2 [OMITTED] is a cover (pi1); it is the means whereby one covers his knees (pi1-hsi)
and front. Women's pi1-hsi are also of this sort. The people of Ch'i call them great
napkins [OMITTED]. When the wives and daughters of people who work in the fields go out
to the fields and wilds, they use them to cover their heads. Hence because of that they
give them their name. They are also called kneeling aprons [OMITTED]. When they kneel
down, [this apron] covers them and is spread out." A discussion of this garment is to be
found in Nieh Ch'ung-yi's San-li-t'u (presented 962) 8: 10a, b, also in Ch'en Hsiang-tao's
(1053-1093) Li-shu 23: 1a-6b, in which it is pointed out that this article was used in ceremonial
dress, even by the Son of Heaven. (References from Shen Ch'in-han.) Legge,
Li Ki, II, SBE, XXVIII, p. 14, n. 1, reproduces pictures of it, but the Chinese phrase
pi1-hsi led him and Couvreur to translate it as "knee-covers." The dimensions given in
the text should have warned them that this translation is inappropriate.

[56]

The date of Emperor Ch'eng's death is from 10: 16a. It was only four and a
half months after Wang Mang had been made Commander-in-chief. Pan Ku seems to
have been careless about this date—he did not compile the "Table" from which the date
of Wang Mang's appointment was taken.

[58]

HS 11: 2a.

[60]

A willingness to retire from office at the proper moment exhibited, on Wang Mang's
part, the Confucian virtue of "declining and yielding". Such a virtuous act should
properly be met by a similar "declining and yielding," i.e., a refusal of the resignation.
The Grand Empress Dowager's edict was very likely instigated by Wang Mang himself,
for the purpose of securing from the new Emperor a confirmation of his position as the
dominant minister. Ho Kuang had similarly resigned (8: 4a = HFHD II, 207).

[65]

Cf. 11: n. 2.3; Glossary, sub Fu, Brilliant Companion nee.

[77]

HS 19 B: 48b says, sub the year Sui-ho II, "In month xi, ting-mao, the Commander-in-chief,
[Wang] Mang, was granted gold, a comfortable chariot, a quadriga of horses,
and was dismissed. On keng-wu, the General of the Left, Shih1 Tan, became Commander-in-chief.
In iv, he was moved [to another office]." On the same page, it says, "In month
x, kuei-yu [Dec. 30, 7 B.C.], the Commander-in-chief, [Shih1] Tan, became the Grand
Minister of Works. Within the year, he was dismissed."

Now there were no ting-mao or keng-wu days in Sui-ho II, xi. If Shih Tan's appointment
as Grand Minister of Works happened in month x and in the fourth month before
Wang Mang was dismissed, the dismissal could not have happened in month xi. Szu-ma
Kuang suggests that "month xi" is an error for "month vii" ([OMITTED] and [OMITTED] were written
almost alike in the li style), hence Wang Mang's dismissal occurred on Aug. 27 and Shih1
Tan's appointment as Commander-in-chief on Aug. 30.

[80]

The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that other editions and the Yüeh ed. (xi-xii cent.) lack
the word for "Mang." The Ching-yu ed. lacks this word.

[82]

Chin Shao, in a note to 68: 21b, says, "[According to] a Han commentator, `Green
chariot [OMITTED]' designated the chariot of an Imperial Grandson; if the Heir-apparent has a
son, [the son] rides in this [sort of a chariot] when following [in the train of the emperor]."
This equipage is described in HHS, Tr. 29: 10a. Yen Shih-ku explains, "When the Son of
Heaven rode out, he ordered that [Wang] Mang [should be permitted] to ride this [sort
of a chariot] in following him, thereby [granting him] his favor."

[86]

HS 11: 4b.

[88]

A phrase from Li-chi XIV, 3 (Couvreur, I, 777; Legge, II, 61).

[94]

Chu Po was Lieutenant Chancellor from May 9 to Sept. 21, 5 B.C., so that Wang
Mang's dismissal from the court occurred between those dates; cf. 19 B: 49a.

[96]

Yen Shih-ku (581-645) states that some texts write this given name as [OMITTED], which
he says is "a vulgar change."

[98]

HS 11: 7a.

[99]

The Sung Ch'i ed. says that after the word [OMITTED] there should be the word [OMITTED]. The
Ching-yu ed. does not read this character.

[104]

The Sung Ch'i ed. says that [OMITTED] should be excised. The Ching-yu ed. does not
read it.

Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) states that chuan [OMITTED] is pronounced the same as wei [OMITTED]. Su
Lin (ca. 160-ca. 240) states that it is the ring at the end of the hilt on a two-edged sword.
Yen Shih-ku hence infers that the text originally read chih [OMITTED] (which has also the pronunciation
wei and, with another meaning, is pronounced chuan) and that it was later
mistakenly altered, for chuan means merely "engraved (with raised figures)." Shuo-wen
1 A: 4b says that chih means the jade ring at the end of the hilt on a sword, using the
same words as Su Lin. Cf. Chavannes, Documents chinois decouverts, p. 19, no. 39.

It is still believed that a fine jade made into powder and put upon a scar will extinguish
the scar.

[108]

HS 11: 8b.

[112]

Emperor Ai had given his imperial seals and authority to Tung Hsien2a before he
died; Wang Hung took them away from Tung Hsien2a and gave them to the Grand Empress
Dowager. Cf. Glossary sub Wang Hung.

[116]

HS 19 B: 51a records Tung Hsien2a's dismissal on Yüan-shou III (an error for
Yüan-shou II), vi, yi-wei, which is impossible. Emperor Ai died on vi, mou-wu, a day
before the day chi-wei, so that Tung Hsien's dismissal occurred on vi, chi-wei, Aug. 16;
cf. 99 A: 21b. Chi [OMITTED] and yi [OMITTED] are frequently mistaken for each other. This emendation
is confirmed by the date for Wang Mang's appointment to succeed Tung Hsien, which
is vi, keng-shen, the day after chi-wei.

[119]

HS 19 B: 49b (under the date 4 B.C.) and 86: 4b (in recounting the same incident)
list Kung-sun Lu as General of the Left, so that "Rear" is probably an error. (Noted by
Ch'ien Ta-hsin.)

[122]

HS 19 B: 51a.

[124]

Yen Shih-ku remarks that [OMITTED] should be read the same as [OMITTED], which means [OMITTED].

[126]

Cf. HFHD, I, p. 192, n. 1.

[127]

Cf. 10: 14a; HFHD II, 411; Glossary, sub Chao, Brilliant Companion nee.

[140]

Li Tz'u-ming (1829-1894), Han-shu Cha-chi 7: 14b, says that [OMITTED] should be read
as [OMITTED].

[143]

The "Young Emperor" was Lü Hung; cf. HS 3: 3b, 8a; HFHD, I, 198, 209. Prof.
Duyvendak interprets differently, inserting [OMITTED] after the [OMITTED], noting that the succession of
King Ch'eng, as an infant, to King Wu, and his being presented by the Duke of Chou to
the feudal lords is the classical and often mentioned case of a child on the throne, which
is later on frequently cited in this Memoir. He translates: "Later he had proposed that
a private son of a government slave, Yang Chi, be set up as an Imperial son. The unanimous
opinion [of the Ministers] was that a recurrence of the case of the young Emperor
from the Lü clan would in a most disturbing way arouse the suspicion of the empire so
that it would be difficult to show to later generations the [same] good results [which had
been obtained by setting up King] Ch'eng in swaddling-clothes. They begged therefore
that [Wang] Li be sent back to his state."

[149]

Han-chi 30: 1a writes chüeh-tuan [OMITTED] instead of [OMITTED]-tuan. I have followed its
reading.

[150]

Chi-shih [OMITTED] is a phrase from Book of Changes, App. III, I, 47 (Legge, p. 363).

[151]

Li Tz'u-ming, ibid., remarks that, in A.D. 6, Liu Hsin1a had changed his personal
name to Hsiu (cf. Glossary, sub voce); but Pan Ku still used Hsin to avoid the taboo on
the personal name of Emperor Kuang-wu, which was also Hsiu.

[152]

The phrase in the text, "talons and teeth, chao-ya [OMITTED]," is used in Book of Odes,
no. 185; II, iv, i, 1 (Legge, p. 298) as a figure for the king's soldiers. This phrase came
to have various meanings. Ku Yung writes (HS 70: 14a, b), "A general who is victorious
in battle is the talons and teeth of the state [OMITTED]." Sun Chien served
Wang Mang as a general. This phrase also signified the subordinates who execute their
superior's plans. HS 90: 7b states that Wang Wen-shu controlled the commandery of
Kuang-p'ing by selecting some ten-odd braves as his "talons and teeth," hiding their
crimes, and sending them to search out the commandery's thieves and robbers. Prof.
Duyvendak suggests that "talons and teeth" denoted the secret police. H. O. H. Stange,
Die Monographie über Wang Mang, p. 15, 1.5, translates this phrase as "Leibgardist," but
the technical term for body-guard was su-wei [OMITTED] (HS 38: 3b12).

[155]

The Official ed. reads chih [OMITTED] for fang [OMITTED], and quotes the Sung Ch'i ed. as saying
that chih should be fang. Wang Hsien-ch'ien adds that the Southern Academy ed.
(1531) reads fang. The Ching-yu ed. reads likewise.

[158]

Cf. 12: 2a; Glossary sub Yüeh-shang.

[165]

Cf. HS 8: n. 7.9.

[166]

Cf. 8: 7b.

[167]

The Sung Ch'i ed. says that before the word [OMITTED] there should be the word [OMITTED].

[172]

The "law" is found in Mencius IV, ii, i, 3 (Legge, p. 316). Cf. HS 12: n. 2.3. These
Yüeh-shang are also mentioned in Lu Chia's Hsin-yü (196 B.C.), cf. MSOS v. 33, p. 32.
The Han-shih Wai-chuan 5: 7a declares that their language must be translated by "nine
[successive interpreters]."

[173]

The Official ed. has [OMITTED] for the t'o [OMITTED] of Wang Hsien-ch'ien's text; he notes that
the Southern Academy ed. has t'o. The Ching-yu ed. reads likewise.

[178]

A quotation from Book of History V, iv, 14 (Legge, p. 331); but cf. Karlgren in
BMFEA 20, p. 237, Gl. 1539.

[182]

Li Tz'u-ming, ibid., 7: 15a, says that [OMITTED] should be read as [OMITTED], with which it was
anciently interchanged.

[186]

HS 19 B: 51b supplies this date for the appointing of three Coadjutors, including
Wang Mang. The latter declares (99 A: 18a) that on this date he was appointed Grand
Tutor, but 99 A: 6a states that when the others had been appointed, Wang Mang had
not yet arisen to receive his appointment. Wang Mang hence received his appointment
later on in the same day as the others—court was held early in the morning.

[188]

A quotation from a saying of Confucius in Han-shih Wai-chuan 8: 11b, sect. 18,
"Without leaving the sacrifical vases or tables, Yen-tzu repulsed the attack [of the enemy]
at a distance of a thousand li," denoting a diplomatic victory. This saying is in turn taken
from Yen-tzu Ch'un-ch'iu 5: 14a, sect. 16. A comparison of these two sources shows, in
an illuminating fashion, how certain sayings attributed to Confucius arose.

[193]

The Official ed. misprints [OMITTED] for [OMITTED]. The latter reading is confirmed in 18: 28a.

[194]

A phrase from Book of History, I, i, 1 (Legge, p. 15), where Yao is said to have been
"able to yield to others."

[196]

Note the rimes: [OMITTED].

[200]

For [OMITTED], the Ching-yu ed., the Southern Academy ed., and the Official ed. read [OMITTED].
I adopt the latter reading.

[201]

Li Tz'u-ming, ibid., asserts that [OMITTED] is an error for [OMITTED]; and I follow him. Cf. HHS,
Mem. 17: 15a, sub Chao Wen, where a similar reading is found.

[202]

The Sung Ch'i ed. notes that the Hsi-ning Academy ed. (1069) and the Yüeh ed.
(xi-xii cent.) lack the word [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. also lacks it.

[203]

They were to be exempted from the usual inheritance tax upon noble estates;
cf. 8: n. 7.9.

[204]

Liu Ch'ang (1019-1068) remarks that feng [OMITTED] is an interpolation. The Sung Ch'i
ed. notes that the Shao ed. (xi or xii cent.) reads [OMITTED] instead of [OMITTED] gung. I have followed
Liu Ch'ang.

[208]

Su Yü (fl. 1913) remarks that [OMITTED] and [OMITTED] were interchanged. I read the latter.

[212]

H. O. H. Stange, Die Monographie über Wang Mang, 22, n. 1 follows the Tz'u-yüan
in interpreting po-hsing [OMITTED] as denoting the families of officials, stating that this term
was first democratized gradually in Han times. I believe that this process had already
been completed. The meaning here is explained later (7a), when Wang Mang says that
"benefits should be granted to gentlemen and common people and to widowers and
widows . . . to everyone." That the "families of officials" should be favored moreover
implies an aristocratic age, in which descent, rather than ability, brought official position.
This was the fact in Spring and Autumn times, but the Han dynasty ushered in a period
when not family, but ability was supposed to bring position; the founder of this dynasty
and his paladins were commoners; their advent marks the final breakdown of a true
hereditary aristocracy (cf. HFHD, I, 13-15). Han Confucianism, with the examination
system opening even the highest positions to able persons, regardless of their descent,
took an attitude to aristocracy quite different from that of Chou times, when, until its
last centuries, official positions were hereditary in certain families. The Tz'u-hai, sub
po-hsing,
shows that this phrase, even when referring to the most ancient times, in addition
to the meaning, "the officials," also meant "the common people." Stange himself
is sometimes forced to translate po-hsing as "Volk" (p. 25, 1. 4).

[216]

Yen Shih-ku remarks, "The members of his suite were the regularly authorized
number of officials in his own yamen [OMITTED]."

[219]

Ho Ch'uo states that the honoring of an imperial ancestral temple refers to the
giving to the Temple of Emperor Yüan the name of the Temple of the Eminent Exemplar;
cf. 12: 8a. But this title was not given until A.D. 4, so that Ho Ch'uo is very likely
mistaken.

[225]

Ch'ien Ta-chao states that the Southern Academy ed. (1531) and the Fukien ed.
(1549) read [OMITTED] for [OMITTED]; the Official ed. reads likewise. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter
word. I follow it.

[227]

The Sung Ch'i ed. said that after the word [OMITTED] there should be the word [OMITTED]. The
Ching-yu ed. does not have it.

[232]

Analects VIII, xviii.

[233]

Wang Hsien-ch'ien states that fei [OMITTED] is a mistake; the Official ed. and the Southern
Academy ed. (1531) emend it to [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. reads fei, and I prefer not to alter
the text. We cannot always expect perfect Chinese style, even in imperial edicts.

[237]

Reminiscent of Mencius I, i, vii, 22 (Legge, p. 148).

[238]

Yen Shih-ku says, "Tseng-lien [OMITTED] means silk without markings [OMITTED]."

[242]

Cf. HS 12: 5b.

[243]

An area totaling about 340 acres or 136 hectares; cf. n. 9.7.

[245]

Cf. HS 12: 5b.

[248]

The calendar plant [OMITTED] grew in Yao's courts, a new leaf growing each of the
fifteen days in the first half of a month and a leaf dropping each of the remaining days
in a month. In the Ta-Tai Li, "Ming-t'ang," 8: 12a, ch. 67 (not in Wilhelm's trans.) the
red herb [OMITTED] is described in the same terms as the calendar plant is described elsewhere.

[252]

The Official ed. reads [OMITTED] for this [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter.

[254]

Liu Hsiang4's Lieh-nü Chuan 1: 17a says, Women "should have their cares inside
the women's apartments and should have no thoughts outside that region." (Reference
from Shen Ch'in-han.) He is probably quoting from the Meng-tzu Wai-shu 1: 5b.

The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Academy ed. (1005) does not have the word [OMITTED].

[257]

For Nan-tzu, cf. Analects VI, xxvi; Tso-chuan, Dk. Ting, XV (Legge, 788). Both
she and the Duke of Chou controlled the government.

[258]

A quotation from the Li-chi, II, ii, ii, 4 (Legge, I, 175; Couvreur, I, 213).

[261]

A saying attributed to Mencius, found in the Meng-tzu Wai-shu 3: 5b.

[264]

The Grand Empress Dowager's edict shows that "su-shih, [OMITTED], plain food," in
Han times, meant vegetables without meat. Cf. also HS 68: 7a.

[268]

For this incident, cf. HS 94 B: 16a = de Groot, Die Hunnen, p. 264.

Kung-yang Commentary 26: 1a, Dk. Ting VI, says, "They criticized a double personal
name. A double personal name is contrary to the rites." Ho Hsiu (129-182) explains,
"Because it is difficult to taboo." (Reference from Shen Ch'in-han.) From late Chou
times onwards, double personal names were unpopular, especially among rulers, whom
names had to be tabooed. But in the V cent. and later, double personal names, even
for rulers, appear again. Emperor Kao, the Grand Founder of the Southern Ch'i dynasty,
had the given name [OMITTED], but his successors took single personal names. Cf. Ch'en
Yuan's Shih-hui Chü-li, 48b, 49a.

[271]

Yen Shih-ku remarks that [OMITTED] and [OMITTED] have the same pronunciation and were
interchanged.

[275]

In a comment to Chou-li 7: 7a, sub the Nei-tsai, Cheng Chung [ca. 5 B.C.-A.D. 83]
says, "The consorts (fei [OMITTED]) of the king [numbered] 120 persons. There was one queen
(hou [OMITTED]), three ladies (fu-jen [OMITTED]), nine spouses (p'in [OMITTED]), 27 women destined to provide
descendants (shih-fu [OMITTED]) and 81 female attendants (nü-yü [OMITTED])." These same titles
are found in the Book of Rites, I, ii, ii, 1 (Legge, I, 109; Couvreur, I, 86 f); ibid. XLI, 11
(Legge, II, 432; Couvreur II, 648). When Wang Mang married a second time, his
concubines were of this number; cf. 99 C: 20a, b. In a comment to Li-chi 7: 1b, 2a (to
Legge's verse 29 in II, i, i), Cheng Hsüan (127-200) says, "The Lord, K'u, established
four consorts [for himself], which typify the four stars of the Empress and Consorts
[a constellation in Scorpio and another in Ursa Minor], of which the brightest one is the
principal consort, and the other three small ones are the secondary consorts. The Lord,
Yao, followed [his example]. Shun did not inform [his parents] when he married, so did
not establish a principal consort, and merely had three consorts, calling them the three
Ladies. . . . The Sovereign of the Hsia dynasty, [Yü], increased them by three threes,
which is nine, so that altogether there were twelve women. The explanation in the
Spring and Autumn [unidentified] says, `The Son of Heaven marries twelve [women]',
which [speaks of] the regulations of the Hsia [dynasty]. . . . Then the members of the
Yin [dynasty] again increased them by three nines, which is twenty-seven, altogether
39 women. The members of the Chou [dynasty] imitated the Lord, K'u, and established
a principal spouse and also increased [the King's concubines] by three twenty-sevens,
making eighty-one women, altogether 121 women." Shen Ch'in-han remarks that,
according to the Lieh-nü Chuan, the Son of Heaven had twelve [concubines], nobles
had nine, grandees had three, and gentlemen had two. Cf. also T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan 135: 1b
ff. Po-hu-t'ung 9: 5b explains that "twelve women" is "to imitate Heaven, who has
twelve months [in a year]." Cf. M. Granet, La Polygnie Sororale, p. 67, n. 1.

[279]

HS 97 B: 23a states that Wang Mang wanted, like Ho Kuang, to have his daughter
become the Empress, but "the [Grand] Empress Dowager did not wish it."

[288]

Cf. HS 12: 6b.

[291]

From HS 97 B: 23a, which states that the Privy Treasurer, Tsung-po Feng, was
also sent.

[292]

From HS 97 B: 23a, which states that the Privy Treasurer, Tsung-po Feng, was
also sent.

[293]

Na-ts'ai [OMITTED] was the first of the five preliminary rites in a marriage. It was the
ancient technical term for proposing an engagement, from Yi-li 4: 1a (Steele, I, 18),
"When the [prospective] bride's [parents] have made known [their willingness], in presenting
(na) [the announcement that the girl] had been chosen (ts'ai), a wild goose is employed."
Cheng Hsüan comments, "After the girl's family has agreed, [the boy's parents]
send a person to present (na) the rites of her choosing and selection (ts'ai-tse [OMITTED]), using
a wild goose as an offering." Chia Kung-yen (fl. 640-655) adds, "Na (to present) means
that the person who is doing the presenting, [the representative of the boy's parents],
fears that the girl's family will not accept [the announcement], similar to the principle of
nei [OMITTED] and na [to present a lady to a noble's harem] in the Spring and Autumn, when, if
[the noble] approves, she is presented. Ts'ai (to select) means that the person who is
doing the presenting, because [the girl] is newly chosen and selected (ts'ai-tse), fears that
the girl's family will not agree to [the engagement]. Hence he calls it a na (presentation)."

The five preliminary rites in marriage were: (1) "the presentation of the choice [to
the girl's parents] (na-ts'ai), (2) the request for the [girl's] given name (ch'ing-ming),
(3) the presentation of the lucky [divination concerning the marriage] (na-chi), (4) the
presentation of the betrothal presents (na-cheng), and (5) the request to fix a date [for
the marriage] (ch'ing-ch'i)" Legge, Li Ki, II, 428; Couvreur, Li Ki, II, 641-42. The
sixth and final rite was "the [groom] in person fetching [the bride, bringing her to his
ancestral home] (ch'in-ying)," cf. Steele, op. cit., I, 18ff; Po-hu-t'ung 9: 2b-3b.

[297]

Wang Hsien-ch'ien states that the Official ed. is correct in emending [OMITTED] to [OMITTED].
The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter.

[298]

Fu Ch'ien says, "[According to] the rules for the cracks upon the tortoise-shell,
crosswise ones are earth; vertical ones are wood; slanting ones in the direction of the
grain are metal; [slanting ones] across [the grain] are fire; those that accomodate themselves
to the tortoise-shell and are slightly curved are water." (Quoted by Ch'ien
Ta-chao).

Wang2 [OMITTED] should here be read as wang4 [OMITTED]; these words were interchanged. In his
comment on Mencius II, ii, i, 1, (Legge, p. 208), "Heaven's times are not as good as
Earth's advantages," Chao Ch'i (108-201 A.D.) says, " `Heaven's times' means the
time and the day when the branches and stems and five elements wang-hsiang [OMITTED]
(flourish and assist), or are absent in that ten-day week or are the two middle days of a
ten-day week." (The phrase wang-hsiang is also found in Lun-heng 1: 12b, ch. 3 [Forke, I,
148] where it is applied to people. For an explanation of ku-hsü [OMITTED], cf. P'ei Yin's
comment on these words in SC 128: 29.)

The Meng-tzu Cheng-yi (quoted in Meng-tzu Chu-su 4 A: 1b), attributed to Sun Shih
(compiled before the xii cent.) explains that the element metal flourishes (wang4) for
the branches szu, wu, wei, shen, and yu and the element water flourishes (wang4) for the
branches shen, yu, hsü, hai, and tzu. Hence the prognostication was shen and yu, for
these branches are in both lists. Yet the marriage was performed on the day
(A: 17a), so that there must have been a separate divination to determine the day of
marriage.

Chang Yen says, " `Father and mother' means hexagram [no. 11], t'ai ([OMITTED]), [which
has the trigram] ch'ien [male, heaven, etc.] below and [the hexagram] k'un [female, earth,
etc.] above. Heaven is lower than Earth—this is the hexagram for mating and enjoying."
Lin Pin however ridicules this interpretation, "I say that it nevertheless means
`[Her] father and mother [shall] obtain [high] position.' How could he know that this
was the hexagram t'ai?" Perhaps Chang Yen understood divination better than Liu
Pin did.

[303]

In the Spring and Autumn, Dk. Yin, II (721 B.C.), (Legge, p. 8), there is mentioned
a "Tzu-po of Chi6 [OMITTED]." In a note to Tso-chuan 2: 17a, Tu Yü (221-284) declares,
"Tzu-po is the style of Lieh-hsü [OMITTED] [a grandee of Chi6, mentioned in the same chapter
of the Tso-chuan]." But the Kung-yang Commentary (iii cent. B.C.) 2: 3b, commenting
upon the same passage, says, "Who was Tzu-po of Chi6? It has not been reported."
According to the Ku-liang Commentary 1: 6b, the phrase in the Spring and Autumn, "Chi
Tzu-po,"
was sometimes interpreted as "The Viscount of Chi treated [the Viscount of Lü]
as his elder." This latter interpretation underlies the passage in the HS. The Spring
and Autumn,
Dk. Huan II, vii, (710 B.C.), (Legge, p. 39) mentions "the Marquis of Chi,"
and Ying Shao, in a note to HS 18: 1b, explains, "[The ruler of the state of] Chi had
originally the title of Viscount, hence [the Son of Heaven] previously rewarded him and
made him a marquis. It means that [true] kings do not take a bride from small states."
In a note to the Kung-yang Commentary 4: 5a, explaining the latter passage of the Spring
and Autumn,
Ho Hsiu (129-182) glosses, "That he is entitled a marquis is [because], when
the Son of Heaven was about to take [a bride from the state of] Chi, he gave [this title
to its Viscount] since with her he would uphold his ancestral temple [sacrifices] and transmit
them without end, than which nothing is greater. Hence he was enfeoffed [with a
territory] of a hundred li [square]." There were thus two interpretations of the phase
Chi Tzu-po.

[307]

HS 24 A: 2b declares that six feet made a pu [OMITTED] (double pace) and a hundred pu
made a mou [OMITTED], i.e., an area 1 pu wide and 100 pu long. This was probably the ancient
mou and the Han pu. Teng Chang (fl. ca. 208), in a note to HS 24 A: 18a remarks,
"Anciently [cf. also Li Hsien's note to HHS, Mem. 39: 17a], a hundred pu made a mou,
[but] in Han times 240 pu made a mou. 1200 ancient mou then made five present [Han]
ch'ing [OMITTED]," i.e., if the ancient and Han foot were of the same length, 1200 ancient mou were
equal to 500 Han mou, since the Han ch'ing contained 100 mou.

Since the Han foot was 9.09 in. (Eng. meas.) long, and the Han mou was one Han pu
wide and 240 Han pu long, a Han mou contained 0.114 acre or 4.61 ar. A ch'ing was then
11.4 acres or 4.61 hectares.

The fields of Hsin-yeh, 25,600 ch'ing, were then 291,840 acres or 118,016 ha. "A full
hundred li [square]" thus refers to the whole of his holdings.

The Han li [OMITTED] does not seem to have been based on the Han mou, but on the pu.
Anciently, the li was the length of one side of a ching [OMITTED], i.e., 300 pu; the Han li was 300
Han pu long. HS 24 A: 2b states that an [ancient] ching was one li square and contained
900 [ancient] mou. The same passage states that a mou was one pu wide and a hundred pu
long, so that a ching was 300 pu square. Li-chi III, v, 19 (Legge, I, 244; Couvreur I, 320)
and Han-shih Wai-chuan 4: 7b (from which HS 24 A: 2b probably took its information)
declare directly that a ching was 300 pu square. The latter and the HS assert that a pu
was six feet long. Since the Han foot was 9.094 inches (Eng. measure) long (cf. HFHD, I,
ch. IV, app. II, p. 279), the li was 1364 feet Eng. measure or 415.8 meters long. This
length can be confirmed from a study by Ch'ou Tsai-lu in the Chinese Historical Geography
Magazine
(Yü-kung), Sept. 16, 1935, vol. 4, no. 2, p. 12, in which he points out
that the HS states the distance from Yarkhand (Sha-ch'ê) to Guma (P'i-shan) to be
380 li, while it is measured at 155 km.; from Guma to Yotkan (Yü-tien) is 380 li, which
is 150 km., so that a li must have been 408 or 400 m. Thus our deduction from HS 24 A
concerning the li is confirmed; that conclusion also confirms our figure for the size of a mou.
Cf. W. Eberhard, "Zur Landwirtschaft der Han-Zeit," MSOS, v. 35 (1932), p. 98, and
his "Bemerkungen zu statistischen Angaben der Han-Zeit," T'oung Pao, 36 (1940), 2-4.
This conclusion concerning the size of the mou and li applies only to Han times, more
exactly, to Wang Mang's time. According to Li-chi III, v, 21 (Legge I, 246; Couvreur, I,
323), in Chou times the pu contained eight feet, so that writers, assuming a foot of the
Han length, calculated the Chou mou and li to have been larger than in Han times;
but such need not actually to have been the case.

[311]

Wang Nien-sun, in a note to HS 36: 17a, states that both the words fei1-fu1 [OMITTED]
mean bark (or shavings, splinters). Shuo-wen 6 A: 3b defines p'o [OMITTED] as bark (or shavings)
[OMITTED], and ibid. 7b defines fei2 [OMITTED] as a scraped wooden writing block. Wang Nien-sun
asserts that fei1 is borrowed for fei2 (giving examples); that [OMITTED], fu2 [OMITTED] and p'o (also
pronounced pu), all of which are used as the second word of this phrase, are close in
pronunciation; and that fu1 is used for fu2. The phrase fei-fu "means that he considered
himself as an unimportant relative of the imperial house, just as bark is a part of a tree
(or the shavings were part of a wooden writing block)." Liu Hsiang uses this phrase of
himself in 36: 17a; in 36: 29b he speaks of himself as "having fortunately been permitted
to attach himself as one of the least of [the imperial] relatives," which passage is parallel
to this expression. This phrase fei-fu is also used in ch. 52: 5a and SC 107: 10 sub T'ien
Fen; HS ch. 53 sub King Ching of Chung-shan; ch. 55 sub Wei Ch'ing; ch. 80; ch. 86 sub
Shih1 Tan; SC 19: 3 (MH III, 148); HHS, Mem. 2 sub Lu Fang. The foregoing interpretation
follows that of Szu-ma Cheng in SC 19: 3, who takes it from Yen Chih-t'ui's
(531-ca. 591) Yen-shih Chia-hsün B: 23a, b; ch. 17 (q.v.).

It is strongly attacked by Chang Shou-chieh in a note to SC 107: 10, where he follows
an ancient interpretation quoted by Yen Shih-ku in HS 36: 17a and 52: 5a, which states,
" `Fei1-fu1' means that the liver and lungs are close to each other, as if one said, `heart
and spine'. " He quotes Ku Yeh-wang (519-581) "Fei1-fu1 [means the same as] belly
and heart." In a note to SC 19: 3, Takigawa states that it was an expression peculiar
to Han times, not seen in the Books of Odes, of History, the Tso-chuan or the Kuo-yü,
and was used to denote close relatives. Cf. Tz'u-tung, I, 1313-1314.

But this latter interpretation, which makes Wang Mang boast that he is a close relative,
is not at all humble. According to Han Confucian theory, close imperial relatives
ought to be given high office (HFHD, II, 292). Wang Mang is not claiming a right,
but humbly mentioning the favors granted him. Wang Nien-sun must be correct in
this case.

[315]

Han-chiu-yi B: 2a declares, "The Emperor bethroths his Empress with ten thousand
catties of actual gold." HHS, An, 10 B: 6a says, "Thereupon altogether according to
the former practice of the presents for an Empress [in the case of] the Empress [nee Chang
of Emperor] Hsiao-hui, she was betrothed with twenty thousand catties of actual gold."
Sung-shu 14: 4a states that in A.D. 287, a Master of Writing, Chu Cheng, asserted "According
to the regulation of the Empress of [Emperor] Kao of the Han dynasty, an empress
is betrothed with two hundred catties of actual gold and twelve horses and Ladies
with fifty catties of gold and four horses." Shen Ch'in-han notes this statement and adds
that the Sung-shu is correct.

[321]

A phrase from Analects VII, vii.

[326]

Analects I, xv, 1.

[332]

For these events, cf. Glossary, sub these names.

[336]

Ts'ai Yung, in his Tu-tuan, A: 2b, explains that sheng-yü [OMITTED] and ch'e-chia [OMITTED]
came to mean merely "imperial" or "Emperor."

[337]

Cf. 99 A: 2b, 3a.

[338]

Book of Odes, [OMITTED] 260; III, iii, vi, 5 (Legge, p. 544). The Mao text reads [OMITTED] for the HS's [OMITTED]. Two other variations are merely substitute characters. The Sung Ch'i ed. remarks that the Academy ed. (1005) and the Yüeh ed. (xi-xii cent.) omit the third line.

[345]

Book of Odes, #264; III, iii, x, 5 (Legge, p. 563). One character there is written differently from in the Mao text.

[348]

Phrases from the Book of Changes, App. III, Sect. 1, ch. 8, 43 (Legge, p. 362),

"When two men are one in heart
Their power shatters metal [bars]."

[352]

The Sung Ch'i ed. asserted that [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED], after [OMITTED] there should be the
word [OMITTED], and the [OMITTED] should be excised. The Ching-yu ed. has the first of these changes.

[358]

Book of Odes, #236; III, i, ii, 8 (Legge, p. 436).

[360]

Analects XVII, vi.

[363]

Book of History, II, iii, ii, 2 (Legge, p. 70).

[369]

For this event, cf. Tso-chuan, Dk. Ting, V, (Legge, p. 760). We have not been
able to find this quotation.

[371]

Yen-tzu Ch'un-ch'iu 6: 17b, sect. 19, states that when the Duke of Ch'i wanted to
enfeoff Master Yen, the latter replied, " `From [the time of the Foreseen] Grand Duke,
[Lü Shang], to your own [time], Duke, there have been several tens of Dukes. If people
were able to obtain [noble] estates [merely] by delighting their princes, they would not
have waited until your [time], Duke, to hasten to Ch'i and strive [with each other] in
seeking promotion and lands [in such great numbers that] it would have been impossible
for them to get a foothold or lodging there.' . . . Thereupon he did not accept [the enfeoffment]."
Perhaps the foregoing is the passage that is loosely quoted here.

[372]

Analects IV, xiii.

[378]

Book of History, II, i, iii, 3 (Legge, 32). Wang Nien-sun declares that the text
should read yi2 [OMITTED] or [OMITTED] instead of szu [OMITTED]. Yen Shih-ku explains szu. The ancient
text of the Book of History read szu and the modern text read yi2. The HS regularly
quotes the modern text. SC 1:32 (Mh I, 56) quotes this verse from the Book of History
with the word yi5 [OMITTED] (which means the same as yi2), and Hsü Kuang (ca. 352-425)
glosses, "The modern text Book of History reads yi2. Yi2 is yi5." Szu-ma Cheng (fl.
713-742) adds, "The ancient text reads szu; the modern text reads yi2." SC 130: 30 also
quotes this passage with yi2. HHS, Mem. 30 B: 11a and the Wen-hsüan 48: 24b, in
Pan Ku's "Tien-yin," quote this verse with yi2; Li Shan (vii cent.), in his comment,
quotes the same verse with szu and adds, "Wei Chao (197-273/4) says, `[According to]
the ancient text, yi2 is szu.' " In a note to HHS, Mem. 30 B: 11a, b, Li Hsien (651-684)
glosses that in the HS this verse is written with yi2 and the HS Yin-yi (probably the one
written by Wei Chao) states that yi2 is to be read as szu. Wang Nien-sun concludes that
according to the above evidence, the HS text which both Li Shan and Li Hsien saw read
yi2 and Yen Shih-ku altered it to szu to agree with the ancient text of the Book of History,
explaining the meaning accordingly. Cf. also Karlgren BMFEA 20, 76, Gl. 1253.

[379]

Cf. 99 A: 6b.

[382]

"Issue commands to the nobles" is a reminiscence of Book of Odes IV, iii, v, 4,
line 5 (Legge, p. 645; his translation is unsatisfactory). The Tz'u-hai defines hsia-kuo
as "the feudal nobles."

Yen Shih-ku asserts that ch'ün [OMITTED] means to retire, but Wang Yin-chih (1766-1834)
replies that because of the parallelism Yen Shih-ku's interpretation is mistaken; ch'ün
should be read as tsun [OMITTED] (follow); anciently ch'ün and tsun were interchanged; the
Erh-ya 1: 6a interprets tsun by hsün [OMITTED] and the Fang-yen 2: 6b interprets ch'ün by hsün.
Sun Hsing-yen (1743-1818) in his Yen-tzu Ch'un-ch'iu Yin-yi B: 34b, sub ch. 7, states
that tsun-hsün means ch'ün-[OMITTED], identifying ch'ün and tsun.

[387]

The Official ed. emends by interchanging and reads pu-yi [OMITTED]. Wang Wen-pin
(xix cent.) however points out that this phrase is from Tso-chuan, Dk. Ch'eng, XVI
(Legge, p. 3947, 399b), which states that Viscount Wen of Chi, Chi-sun Hang-fu, "has
had no concubines who wore silk (yi-po) nor horses who ate grain"; hence, because of
parallelism, the phrase should be yi-pu, not pu-yi.

[388]

Book of Odes, #196; II, v, ii, 6 (Legge, p. 335). Yen Shih-ku repeats the Mao interpretation of this couplet, so I have adopted it as the Han interpretation, although Karlgren's rendering (BMFEA, 16, p. 106) is better.

[390]

Analects, I, xiv.

[392]

Yen Shih-ku explains, "He did not engage in the production of [food or goods],
so that he did not take their profits away from the merchants." In this respect, he
imitated Tou Tzu-wen; cf. n. 12.11.

[393]

Wang Hsien-ch'ien notes that the Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed. (1530)
have chin [OMITTED] after the [OMITTED]. But the Ching-yu ed. does not have the chin. The reference
is to 99 A: 7b, where only cash and no gold or equivalent of gold (chin) is mentioned.

[397]

That kung [OMITTED] here means the three highest ministers is shown by the expression
[OMITTED] in the similar list in 84: 12a.

[398]

In Kuo-yü 18: 7a, Tou Ch'ieh says, "Anciently Tou Tzu-wen three times resigned
[the position of] Chief Governor. He did not have one day's supplies, because he
pitied the common people. King Ch'eng [of Ch'u] heard that what [Tou] Tzu-wen had
in the morning did not last until night. Therefore every morning he had prepared one
bundle of dried flesh and one basket of parched grain, in order to nourish [Tou] Tzu-wen.
Down to the present, the Chief Governor has it for his salary."

For Kung-yi Hsiu, cf. Glossary sub voce.

[401]

Yen Shih-ku explains, " `Plain houses' means the people, who use white grass
(quitch-grass) [OMITTED] to cover their houses." Ch'eng Ta-ch'ang however declares,
"Anciently there were regulations concerning [the color of] palace buildings. Officials
were not under those requirements, so their buildings exposed the natural [color] of their
materials, for it was not necessary to add any colors or ornaments. These were the
`plain houses.' When [Yen] Shih-ku says that white quitch-grass covered the building,
he is in error."

[406]

Book of Odes, #260; III, iii, vi, 4 (Legge, p. 543).

[407]

Book of Changes, Hex. I, 3 (Legge, p. 57; Wilhelm, I, 4).

[409]

Wang Hsien-ch'ien asserts that [OMITTED] is mistaken; the Official ed. and the Southern
Academy ed. instead read [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter.

[410]

Book of History, II, i, iii, 2 (Legge, p. 32). The use of Ta-lu [OMITTED] in HS 99 B: 6b
shows that in Wang Mang's time the K'ung An-kuo interpretation of that phrase (which
Legge rejects, cf. his trans., p. 32, note, also Karlgren BMFEA 20, 75, Gl. 1251) was accepted.
Yen Shih-ku prefers it in his comment.

[412]

Said by Confucius of himself in Analects IV, xv, 1. The `one principle' which
unified Confucius' teaching is there stated to have been, "Integrity and reciprocity," i.e.,
the Golden Rule.

[421]

The point is that good ministers have been able to carry out their conceptions of
good government.

[422]

Presented by Yao to Yü at the completion of the latter's work upon the waters
(according to the K'ung An-kuo interpretation); Book of History III, i, ii, 23 (Legge,
p. 150; Couvreur, p. 89).

[423]

Li-chi XII, 6-9 (Legge, II, 32; Couvreur, I, 729) states that King Ch'eng granted
to the Duke of Chou to be sacrificed to with the ceremonies and songs reserved to the
Son of Heaven.

[427]

Cf. HS 39: 4b.

[432]

Cf. Glossary, sub Kung-sun Jung.

[437]

The three enfeoffments in honor of Ho Kuang were: his son, Ho Yü, as Marquis
of Po-lu, on Apr. 27, 68 (HS 18: 11a); Ho Shan, grandson of Ho Ch'u-ping, as Marquis
of Lo-ping on May 14, 68 (18: 9a), at the special request of Ho Kuang, in order to continue
the ancestral sacrifices of a noble to Ho Ch'ü-ping (68: 11a); and Ho Yün, elder
brother of Ho Shan, as Marquis of Kuan-yang, on Apr. 24, 67 (18: 9b). Cf. A. Jongchell,
Huo Kuang och hans Tid, pp. 150, 194, 195, 197, 205.

[442]

The Official ed. reads [OMITTED] for [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. however reads the latter.

[444]

Reading [OMITTED] as [OMITTED] at the suggestion of Wang Nien-sun. These two words were
anciently interchanged. The reference is to Wang Mang's resignation; cf. 99 A: 3b.

[447]

Fu Ch'ien explains, "P'iao [OMITTED] has the pronunciation of the p'iao of the tip of a
sword"; Shen Ch'in-han points out that in Huai-nan Tzu, 19: 8b, "Hsiu-wu-shun," Kao
Yu (fl. 205-212) also declares, "P'iao should be read as the p'iao of a sword," and concludes
that in Han times the point of a sword was called p'iao. Hence p'iao is borrowed
for [OMITTED] or [OMITTED], meaning the point of a sword (or the ornament at the tip of a scabbard).
Cf. the use of this word in HHS, Tr. 30: 12b9; Hsün-tzu, 18: 16a6, ch. 26; and in Ho Hsiu's
comment to the Kung-yang Commentary, 7: 9b6, Dk. Chuang, XIII, winter.

[453]

Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that the Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed.
correctly read [OMITTED] for [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. reads the former.

[454]

Cf. HFHD II, 47, n. 9.2; 99 A: 22b.

[455]

Tso-chuan, 54: 8b, Dk. Ting, IV, (Legge, p. 754), enumerates these six clans as
"the T'iao [OMITTED] clan, the Hsü [OMITTED] clan, the Hsiao [OMITTED] clan, the So [OMITTED] clan, the Ch'ang-sho
[OMITTED] clan, and the Wei-sho [OMITTED] clan."

[456]

Cf. Mh III, 225.

[461]

The passage in single quotation marks is taken from Tso-chuan 54: 8b, Dk. Ting,
IV, (Legge, p. 754).

[462]

Taken from Li-chi XII, 9 (Legge II, 32; Couvreur, I, 730).

[463]

A quotation from the Book of Odes, IV, ii, iv, 2 (Legge, p. 623).

[465]

Chou Shou-ch'ang remarks that the princes of Fan [OMITTED], Chiang [OMITTED], Hsing [OMITTED],
Mao [OMITTED], Tsu [OMITTED], and Ts'ai [OMITTED] were the descendants of the Duke of Chou. His eldest
son, Po-ch'in, in addition, succeeded his father as Duke of Lu. Cf. Mh IV, 100, n. 2.

[466]

Book of Odes, #256; III, iii, ii, 6 (Legge, p. 514).

[469]

Cf. HS 34: 24b.

[474]

Cf. Tso-chuan, Dk. Hsiang, XI, ix (Legge, p. 453).

[477]

The Sung Ch'i ed. says that after the [OMITTED] there should be an [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu
ed. however does not have this word.

[482]

The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Chekiang ed. (xi-xii cent.) reads [OMITTED] for the [OMITTED]
in this and the next sentence. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter.

[483]

The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Chekiang ed. (xi-xii cent.) reads [OMITTED] for the [OMITTED]
in this and the next sentence. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter.

[485]

Wang Hsien-ch'ien notes that the Official ed. reads [OMITTED] for [OMITTED], but the Ching-yu
and Southern Academy ed. read the latter.

[486]

Ch'ien Ta-chao remarks that [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter;
Wang Hsien-ch'ien adds that the Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed. read likewise.

[495]

HS 12: 4a.

[504]

For these technical terms, cf. Glossary, sub portents.

[507]

HS 12: 7a.

[509]

The Sung Ch'i ed. notes that the Yüeh ed. (xi-xii cent.) and the Shao ed. (xi or
xii cent.) omit the [OMITTED]; the Ching-yu ed. also lacks it; Wang Hsien-ch'ien adds that the
Southern Academy ed. (1530/1) omits it. I have not translated it. The King's Uncles
of Kuan and of Ts'ai also spread rumors; cf. Book of History V, vi, 12 (Legge, p. 357);
Glossary, s.v.

[513]

Yen Shih-ku explains that these four were those of the three Overseers (including
the King's Uncles of Kuan and of Ts'ai) and the wild tribes of the Huai region. Cf.
Glossary sub Kuan.

[514]

Cf. HFHD, II, 36, n. 5.1.

[522]

Yen Shih-ku glosses, "Chu kuan-pu [OMITTED] means that it was used in securing
[persons who] were selected and recommended [to the central government as candidates
for official position]." Chou Shou-ch'ang adds (in his HS-chu Chiao-su 55: 16a), "[Emperor]
Hsiao-wen had an Erudit for the Classic of Filial Piety and the imperial capital
commanderies had Masters for the Classic of Filial Piety [12: 7a], which was recording
the Classic of Filial Piety on the official registers [as a regular study]. Wang Mang's . . .
edict . . . ordering the government schools to teach [his own book] was, it seems, establishing
it [too] in the government schools [as a regular subject of study]."

[527]

This passage is also found in HS 12: 7a, cf. 12: n. 7.4 for annotations.

[528]

This passage is also found in HS 12: 7a, cf. 12: n. 7.4 for annotations.

[531]

The text reads "fourth month," but HS 12: 7b, Han-chi 30: 4b, and Tzu-chih
T'ung-chien
36: 4b all read "second month." "Fourth month" is an error. The fourth
month was the first month of summer, but 12:7b notes, after the marriage, "In the summer,
the Empress [nee Wang] was presented in the Temple of [Emperor] Kao," and 97 B:
23a says, "In the next year, in the spring, [the Grand Empress Dowager] sent" various
courtiers "with the legal equipage to go and fetch the Empress from the residence and
palace of the Duke Giving Tranquillity to the Han [Dynasty, Wang Mang,]" to be married.
Cf. Szu-ma Kuang, Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi 2: 2a.

[534]

According to 18: 30a-31b these eight persons were Wang Yün, Yen Ch'ien, Ch'en
Ch'ung, Li Hsi, Ho Tang, Hsieh Yin, Lu P'u, and Ch'en Feng.

[537]

Tso-chuan, Dk. Hsiang, XXIV (Legge, p. 507; Couvreur, II, 408).

[538]

Yen Shih-ku, in a note to HS 39: 13b, says of tsung-ch'en [OMITTED], "It means that
they are those whom later generations honor and look up to." Chang Yen (iii cent. A.D.),
in a note to 99 A: 21a, states, "A tsung subject has performed signal services and becomes
a duke of the first class, whom the state takes as an exemplar [OMITTED]." This
ancient usage justifies the translation of tsung in imperial temple names by the word
"exemplar."

[543]

Parallel to the expression used to the emperor, "foolishly risking the commission
of a crime worthy of death." Cf. HFHD, I, 99, n. 2; Ts'ai Yung's Tu-tuan, p. 5b. Yang
Shu-ta quotes the Lun-heng as saying, "When [the officials of] commanderies speak of
matters to the two yamens, they say, `We presume to speak of it.' "

[548]

Wang Mang had previously received 40 million cash (of which he gave 33 million
to the families of Emperor P'ing's concubines), then he was additionally granted 23 million
cash (99 A: 10a); now he was given 37 million more, making a total of 100 million cash.

[550]

Cf. HS 99 A: 18a.

[554]

To "send a minister to his residence" meant dismissing him from his position
and from the court. Evidently the Grand Empress Dowager had become tired of
Wang Mang's posing.

[557]

The "presentation of the betrothal presents" was the fourth of the rites preliminary
to a marriage; cf. n. 9.3. It made the betrothal binding.

[568]

The text reads "first month," but Hoang does not list a ping-ch'en day in that
month; HS 19 B: 51b reads "second month," which checks; I emend the text accordingly.
Cf. also n. 6.2.

[578]

Ku-liang Commentary 8: 2b; Dk. Hsi, IX, summer.

[581]

For the apron (fu1 [OMITTED]) as an article of ceremonial attire, cf. 99 A: n. 2.8. Wang
Mang seems to have first made it part of a noble's or official's insignia of office, for it is
first mentioned in the reign of Emperor P'ing. Its use was in imitation of classical
practises—it is mentioned in Li-chi, XI, ii, 21-27 and XII, 29 (Legge, II, 14-16, 38;
Couvreur, I, 700-702, 740). Cf. also Po-hu-t'ung 10: 1a, b.

Yen Shih-ku, both here and in his notes to 14: 4b, 99 B: 1a, and 99 C: 5b, glosses,
"The fu1 is also called a tsu [OMITTED]," which latter article was the cord by which seals were
suspended from the wearer's girdle. The use of fu1 with the word for seal (e.g. 99 B:
23a) makes this interpretation plausible. The word fu1 was moreover interchanged with
fu2 [OMITTED], which latter word later denoted the seal-ribbon.

This interchange between fu1 and fu2 has probably misled Yen Shih-ku. Ch'en
Hsiang-tao (1053-1093), in his Li-shu 23: 6b, states that from the Wei and Chin periods
(iii cent. A.D.) onwards, the fu1, instead of being made of leather, was made of silk
gauze, hence the word was sometimes written fu2 (with the silk radical. Such may have
been the case already in Pan Ku's time; cf. 99 B: n. 1.1). As a result, people would be
likely to confuse fu1 and fu2 and think mistakenly that the fu1 denoted a seal-ribbon—
which statement was evidently current in T'ang times and is to be found in the dictionaries
today. But Ch'en Hsiang-tao takes his information, according to a note, from
Hsü Kuang's (ca. 352-425) "Rites and Institutes Concerning Carriages and Robes
[OMITTED]" (probably the same as his [OMITTED], listed in the Sui-shu bibliography 2:
14a, the Old T'ang-shu bibliography 1: 34b, and the New T'ang-shu bibliography 2: 21b;
the book is now lost), so that this information dates from two centuries before the time
of Yen Shih-ku.

Until Wang Mang came into power, the term used along with the word for seal in
shou [OMITTED], seal-ribbon (8: 22b, 12: 1a, 99 A: 4a). During the time Wang Mang controlled
the government, the fu1 is however occasionally mentioned along with the seal as the
insignia of noble or bureaucratic rank (14: 4b, 99 A: 18b, 22b, 26b; 99 B: 1a, 23a). In
Wang Mang's time, the term shou also on occasions accompanies the word for seal (98:
13b, 99 B: 11a, 12b, 18a; 99 C: 27b). The Later Han dynasty also used the shou (HHS,
Tr. 30: 13b-15a). The fu1 (apron) was the first of the nine distinctions (99 A: 22b), so
that it was only natural for Wang Mang to have used it as one of his insignia for a high
office. Such an article of attire was plainly convenient at a court where the kowtow was
common. The fu1 is mentioned under circumstances in which it can only mean "apron"
(99 B: 22b, 26b); it would be very strange to have the same word used to denote two
very different articles of apparel without any explanation on the part of the author.
Yen Shih-ku's change in the meaning of fu1 is unacceptable.

[586]

A catty of gold was equivalent to ten thousand cash; ten thousand catties of gold
were then equivalent to a hundred million cash. This was the amount of the dowry;
cf. 99 A: 17b.

[589]

For this story, cf. Glossary, sub2a.

[592]

Liu Pin (1022-1088) remarks that this last sentence is repeated from 99 A: 17b,
and declares that it should be excised here; but this whole paragraph seems to be a summary
of the ritual, etc. connected with the office of Ruling Governor in the spirit of HS,
ch. 19 A, in which case this sentence is pertinent here.

[595]

Li T'zu-ming, op. cit., 7: 15a, states that the Ch'u-hsüeh Chi (viii cent.; I cannot
find this passage) quotes the San-fu Huang-t'u (iii to vii cent.) as saying that in 4 A.D.
Wang Mang "built the Ming-t'ang, Pi-yung, made 30 residences for the Erudits, and
made a market-place for meeting," and also, "Seven li east of the city he made a Regularly
Full Granary. North of the Granary he made the Huai Market-place. The various
Huai trees were in several hundred rows and the students would meet and hold market
[there] on the first and fifteenth days of the month." This passage is not now in the
San-fu Huang-t'u, which has suffered losses. Cf. Glossary sub Imperial University. Li
T'zu-ming accordingly says that in the HS text, before the word [OMITTED] there has dropped
out the word [OMITTED], reading, "a market-place for meeting."

[599]

This Classic of Music has been lost. Wang Ch'un, in his Lun-heng 13: 16a, 29:
9b (Forke, II, 297, I, 88) says twice, "Yang-ch'eng [Heng] Tzu-chang [OMITTED] composed
the Classic of Music." Huan T'an (ca. 40 B.C.-A.D. 29), in his Hsin-lun (lost,
quoted in T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan 815: 11b), says, "Yang-ch'eng Tzu-chang's personal name
was Heng [OMITTED] and he was a man from Shu Commandery. When Wang Weng and I
were both Libationers Expounding the Classic of Music and [Yang-ch'eng Heng] was in
bed ill, we purchased ahead of time inner and outer coffins [for him]." Wang Weng took
part in the rebellion of Chai Yi and was burnt to death by Wang Mang in A.D. 7 (cf.
HHS, Mem. 35: 10b); the Libationers were not however appointed until A.D. 11 (HS
99 B: 18a), so that Huan T'an's memory must have been at fault about his title at that
time. Yang-ch'eng Heng's death then probably occurred some time during Wang
Mang's reign. The T'ung-chih, ch. 29 (Com. Pr. ed.), p. 479c, sub double surnames
quotes the Feng-su-t'ung as stating that in Han times there was a Grandee Remonstrant
and Consultant, excellency Yang-ch'eng Heng.

The Classic of Music established as canonical by Wang Mang was then written by
Yang-ch'eng Heng and this is probably the one mentioned in the Chin History. (From
Ma Kuo-han's [fl. 1832-1852] "Introduction" to the Yo-ching in his "Yü-han Shan-fang
Chi-yi-shu"). Sui-shu ch. 32, "Treatise on the Classics and Literature" 1: 21a, lists a
"Classic of Music in four rolls." But this book is not mentioned in later bibliographies.
What the relation was of this book to the "Yo-chi (Record of Music)," now ch. 17 in the
Book of Rites, is unknown. Cf. Szu-k'u Ch'üan-shu Tsung-mu T'i-yao 38: 1a (Com. Pr.
ed. p. 789).

[601]

HS 12: 9b dates this summons in A.D. 5; probably that date represents the time
these persons mostly arrived.

[602]

"The lost [chapters of] the Rites" denotes the 39 fascicles (chapters) of the Book of
Rites
in ancient characters said by Liu Hsin1a to have been found by King Kung of Lu, Liu
2 (d. 129 B.C.), in the wall of Confucius' house and presented to the imperial throne
by K'ung An-kuo after 100 B.C. (HS 36: 33a). These chapters were not the Chou-li
(mentioned separately), which is said to have been secured about the same time by King
Hsien of Ho-chien, Liu Tê (HS 53: 1b).

"The ancient [text of] the Book of History" denotes the 16 fascicles (chapters) of that
Book in ancient characters, said by Liu Hsin1a to have been found along with the lost
Rites and also to have been presented to the throne by K'ung An-kuo (HS 36: 33a).

HS 36: 31b states that Liu Hsin1a "wanted to have made authoritative Mr. Tso's
[Commentary on] the Spring and Autumn [i.e., the Tso-chuan], the Mao [text of the Book
of
] Odes, the lost [chapters of] the Rites, and the ancient [text of the Book of] History."
Hence this order of Wang Mang was instigated by Liu Hsin and constituted a step towards
making these classics authoritative, i.e., placed on the curriculum of the government
schools and used for government examinations.

[606]

The "Mao [text of the Book of] Odes" is the one at present current. It was made
authoritative by Wang Mang during the reign of Emperor P'ing (Legge, Chin. Clas. IV,
I, p. 11]).

Liu Hsin1a also worked on the Chou-li and eventually Wang Mang made it authoritative.
During the reign of Wang Mang, all the books here listed, from the lost Book of
Rites
to the Erh-ya, were probably made authoritative.

[607]

"Ordinances for the Months, Yüeh-ling [OMITTED]" is the title of the present chap. IV
in the Li-chi (Legge, I, pp. 249-310; Couvreur, I, 330-410), which chapter consists of
excerpts from chaps. I-XII of the Lü-shih Ch'un-ch'iu (Wilhelm's trans. pp. 1-156).
Besides this document, there were probably other writings on this popular subject.

[608]

"The Art of War, Ping-fa [OMITTED]," is the title of the military treatise attributed to
Sun-tzu [OMITTED] and translated by L. Giles, Sun Tzu on the Art of War. Giles (p. xvii)
however points out that the title, "Sun-tzu in 82 fascicles, with diagrams in 9 rolls" listed
in HS 30: 59a, shows that in Han times there were other apocryphal works on this subject,
not included in the 13 books of Sun-tzu that we have at present. Wang Mang's
call was probably for more than just this one book, for in 99 C: 21b he is said to have
employed military men of all the 63 schools mentioned in HS 30: 64a (cf. 99 C: n. 21.3).
The Han dynasty had its own military methods [OMITTED], set forth by Han Hsin (HS 1 B:
24b; HFHD, I, 146 & n. 4). Wang Mang seems to have intended to accumulate the
country's learning at the imperial capital and use it for the imperial benefit.

[609]

Shih Chou's Fascicles was the earliest Chinese lexicographical work. It seems to
have been a word list of correct forms; cf. D. Bodde, China's First Unifier, ch. VIII.
This book is listed in HS 30: 22b. Ibid, 26a, b says, "In [the period] Yüan-shih, [Wang
Mang] summoned from the [whole] empire those who were versed in philology. [They
arrived] by the hundreds, and each one was ordered to record words in the [Palace] courts.
Yang Hsiung2 took those [writings] that were of use and composed from them his Hsün-tsuan
P'ien
[OMITTED]. He followed the Tsang Chieh and also altered the duplicating
words in the Tsang Chieh. It was in 89 paragraphs."

[612]

A reference to Li-chi XII, 7 (Legge, II, 31), where the Duke of Chou is said to have
resigned in the seventh year. Cf. infra, n. 20.1.

[614]

Wang Mang's action in laying the foundations "when the moon began to wax"
was in imitation of the foundation of the city of Lo by the Duke of Chou. The phrase,
"when the moon began to wax, tsai1-sheng-p'o2 [OMITTED]" is a quotation from the account
of that foundation in Book of History, V, ix, 1 (Legge, p. 381). (That Book writes tsai2 [OMITTED]
for tsai1. These words were interchangeable; so were p'o1 and p'o2.)

The meaning of the phrase, tsai-sheng-p'o, seems to have suffered a complete reversal
due to an inexact writing of the word p'o. The correct word was p'o1 [OMITTED]. Hsü Sheng,
in his Shuo-wen 7 A: 4a, defines p'o1 as follows: "When the moon is first born,
it is like a p'o1 (new moon). When [in the calendar, we receive] a long month,
[the p'o1] is on the second day [of the month; when we] receive a short month, it
is on the third day." (In China, months have begun with the new moon, or,
more exactly, the day of the moon's conjunction with the sun, when the moon is invisible).
Since p'o1 is written with the word for "moon," this is probably the fundamental meaning
of the character. Shuo-wen 9 A: 7a defines p'o2 quite differently, as "A yin spirit."
Since tsai1 (and tsai2) means "beginning," tsai-sheng-p'o then originally meant "When
the new moon appears," and denoted the second or third day of the (lunar) month. This
interpretation is confirmed by Li-chi XLII, i, 4 (Legge, II, 436; Couvreur, II, 655), "Like
the third day of the moon, when it produces its p'o (new moon), [OMITTED],"
and ibid. 20 (Legge, II, 445; Couvreur II, 667), "The moon, when it is in the third day
[of the month] produces its p'o [OMITTED]." In a note to the above passage from
the Book of History, ("Shih-san Ching Chu-su," Shu-ching 14: 1b), Ma Jung (79-166)
moreover glosses, "P'o2 is the new moon [OMITTED]. It means that in the third day [of the
month] the moon first brings to birth the form of its new moon and its name is called
p'o2." Wang Mang used this interpretation, for this date was the second day of a short
month, according to Hoang. (Chen Yüan's Comparative Daily Calendar is probably in
error, for it makes this date the first day of the month).

This meaning of p'o seems to have suffered reversal because it was the ancient practise
to interchange many words with their homonyms. Thus p'o1 came to be written p'o2,
with the resultant interpretation of p'o2 (which ordinarily means the vital principle of
the body, the material soul) to mean "the substance of the moon [OMITTED]," i.e. the unilluminated
part of the moon, which appears when the moon begins to wane. Hence
tsai-sheng-p'o came to mean, "when the dark part of the moon is first born," i.e., a day
after full moon, the sixteenth day of the month and after. This interpretation appears
in the K'ung An-kuo gloss to the above passage in the Book of History, ibid., "The Duke
of Chou established his government in the seventh year, third month, when the p'o (dark
part of the moon) was first born, on the sixteenth day of the [lunar] month, when the
full moon was waning and the dark part of the moon (p'o) was born." To justify his
chronological calculations, Liu Hsin1a adopted this interpretation; HS 21 B: 60b quotes
his San-t'ung-li as follows: "When the dark of the moon (p'o) dies, it is the day of new
moon; when the dark of the moon (p'o) is born, it is the day of full moon. [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]." Meng K'ang, in a note to HS 21 B: 60a, interprets likewise, "In the second
day of the month and onwards, the moon is born and its dark (p'o) dies." K'ung Ying-ta
consequently took this interpretation of p'o. In a note to Book of History V, iii, 3 (Ibid.
11: 11b), he explains, "The places in which the circle of the moon have no light are called
p'o. After the day of new moon, its ming [OMITTED] (its brilliance or spiritual substance) is
born and its p'o (its dark or material substance) dies. After the day of full moon, its
ming dies and its p'o is born." Here is the pretty conceit that the moon has two souls,
like man, which die and are born as the moon waxes and wanes. This interpretation was
adopted by Legge (cf. his Book of History, p. 307) and Couvreur (Dict. Class., III ed.
sub p'o2), so that it influences their translations of the classics, sometimes with curious
consequences.

It is interesting that in this case Wang Mang's courtiers deliberately departed from
the interpretation given to a passage of the classic by his greatest authority, Liu Hsin1a.
Wang Mang's court contained other authorities who disagreed with Liu Hsin, and these
scholars preserved the correct interpretation of p'o. (Cf. T'zu-hai, sub p'o1, p'o2, tsai2-
sheng-p'o; Wang Kuo-wei, Kuan-t'ang-chi-lin, I:1a-5b.)

[620]

Meng K'ang (fl. 220-240) explains, "It is the message taxing [the people] for
corvée service [OMITTED]."

[623]

Yen Shih-ku suggests that p'ing [OMITTED] might be emended to p'ei [OMITTED]. Ho Ch'uo
(1661-1722) quotes Book of History, V, xii, 7, (Legge, p. 424) which contains the phrase
p'ei-tso [OMITTED], to substantiate this emendation. Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832) adds that
this passage imitates Book of History, V, xiii, which uses the unusual word p'ei twice,
and calls attention to the fact that, in the ancient official form of writing, p'ing and p'ei
were written similarly and were sometimes confused.

[626]

This sentence is also found in 12: 8b. The next sentence is also found in that
passage, q.v. for annotations.

[630]

The Sung Ch'i ed. said that the Shun-hua ed. (997) had the word szu [OMITTED] after
the [OMITTED]. In a loose quotation of this passage in HHS, Mem. 4: 10a1, the szu is omitted.

Stange, Die Monographie über Wang Mang, 62, n. 9, declares that Wang Hsien-ch'ien's
ed. reads erroneously "1900 members of the imperial house." My copy (purchased at
Ch'ang-sha, hence probably the original ed.) does not have this error. It likewise does
not have the variant noticed in ibid., 63, n. 1.

[633]

HS 12: 2b dates this enfeoffment in Mar., A.D. 1. Cf. 12: n. 2.5.

[639]

The phrase "instituting rites and composing music [OMITTED]" is an allusion to
the activity of the Duke of Chou, who, when he was acting as regent for the young King
Ch'eng, is said to have "instituted rites and composed music" (Li-chi XII, 6; Legge's
trans. II, 31). On 99 A: 19a, the courtiers, in a memorial, compare Wang Mang to the
Duke of Chou and allude to this passage from the Book of Rites, saying that the Duke of
Chou fixed "his institutions" to the seventh year; on p. 20a, Wang Mang takes up this
phrase, stating that the Empress Dowager has "instituted rites . . . and . . . composed
music" (through his own instrumentality, of course), and now (p. 20b) he declares that
he wishes to use his whole time in "instituting rites and composing music," i.e., in ruling
in behalf of the young emperor and, in establishing truly Confucian institutes and government,
and, when this task is complete, like the Duke of Chou, he will return to private
life. The phrase "instituting rites and composing music" thus implied "ruling for the
minor sovereign in the spirit of the Duke of Chou." It occurs frequently in subsequent
passages. Since the Duke of Chou was one of the greatest Confucian sages, these rites
and music were of course understood to designate Confucian practises.

[651]

The phrase "instituting rites and composing music [OMITTED]" is an allusion to
the activity of the Duke of Chou, who, when he was acting as regent for the young King
Ch'eng, is said to have "instituted rites and composed music" (Li-chi XII, 6; Legge's
trans. II, 31). On 99 A: 19a, the courtiers, in a memorial, compare Wang Mang to the
Duke of Chou and allude to this passage from the Book of Rites, saying that the Duke of
Chou fixed "his institutions" to the seventh year; on p. 20a, Wang Mang takes up this
phrase, stating that the Empress Dowager has "instituted rites . . . and . . . composed
music" (through his own instrumentality, of course), and now (p. 20b) he declares that
he wishes to use his whole time in "instituting rites and composing music," i.e., in ruling
in behalf of the young emperor and, in establishing truly Confucian institutes and government,
and, when this task is complete, like the Duke of Chou, he will return to private
life. The phrase "instituting rites and composing music" thus implied "ruling for the
minor sovereign in the spirit of the Duke of Chou." It occurs frequently in subsequent
passages. Since the Duke of Chou was one of the greatest Confucian sages, these rites
and music were of course understood to designate Confucian practises.

[652]

For this meaning of chien, cf. SC 29: 7 and Mh III, 5243.

[653]

Yen Shih-ku asserts that ts'ai1 [OMITTED] is the same as "ts'ai2 [OMITTED], to select," but Wang
Nien-sun, in a note to HS 48: 34a, states that this interpretation does not fit the phrase
ts'ai1-hsing [OMITTED]. He declares that ts'ai means "shao [OMITTED], somewhat," and that the meaning
of this phrase is similar to the expression in 48: 35a10, "I wish that your Majesty would
pay some attention to it [OMITTED]." He also quotes similar cases of the phrase ts'ai-hsing
from HS 77: 5b7 sub Chu-ko Feng, ch. 93, ch. 49 sub Ch'ao Ts'o (thrice), 72: 6b10 sub
Wang Chi, ch. 59 sub Chang An-shih, 75: 31a3 sub Li Hsün, and 86: 19b4 sub Shih1 Tan.
In a note to 54: 14a11, Yen Shih-ku, seemingly following an ancient comment, declares
that ts'ai means "chin4 [OMITTED], somewhat"; the Kuang-ya interprets chin3 [OMITTED] as shao; these
two words chin are interchanged. In a note to HS 4: 9b (cf. HFHD I, 242, n. 4) Yen
Shih-ku himself asserts that ts'ai means shao. Cf. also HFHD II, 387, n. 6.4. Ts'ai1,
ts'ai2, and ts'ai3 [OMITTED] are given the same archaic pronunciation in Karlgren, Grammatica
Serica,
#943 h, ć, a, and were interchanged with ts'ai4 [OMITTED], which latter character seems
not to have occurred in Chou literature, but is used in HS 49: 13b11 and 51: 5b4.

[656]

The Sung Ch'i ed. said that the word chung [OMITTED] should be changed to come after
the [OMITTED], following the Yüeh ed. (xi-xii cent.). Since the Ching-yu ed. agrees with the
present text, I have not adopted the Yüeh ed.'s emendation. Yen Shih-ku reads chung
with the present fourth tone, meaning "emphasis".

[660]

At this point, the text contains the words for "the Marquis of Fu-p'ing," necessitating
the translation, "erudits, gentlemen-consultants, full marquises, and the Marquis
of Fu-p'ing, Chang Shun." The Sung Ch'i ed. however reports that the Yüeh ed. lacks
the words for "the Marquis of Fu-p'ing," and the Ching-yu ed. also lacks them. I have
followed their reading. It is quite peculiar that one grade of the nobility should be
specifically mentioned as all being concerned in a Confucian ritual, along with the erudits
and learned persons at the court. The insertion of Chang Shun's marquisate was almost
surely a scribal interpolation.

[664]

For these conferments, cf. Li-chi III, ii, 8 (Legge, I, 215; Couvreur, I, 273), Book
of History
V, viii, 4 (Legge, 379). The phrase, "a high duke (shang-kung) with the nine
conferments" is quoted from Chou-li 21: 1a (Biot, II, 1). The conferments (ming [OMITTED]) as
rewards given by the Son of Heaven are seemingly first mentioned in Book of Odes, II,
vii, viii, 3; Legge, p. 403.

Chou-li 18: 10b-12b (Biot, I, 428-430), sub the Ta-tsung-po, says, "He uses the conferments
in the nine rituals to correct the rankings of states. The first conferment is
investiture with office, the second conferment is investiture with robes, the third conferment
is investiture with rank, the fourth conferment is investiture with [sacrificial]
utensils, the fifth conferment is the granting of a tsê (cf. 99 B: n. 19.5), the sixth conferment
is the granting of [subordinate] officials, the seventh conferment is granting him a
[noble] estate, the eighth conferment is making him a Shepherd (mu), and the ninth
conferment is making him a Chief (po) [of a quarter of the country]."

Chang Yen (iii cent. A.D.) says, "The nine conferments (ming) are the nine distinctions
(hsi [OMITTED])." In the Spring and Autumn, Dk. Chuang, I, 6; Dk. Wen, I, 5; Dk.
Ch'eng, VIII, 7 (Legge, pp. 72, 227, 229, 366), hsi is used as a verb, "to impart," in the
phrase, "impart (hsi) the conferments (ming)." But in the HS text here both hsi and
ming are used as nouns. Very likely in Wang Mang's time ming denoted the nine "conferments"
mentioned in the Chou-li passage quoted above, whereas hsi denoted the
"distinctions" enumerated in n. 23.3.

Chou-li 21: 1a (Biot, II, 1), sub the Tien-ming (Officer in Charge of the Conferments)
says "High Dukes (shang-kung [OMITTED]) have the nine conferments (ming) and become
Chiefs [of quarters of the country]. Their states and households (kuo-chia [OMITTED]), their
palaces and residences, their chariots and banners, their garments and robes, and their
rites and usages all use nine as the limit. Marquises and earls have seven conferments.
Their states and households (kuo-chia), their palaces and residences, their chariots and
banners, their garments and robes, and their rites and usages all use seven as the limit.
Viscounts and barons have five conferments. Their states and households (kuo-chia),
their palaces and residences, their chariots and banners, their garments and robes, and
their rites and usages all use five as the limit." Cheng Hsüan explains (not too accurately),
"The high dukes (shang-kung) are the three highest ministers (san-kung [OMITTED])
of the king, [who have only eight conferments; cf. n. 21.3]. To those who possess virtue,
there is added a conferment and they become the two Chiefs (po). The descendants of
the two dynasties, [Hsia and Yin], were also high dukes (shang-kung)." In Wang Mang's
time the Shang-kung were the Four Coadjutors, who ranked above the San-kung. In
Chou times, office was hereditary, so that the highest ministers were nobles; whereas in
Han times such feudalism had disappeared and kung no longer always denoted a noble.
Cheng Hsüan continues, "Their state and households (kuo-chia) is where the prince and
his followers dwell [OMITTED]. It means the square which is their [capital] city. The
[capital] city of a duke was probably nine li square and his palace was nine hundred paces
square. The [capital] city of a marquis or earl was probably seven li square and his
palace seven hundred paces square. The [capital] city of a viscount or baron was probably
five li square, and his palace five hundred paces square." This scholastic architectonic
does not, of course, represent the facts of history.

[666]

Chou-li 21: 2a (Biot, II, 2) says, "The three highest ministers (san-kung) have
eight conferments. . . . When they are sent out [of the court] and enfeoffed [as feudal
nobles with fiefs, going to rule them], one [more] step [in conferments] is added." This
passage is referred to in the phrase, "promoted [an additional] step."

[668]

This sentence uses phrases from the Book of History, I, 2 (Legge, p. 17; translated
in HFHD II, 215, n. 7.6), which passage describes the virtue of Yao. In this passage
of the HS, as in the Book of History, po-hsing means "official class," cf. n. 6.13. The
word pang [OMITTED] in the Book of History, which was Emperor Kao's given name, is tabooed
here and kuo [OMITTED] is used instead. Pang was not however always tabooed. It is used in
the Shuo-wen (A.D. 100).

[669]

A quotation from Mencius IV, ii, i, 3 (Legge, p. 317).

[676]

Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1832) declares that [OMITTED] should be [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed.
and the Official ed. read the latter word. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says however that the
Southern Academy ed. reads as he does.

[677]

The connotation of "empty oneself (hsü-chi [OMITTED])," a phrase frequently used in
imperial charters to officials (cf. HFHD I, 334), is "pay close attention." The Tz'u-hai,
sub
this phrase, quotes the Han-shih Wai-chuan (by Han Ying, fl. 179-141 B.C.; I have
not been able to find this passage), "A superior man who has the highest degree of virtue
is yet humble, [so that] he will empty himself and receive [the instructions of] others."

[685]

Chang Yen (iii cent.) explains that these two clauses refer to "the rites for capping
and marriage and the moving of the Southern and Northern [Altars for] the suburban
sacrifices."

[689]

Chang Yen explains, "He had enfeoffed the descendants of the previous dynasties,
established [as official] the ancient text of the Classics, and fixed the rites of successively
removing [the shrines of remote ancestors to the shrine of the most ancient ancestor]."
For the latter rite, cf. Glossary sub Wei Hsüan-ch'eng.

[690]

Referring to Book of Odes, III, i, viii (Legge, p. 456).

[692]

Referring to Book of History V, xiii (Legge, p. 434 ff).

[693]

Yen Shih-ku explains that when the city of Lo was completed, the stubborn
people of Shang were removed to dwell there. The point of this passage is that Wang
Mang's achievements were as great as those of the founders of the Chou dynasty.

[696]

"Excellent virtue" is a phrase from Book of Odes, no. 174; II, ii, x, 3 (Legge, p. 276).

[697]

This sacrificial canon was a scholastic adoption of the ancient Chou sacrificial
custom as recorded in the Kuo-yü and the Li-chi XX, 1 (Legge, II, 201-202). There
were four ancestral sacrifices: the ti [OMITTED] sacrifice to the most ancient ancestor of the line,
the chiao [OMITTED] (suburban) sacrifice to the most prominent ancestor of the line anterior to
the founder of the house, the tsu [OMITTED] sacrifice to the founder of the house, i.e., the ancestor
who was responsible for the house securing its royal or imperial standing, and the tsung [OMITTED]
sacrifice to the greatest ruler subsequent to the founder of the house, i.e., the greatest
exemplar (for tsung as denoting an exemplar, cf. n. 17.6). On these sacrifices, cf. B.
Karlgren, "Legends and Cults in Ancient China," Bull. of the Museum of Far Eastern
Antiquities,
no. 18, p. 215.

The previously established imperial ancestral sacrifice to Emperor Kao was evidently
considered as the tsu sacrifice, so that only the three others are mentioned. By the
device of making these ancestors the coadjutors (pei [OMITTED]) of high gods, as on p. 17a, i.e.,
making them the introducers of the worshipper to, intercessors with, and transmitters
of the sacrifice to these high gods, these ancestral sacrifices became at the same time the
worship of the highest deities. HS 25 B: 21a, b does not mention the sacrificial canon
referred to in this passage, merely saying, "In the course of [Wang Mang's] more than
thirty years [of rule], the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth underwent five changes."

[701]

Pan Ku thus omitted all but a very few of Wang Mang's portents. This fact
speaks well of Pan Ku's judgment of historical values. The Lun-heng (Forke, I, 366)
mentions a bird as large as a horse with variegated colors, which roosted in P'ei Commandery.

[705]

The Ching-yu and the Official ed. read [OMITTED] instead of [OMITTED].

[709]

For this garment, cf. n. 2.8.

[711]

Meng K'ang glosses, "Tang1 [OMITTED] is the name of a jade. Of the ornaments for the
scabbard of a sword, [the one] on the top [of the scabbard] is called a peng [OMITTED] and [the
one] on the bottom is called a pi [OMITTED]. The Book of Odes [# 213; II, vi, ix, 2 (Legge, p.
383)] says, `His scabbard has a gem mouth and a gem tip,' which is this [meaning]."

The word here written tang1 is not the exactly correct form of the word intended in
the text. Meng K'ang seems moreover to have been in part mistaken in his interpretation
of its meaning. The Ching-yu ed. and the Official ed. read for tang the word [OMITTED]
(which I do not find in the K'ang-hsi Dictionary), and the latter quotes Liu Pin as declaring
that tang1 should have the phonetic yi [OMITTED], with which the Sung Ch'i ed. agrees.
But Su Yü (fl. 1913) notes that Shuo-wen 1 A: 4b defines the word here pronounced as
tang1 as "a jade tablet one foot two inches [long], with a spoon, which is used in the
sacrifices in the [imperial] ancestral temples. It comes from [the radical for] jade and
yang [OMITTED] [which latter gives] its pronunciation, [OMITTED] [at present pronounced ch'ang]."
Su Yü points out that the ch'ang is accordingly not an ornament for a scabbard, but the
same as the libation tablet [OMITTED], the description of which in the Chou-li 41: 2b, sub the
Yü-jen (Biot, II, 523), is in precisely the same words as that for tang1 in the Shuo-wen,
and of the ch'ang-kuei [OMITTED] in Kuo-yü 4: 4a. This word thus has the pronunciation
ch'ang and should be written with the phonetic yang, not yi; hence the Sung Ch'i ed.
was mistaken.

Su Yü asserts that tang1 is here probably used for tang2 [OMITTED]. Shuo-wen 1 A: 6a defines
tang2 as "the [most] beautiful [kind of] gold, which has the same color as jade. It comes
from [the radical for] jade and t'ang [OMITTED] [which latter gives] its pronunciation. For the
scabbards of their ceremonial swords, the nobles have tang2 mouths and gem [more probably
liu (fine gold)] tips." Erh-ya 5: 9b says, "Gold is called tang2; the [most] beautiful
[kind] of it is called liu [OMITTED]." In a note to the passage of the Book of Odes quoted above
(in Shih-san Ching Chu-su 14 ii: 2a), the Mao interpretation (ii cent. B.C.; describing
ancient practices) says, "The Son of Heaven has a jade mouth to his scabbard and a
mother-of-pearl tip to his scabbard. Nobles have tang2 mouths to their scabbards and
gem [more probably liu (fine gold)] tips to their scabbards. Grandees have fine silver
mouths to their scabbards and liu (fine gold) tips to their scabbards. Gentlemen have
shell mouths to their scabbards and shell tips to their scabbards." Shuo-wen 1 A: 4b,
sub peng, however says, "The ornament for the tip of a scabbard. The Son of Heaven
uses jade and the nobles use metal (gold)." HHS, Tr. 30: 12b states moreover that both
the Emperor and the vassal kings used gold in their scabbards. Hence tang1 cannot here
be the name for a kind of jade and this word should be read as tang2.

[712]

Meng K'ang explains, "They are the present ornamental tips to fasting and
sacrificial shoe clogs. They protrude from the shoe one or two inches." Yen Shih-ku
adds, "Their shape is that of a forked [raised] end." The Sung Ch'i ed. says, "Wei Chao
says, `Chü-li [OMITTED] are ornamented at the end and are in the shape of the hilt of a sword.' "
In Li-chi II, i, iii, 38 (Couvreur, I, 183) and XI, iii, 12 (Couvreur, I, 710) the first word
of this phrase is written [OMITTED]. In a note to Yi-li 3: 6a (Steele, I, 15), Cheng Hsüan says,
"The chü . . . are used as guards in walking. In shape they are like the hilt on a scabbard
of a sword, and they are at the front of the shoes." For figures of these clogs, cf. Nieh
Ch'ung-yi's San-li T'u (presented 962) 8: 11a; also the account in Wen-hsüan 35: 36a, sub
P'an Hsü Yüan-mou's (d. 215) "Chiu-hsi-wen."

[716]

Yen Shih-ku explains, "The luan-lu [OMITTED] is a princely (lu) carriage on which are
used little bells (luan) . . . Four horses are called a [OMITTED] (quadriga)." The reference is to
Li-chi XII, 15 (31: 7b; Legge, II, 34; Couvreur, I, 734-35). Luan-lu is also used in HS
22: 23b, 24a; 25 B: 13a.

[717]

Book of History V, xxviii, 4 (Legge, p. 619) states that "a red bow and a hundred
red arrows, a black bow and a hundred black arrows" were awarded to Marquis Wen
of Chin.

[718]

Mentioned in the Book of History, V, xiii, 25 (Legge, p. 449).

[723]

Yen Shih-ku remarks, "Ch'ing [OMITTED] is the color of spring. The eastern quarter
gives birth to, grows, and nourishes all things."

[724]

Meng K'ang explains, "[OMITTED] is [OMITTED]. It means to make an opening at the junction
of two walls in the basement of his mansion (tien), and make a staircase, so as not to
cause [the staircase] to be exposed to the sky." Yen Shih-ku adds, "Meng [K'ang's]
explanation is correct. Honored persons do not wish to be exposed to the sky as they
go upstairs, hence they [put the stairs] inside beneath the eaves." In Wen-hsüan 35:
37a, P'an Hsü writes in his "Chiu-hsi-wen" ("Essay on the Nine Distinctions"), "For
this reason the prince who possesses the distinctions has an inside staircase to mount up
[to the main floor of his house]," and Li Shan quotes Ju Shun's explanation, "The basement
of the mansion (tien) is cut into to make a staircase in order to have comfort on
both sides, above and below [in climbing to the main floor]." Ancient Chinese official
residences seem often to have had below the main floor a basement floor for the servants
and usually to have had the main floor elevated above the level of the ground. Han
funerary pottery shows houses with even five stories; cf. Maspero, "La vie privée a
l'époque Han," in Revue des arts asiatiques, 7: 188.

[730]

There are five ancient lists of these nine distinctions: (I) In Han-shih Wai-chuan 8:
9a, sect. 13 (by Han Ying, fl. 174-141 B.C.), "The books say, `When the nobles are
virtuous, the Son of Heaven gives them distinctions. The first distinction is carriages
and horses; the second distinction is garments and robes, the third distinction is the
As Rapid as Tigers; the fourth distinction is music and [musical] instruments; the fifth
distinction is inside staircases; the sixth distinction is vermillion doors; the seventh distinction
is bows and arrows; the eighth distinction is ceremonial- and battle-axes; the
ninth distinction is black millet herb-flavored liquor." (II) The Li-wei Han-wen-chia
(prob. end i cent. B.C.), Yü-han Shang-fang Chi-yi-shu collection, p. 6a, has a similar
list, but in a slightly different order; (III) the passage of the HS translated above; (IV) in
a note to the Kung-yang Commentary 6: 3b, Dk. Chuang, I, x, Ho Hsiu (129-182) quotes
the list in the Han-wen-chia; (V) Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) has the same list (translated
in HFHD, II, 47-48, n. 9.2). Fan Ning (339-401) also quotes the list from the Han-wen-chia
in a note to Ku-liang Commentary 5: 2a, Dk. Chuang, I, x. Wang Mang's list
is different from all the others in that, instead of musical instruments, he received "jade
tablets with the nine emblems." These nine distinctions are not mentioned in the Five
Classics. They are mentioned first, seemingly, in the Han-shih Wai-chuan, and in a
memorial of 128 B.C. to Emperor Wu (HS 6: 9a); Chou-li 18: 10b ff, sub the Ta-tsung-po
(Biot, I, 428-430) gives a list of the "nine conferments (ming)," (trans. here in n. 21.2);
ibid., 21: 1a (Biot II, 1) refers to them (also cf. n. 21.2); but this passage of the Chou-li
may be no earlier than the time of Wang Mang. The Spring and Autumn (v cent. B.C.;
Dk. Chuang, I, x; Legge, p. 72) uses the phrase [OMITTED], in which the first word is
interpreted by the Kung-yang Commentary (iii cent. B.C.) 6: 3a as [OMITTED], but understood as
"distinctions" by Ho Hsiu and others. The Bamboo Annals, K. Yu, yr. I (Legge, Shooking,
Intro., p. 157) uses the term hsi to mean "to grant distinctions." It is thus probable
that the tradition concerning these nine distinctions came down to Wang Mang in a
slightly different form from that in the Han-shih Wai-chuan.

The use of those distinctions was continued after Han times; San-Kuo-chih, Wei, 1:
35b-36b, quotes an edict of Emperor Hsien, dated A.D. 213, granting these nine distinctions
to Ts'ao Ts'ao and enumerating them in detail.

[735]

Chang Yen (iii cent.) explains, "At that time she was in her fourteenth year and
first showed signs of womanhood." For the meaning of this name, cf. Glossary sub
Tzu-wu Road.

[737]

They had been sent out in March, A.D. 4; cf. A: 17a. Ch'en Ch'ung was one of
these commissioners, so that their return preceded this notice.

[740]

Chou Shou-ch'ang explains the phrase ting-chu-ling [OMITTED]: "When the Son of
Heaven of the Han [dynasty] published an ordinance, it was stored in the yamen of the
[Grandee] Secretary. The Eminent Founder, [Emperor Kao], and the Empress of [Emperor]
Kao employed this practise. When, [in the case of] Emperor Ch'eng, it was ordered
that an Heir-apparent should be permitted to cross the imperial pathway [cf. HFHD
II, 373-74], the ordinance was also published. At this time, [Wang] Mang openly memorialized,
begging that [the matter] should be established and published as an ordinance."

[742]

A condition described in Li-chi III, v, 15 (Legge I, 244; Couvreur I, 319).

[745]

Cf. HFHD II, 123-25, App. II.

[747]

According to 18: 29a-31b, on June 29, P'ing Yen, Liu Hsin1a, K'ung Yung, and
Sun Ch'ien were enfeoffed because they had built the Ming-t'ang and Pi-yung; Wang
Yün, Yen Ch'ien, Ch'en Ch'ung, Li Hsi6, Ho Tang, Hsieh Yin, Lu P'u, and Ch'en Feng1
were enfeoffed because as messengers they had unified and spread the imperial teaching
and influence.

[748]

According to 18: 29a-31b, on June 29, P'ing Yen, Liu Hsin1a, K'ung Yung, and
Sun Ch'ien were enfeoffed because they had built the Ming-t'ang and Pi-yung; Wang
Yün, Yen Ch'ien, Ch'en Ch'ung, Li Hsi6, Ho Tang, Hsieh Yin, Lu P'u, and Ch'en Feng1
were enfeoffed because as messengers they had unified and spread the imperial teaching
and influence.

[754]

Phrases from Li-chi VII, iv, 16 (Legge, I, p. 392; Couvreur I, 536), "Hence Heaven
will send down sweet dew and Earth will produce wine springs."

[755]

A quotation from the Book of History, II, iv, 9 (Legge, p. 88), cf. Karlgren, BMFEA
20, 142, Gl. 1346.

[756]

Quoting the first two words in Book of Odes IV, ii, iii, 1, 2, 3, no. 299 (Legge, 616,
617). The use of a phrase from the Odes in a quotation of a speech by the barbarian
Ch'iang indicates the artificial classicism of Wang Mang's court.

[761]

Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) states that [OMITTED] is used for [OMITTED], to agree with the Book
of History
I, i, 1 (Legge, p. 15). In a note to HHS, Mem. 7: 9b, 10a, Ch'ien Ta-hsin
(1728-1804) asserts that the original of both the above words was kuang [OMITTED], which in the
Erh-ya, "Shih-yen," 3: 2b, is said to mean "[OMITTED], to fill."

[764]

Fu Ch'ien comments, "The domain of restraint [belonging to] T'ang [Yao] and
Yü [Shun], [who were the two "sage-lords"], together with that [belonging to] the Chou
[dynasty] was seven thousand li square; that [belonging to] the Hsia and Yin [dynasties]
was three thousand li square; the territory of the Han [dynasty] is thirteen thousand li
from north to south." With this belief that the Han was the greatest of dynasties, it
was only natural that the Chinese called themselves "men of Han."

[766]

Book of History, II, i, 10 (Legge, p. 38).

[774]

Mars was occulted by the moon at sunset on Nov. 29 of this year.

[776]

This term is the title of ch. vi in the Book of History V (Legge, p. 351); Wang
Mang was imitating the incident therein recorded as performed by the Duke of Chou.
The coffer was opened in 24 A.D., cf. 99 C: 22b.

[779]

I owe this illuminating interpretation of a very condensed expression to Prof.
Duyvendak. He points out that [OMITTED] denotes the reports made by the highest ministers
to Wang Mang; cf. 99 A: 18b.

[782]

Cf. 12: 10a.

[785]

These five kings were the King of Huai-yang, Liu Yin4b [OMITTED] (HS 14: 21b); the King
of Chung-shan, Liu Ch'eng-tu (14: 22a); the King of Ch'u, Liu Yü1a [OMITTED] (14: 22b); the
King of Hsin-tua, Liu Ching3b (14: 22b); and the King of Tung-p'ing, Liu K'ai-ming (14:
21b). (Listed by Hu San-hsing, [1230-1287].) He also enumerates the following as the
marquises referred to: the Marquis of Kuang-chi, Liu Hsien3c (HS 15 B: 37b); the Marquis
of Yang-hsing, Liu Chi-sheng [OMITTED] (15 B: 41a); the Marquis of Ling-yang, Liu Chia1n
(15 B: 41b); the Marquis of Kao-lo, Liu Hsiu2c [OMITTED] (15 B: 41b); the Marquis of P'ing-yi,
Liu Min3d [OMITTED] (15 B: 42a); the Marquis of P'ing-tsuan, Liu K'uang4c [OMITTED] (15 B: 42a); the
Marquis of Ho-ch'ang, Liu Fu3b [OMITTED] (15 B: 42b); the Marquis of Yi1-hsiang, Liu K'ai1b [OMITTED]
(15 B: 42b); the Marquis of Chiu-hsiang, Liu Pu-haid [OMITTED] (15 B: 43a); the Marquis of
Chiao-hsiang, Liu Wu3c (15 B: 43a); the Marquis of Yi2-hsiang, Liu K'uei1f [OMITTED] (15 B:
43b); the Marquis of Ch'ang-ch'eng, Liu Feng2a [OMITTED] (15 B: 43b); the Marquis of Lo-an,
Liu Yü10g [OMITTED] (15 B: 44a); the Marquis of T'ao-hsiang, Liu Kuei1e [OMITTED] (15 B: 52a); the
Marquis of Li-hsiang, Liu Pao1c [OMITTED] (15 B: 52b); the Marquis of Ch'ang-hsiang, Liu
Tan4d [OMITTED] (15 B: 52b); the Marquis of Hsin-hsiang, Liu Li7 [OMITTED] (15 B: 53a); the Marquis
of Wu-hsiang, Liu Kuang1k [OMITTED] (15 B: 53a); the Marquis of Hsin-ch'eng, Liu Wu3d (15 B:
53b); the Marquis of Yi-ling, Liu Feng2b (15 B: 53b); the Marquis of T'ang-hsiang, Liu
Hu4e [OMITTED] (15 B: 54a); the Marquis of Ch'eng-ling, Liu Yu2c [OMITTED] (15 B: 54a); the Marquis
of Ch'eng-yang, Liu Chung6c [OMITTED] (15 B: 54b); the Marquis of Fu-ch'ang, Liu Hsiu1b [OMITTED]
(15 B: 54b); the Marquis of An-lu, Liu P'ing2e [OMITTED] (15 B: 55a); the Marquis of Wu-an,
Liu Yü9 [OMITTED] (15 B: 55a); the Marquis of Chao-hsiang, Liu Ch'ung1c [OMITTED] (15 B: 55b); the
Marquis of Fu-hsiang, Liu P'u3c [OMITTED] (15 B: 55b); the Marquis of Fang-ch'eng, Liu Hsüan1f
[OMITTED] (15 B: 56a); the Marquis of Tang-yang, Liu Yi8 [OMITTED] (15 B: 56a); the Marquis of
Kuang-ch'eng, Liu Chieh2 [OMITTED] (15 B: 56b); the Marquis of Ch'un-ch'eng, Liu Yün3 [OMITTED]
(15 B: 56b); the Marquis of Lü-hsiang, Liu Shang4c [OMITTED] (15 B: 57b); the Marquis of Li-hsiang,
Liu Yin2e (15 B: 58a); the Marquis of Yüan-hsiang, Liu Lung1b [OMITTED] (15 B: 58a);
the Marquis of Shou-ch'üan, Liu Ch'eng5b [OMITTED] (15 B: 58b); the Marquis of Hsiang-shan,
Liu Tsun2 [OMITTED] (15 B: 58b); the Marquis of Yen-hsiang, Liu Hsin4g (15 B: 50a); the
Marquis of Wu-p'ing, Liu Huang5b [OMITTED] (15 B: 50b); the Marquis of Ling-hsiang, Liu
Ts'engb (15 B: 50b); the Marquis of Wu-an, Liu Shou5c [OMITTED] (15 B: 51a); the Marquis of
Fu-yang, Liu Meng [OMITTED] (15 B: 45a); the Marquis of Hsi-yang, Liu Yen3j [OMITTED] (15 B: 47a);
the Marquis of T'ao-hsiang, Liu Li5b (15 B: 44a); the Marquis of Li-hsiang, Liu Hsüan-ch'eng
[OMITTED] (15 B: 39b); the Marquis of Chin-hsiang, Liu Pu-haic [OMITTED] (15 B: 40a); the
Marquis of P'ing-t'ung, Liu Tan4c [OMITTED] (15 B: 40a); the Marquis of Hsi-an, Liu Han4d [OMITTED]
(15 B: 40b); the Marquis of Hu-hsiang, Liu K'ai1a [OMITTED] (15 B: 40b); and the Marquis of
Chung-hsiang, Liu Shao-po [OMITTED] (15 B: 41a). Hu San-hsing enumerates fifty marquises
and states that the Marquis of Kuang-chi, Liu Hsien3c, was the father of the Young
Prince (so should not be counted) and the Marquis of Li-hsiang, Liu Hsüan-ch'eng, had
previously been dismissed, leaving only forty-eight. But I find no evidence and no date
for the dismissal of Liu Hsüan-ch'eng (15 B: 39b). Forty-one of the foregoing fifty,
marquisates had been established at the request of Wang Mang in A.D. 1, 2, and 5

[798]

The Official ed. reads [OMITTED] for [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter.

[799]

A quotation from Tso-chuan, Dk. Hsiang, XIV, summer (Legge, 4627, 466b).

[800]

Book of History II, iii, ii, 5 (Legge, p. 73; Couvreur, p. 47).

[805]

Stange, ibid., 82, n. 1, remarks that this sentence refers to the Duke of Chou
as the model.

[812]

This translation deviates from that of Legge, who follows the pseudo-Kung An-kuo
comment. It is justified by the context in the HS, cf. Shang-shu Chu-su 16: 11a; Chiang
Sheng, Shang-shu Chi-chu Yin-su ("Huang-ch'ing Ching-chieh," 397: 11b); Sun Hsing-yen,
Shang-shu Chin-ku-wen Chu-su 22:2b ("P'ing-chin-kuan Ts'ung-shu ed.). But Yen
Shih-ku and Liu Fung-lu, Shang-shu Chin-ku-wen Chi-chieh ("Huang-ch'ing Ching-chieh
Hsü-p'ien" 344: 1b) punctuate differently. The point is that just as the sage Duke of
Chou knew he needed to be Regent, so Wang Mang must now be Regent.

[815]

Book of History V, xvi, 3, 4 (Legge, p. 476; Couvreur, pp. 298, 299). This quotation
differs from the present (ancient) text of the Book of History: for [OMITTED], this quotation
reads [OMITTED]; for [OMITTED] it reads [OMITTED]; for [OMITTED] it reads [OMITTED]; for [OMITTED], it reads [OMITTED]; the [OMITTED] before
the [OMITTED] is omitted; for [OMITTED], it reads [OMITTED]; for [OMITTED] it reads [OMITTED]. The HS quotes, as
usual, the "modern text" of that book (Tuan Yü-ts'ai, Ku-wen Shang-shu Chuan-yi
("Huang-ch'ing Ching-chieh" 590: 1b).

[817]

We have not been able to discover whence this comment was taken.

[819]

Li-chi XII, 1 (Legge, II, 29; Couvreur, I, 725).

[821]

The eastern steps were reserved for the host or the master of the household and
for the Son of Heaven at the altar to Heaven.

[824]

The chapter "Auspicious Grain" is one of the lost chapters of the Book of History.
It seems to have been one of the "lost chapters" made canonical by Wang Mang.

[825]

Book of History, V, xiii, 1 (Legge, p. 434; Couvreur, 269). I have adopted the
K'ung An-kuo interpretation of this sentence, discussed and rejected by Legge, but plainly
employed in this memorial. Fu-p'i has come to mean "restore the monarchy." (Duyvendak.)

[826]

The Official ed. emends [OMITTED] to [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter.

[827]

We would expect the word [OMITTED] after the [OMITTED], reading, "stand between the door and
window," to correspond with 99 A: 26a. Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) 36: 13a has this
word.

[832]

Chieh [OMITTED] is the feminine of ch'en [OMITTED]; cf. 24 A: 20b12; 44: 3a3.

[833]

This word is part of the imperial self-designation [OMITTED].

[834]

Cf. HFHD, I, 192, n. 1.

[841]

He probably followed the ritual in the Li-chi XXI, ii, 21 (Legge, II, 231; Couvreur,
II, 311). Cf. Glossary sub Fivefold Experienced. The last sentence probably means
that his attendance was not perfunctory and that he stayed through the whole ceremony.

[847]

Hu San-hsing states that these four Junior Coadjutors were the Junior Master,
the Junior Tutor, the Junior Support, and the Junior Guardian.

[857]

A phrase from the Book of Odes, I, iii, x, 4 (Legge, p. 57).

[858]

The Official ed. has restored the stroke taken from the word [OMITTED], both here and
on p. 30a, which was omitted because of the taboo on the personal name of the Grand
Founder (T'ai-tsu) of the Sung dynasty, Chao K'uang-yin, who reigned 960-975.

[862]

Ku [OMITTED] was used by reigning nobles to designate themselves when addressing their
subjects. The term means literally, "orphan," and implies therefore, in a patriarchal
society, a rightful ruler, indicating that he is no usurper but regins by right of succession
to his father (Duyvendak). For these enfeoffments from and favors to cadet members
of the imperial house, cf. HS 12: 2b, 3a, 4b, 5a, 8b, 9a; 99 A: 7a, 19b.

[863]

Culture and virtue, wen-tê [OMITTED]" is a phrase from Book of History II, ii, 21
(Legge, p. 66). Stange, op. cit., 89, n. 2 remarks that wen-te originally referred to a
magical dance. That is probably correct, but the gloss on this passage attributed to
K'ung An-kuo (Shih-san-ching Chu-su 4: 8b) shows that in Han times these words denoted,
not magical practises, but civilization and culture.

[867]

A reminiscence of Analects VIII, xv.

[870]

An allusion to Book of History V, xv, 10 (Legge, p. 469).

[871]

An allusion to Book of Changes, Hex. 1, 3 (Legge, p. 57).

[873]

Chen-tzu [OMITTED] is today a compound noun meaning "ministers of state." The
difference between Han and recent usage is illustrated by this phrase, which is found
twice in the Li-chi (Li-chi Chu-su 50: 2a, b = Legge, Li Ki, II, 258, 259), where it plainly
means "courtiers [or subjects] and sons."

[877]

"Hundred years [OMITTED]" is a phrase from Book of Odes, I, xi, 4 (Legge, 187). "Smiling
babes carried in arms" is from Mencius VII, B, xv, 2 (Legge, 456). Both in the
Mencius and here [OMITTED] should be read as [OMITTED], "an infantile smile."

[880]

Wang Hsien-ch'ien notes that the Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed. have
correctly emended [OMITTED] to [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter.

[881]

Li Ch'i (fl. ca. 200) explains, "They dug up his palace to make a pool and used it
for storing water." This practise is mentioned in Mencius III, B, ix, 5 (Legge, 280) and
in Li-chi II, ii, iii, 18 (Legge, I, 195). In the latter it is the punishment for parricide.
The translation "palace-building" for kung-shih [OMITTED] is suggested by Duyvendak. The
Erh-ya equates kung and shih. But after Ch'in times they were distinguished (Erh-ya
Chu-su
5: 1a).

[884]

Wei Chao remarks, "Chan [OMITTED] is ch'ai [OMITTED] [firewood or a wooden fence]." Kung-yang
Commentary
27: 5b, Dk. Ai, IV, vi, says, "The mound to the gods of the soils of a
destroyed state is covered up; it is covered from above and ch'ai below," and Cheng Hsüan,
in a note to Chou-li 26: 3a, sub the Sang-chu, quotes the latter part of that sentence, using
chan instead of ch'ai, so that these two words had the same meaning. Yen Shih-ku
explains, "Chan means to use a mat [OMITTED] to cover it. Below, it is chan, and above, it is,
covered, in order that to block off and prevent the passage of the yin and yang emanations."
Ma Hsü-lun (xx cent.), in his Tu Liang-HS Chi, p. 18a, who quotes the preceding passages,
states that the text means that the mound was covered by a bamboo framework, citing
Shuo-wen 6 A: 6b, which explains chan by p'eng [OMITTED], a scaffold, and adds that it also
denotes a bamboo wattled military chariot. King Wu is said to have levelled the mound
of the Yin dynasty's gods of the soils at Po5 and to have distributed its soil to the nobles
to serve as a warning against rebellion; four walls and a roof, with possibly a window only
on the north, were built around the place to keep out the yang influence (which comes
from Heaven with the sun); then the place was covered with a mat of branches, etc., to
keep out the yin influence.

[886]

Prof. Duyvendak suggests reading [OMITTED] as [OMITTED], interpreting the clause to mean that
the yin (spirits of the earth) and the yang (spirits of heaven) could not intercommunicate.

[887]

Wang Nien-sun states that [OMITTED] should be read as [OMITTED], to chop, to make it parallel
with the other clauses.

[888]

The Sung Ch'i ed. states that for [OMITTED] there was anciently written [OMITTED],
but the Ching-yu ed. reads the former. The Tzu-lin K'ao-yi (by Jen Ta-ch'un, 17381789),
basing itself on the Tzu-lin (by Lü Shen, iv cent.; book lost), declares that the
first word of the latter phrase means "[OMITTED], to cut."

[895]

The official ed. reads yi [OMITTED] for ho [OMITTED], and quotes the Sung Ch'i ed. as saying that
yi should be ho. The Ching-yu ed. however reads ho. Wang Nien-sun adds that anciently
yi was read like [OMITTED], with the upper tone, quoting in proof a line from the Lao-tzu
ch. 58 in which yi is rhymed with [OMITTED], so that its pronunciation must have been quite
similar to that of ho.

[896]

Po5 was the capital of the Yin dynasty; cf. n. 28.7.

[898]

Su Yü states that [OMITTED] should probably be interchanged.

[902]

The text reads shih [OMITTED], but Ch'ien Ta-chao asserts that the word should be shuai1
[OMITTED], which is interchanged with shuai2 [OMITTED]. On 99 B: 14a he is called the Shuai2-li Marquis;
Wang Nien-sun adds that the T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan, ch. 201, quoting this passage,
reads shuai1 (the Sung ed. reprinted in the "Szu-pu Ts'ung-K'an" and my reprint of a
1807 edition, 201: 4b, both read shih).

[905]

We are told chiefly incidentally about such subsequent rebellions. HS 15 B: 50b
mentions Lin Huang5b, Marquis of Wu-p'ing, who rebelled in A.D. 7. In 99 B: 13b, Sun
Chien also mentions Liu K'uai, Liu Ts'engb, and Liu Kueib; cf. Glossary, sub vocibus.

[912]

Cf. Appendix IV. Before this eclipse there appeared the varicolored horse of the
constellation San-t'ai, the second portent urging Wang Mang to take the throne; cf.
99 B: 9b.

[916]

Hu San-hsing explains, "The rooms lu [OMITTED] were his habitations shê [OMITTED] for stopping
and spending the night in the [Palace] Hall [OMITTED]; his yamen fu [OMITTED] was his place for doing
business; his residence ti [OMITTED] was where he lived."

[930]

Cf. HS 24 B: 21a, b (trans. in Appendix I to this chapter) and annotations. From
the nature of this coinage, Wang Mang does not seem to have yet been aiming at the
imperial throne, for he had to abolish the gilded knife-money when he took the throne.
That change may however have been an afterthought. Cf. 24 B: 21b.

[934]

The parallel passage in 84: 11a (cf. Glossary sub Chai Yi) makes it plain that the
tu-shih [OMITTED] (the annual review and inspection) occurred on a special day; in 76: 9a,
when Han Yen-shou was Grand Administrator of the Tung Commandery, it is said that he
"tu-shih and chiang-wu [OMITTED], set up axes and banners and practised archery and driving."
Ju Shun, in a note to the former passage, explains, "The Grand Administrator, Chief
Commandant, Prefects, Chiefs, Assistant [Prefects and Chiefs], and Commandants assembled
to tu-shih, and were examined for their ranking [in efficiency]," but Ch'i Shao-nan
(1703-1768) declares that this explanation is incorrect, for the tu-shih day was the day
for chiang-wu (which latter term is found in Li-chi IV, vi, 20 [Couvreur, I, 396; Legge, I,
300] where it seems to mean, "give instructions on military operations"). He asserts
that according to the Han dynasty's Code, in the autumn a tu-shih was regularly performed.
The phrase tu-shih also occurs in HHS, Mem. 5: 2a3, where Li Hsien explains,
"According to the Han law, on the day of the autumnal equinox, they tu-shih the cavalrymen
and soldiers, which means that they were examined concerning their relative ranking
[in military efficiency]."

[937]

I have adopted Yen Shih-Ku's interpretation, that [OMITTED] should be read as [OMITTED]. The
latter character is found in the Ching-yu ed.'s note.

[939]

Cf. 84: 11a for another phrasing and a parallel account of this rebellion.

[941]

This phrase is the title of ch. vii in Book of History V, (Legge, 362-375), which
was supposed to have been written by the Duke of Chou in the name of King Ch'eng
on the occasion of the revolt by the King's two Uncles of Kuan, of Ts'ai, and others.

[950]

An allusion to the title of Book of History V, ch. iv (Legge, p. 320).

[952]

An allusion to Book of History V, vii, 3 (Legge, p. 365). The "great mandate"
is that of a dynasty (Book of History V, xiv, 5; Legge, 456); Ch'en Ch'ung hints that
Wang Mang ought to be the actual Emperor.

[963]

A reference to Tso-chuan, Dk. Ai, VII; Legge, p. 814.

Duyvendak remarks that the next sentence in the text, which I have placed in parentheses,
is probably an interpolation from some commentary. It is now found in Tu Yü's
(222-284) comment to the Tso-chuan passage. This sentence may however have been
Wang Mang's citation of the classical authority for his establishment of the noble rank
of Vassal at this time, in addition to his other five noble ranks, the classical authority
for which is cited a little further on.

[966]

Li-chi III, i, 10 (Legge, I, 212; Couvreur, I, 269).

[968]

Hsiao-ching ch. viii; 4: 1a (Legge, 474). The Official ed. of the HS lacks the word
[OMITTED], but the Ching-yu ed. reads it. The Sung Ch'i ed. states that the Shao ed. (xi or
xii cent.) has this word.

[973]

Wang Nien-sun asserts that pei [OMITTED] should be read as fu1 [OMITTED] (the usual word in
this phrase) and that the word was probably originally fu2 [OMITTED]; anciently pei, fu1, and fu2
were all read like the second word in the phrase [OMITTED], hence were interchanged. Li
Tz'u-ming suggests that pei should be [OMITTED], which is the same as fu2, quoting the use of
this word in HHS, Mem. 61: 6b.

[974]

The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Yüeh ed. (xi-xii cent.) did not have the word [OMITTED].
The Ching-yu ed. also lacks it, I have omitted it.

[975]

Su Lin explains, "The five grades of noble ranks were dukes, marquises, earls,
viscounts, and barons. The four grades of lands were: the first grade, those of dukes;
the second grade, those of marquises and earls; the third grade, those of viscounts and
barons; the fourth grade, those of sub-vassals.

[976]

Yen Shih-ku glosses, "The first grade were dukes, the second grade were marquises,
and the third grades were earls, viscounts, and barons." Su Yü remarks that the Po-hu-t'ung
(i or iii cent.) 1: 1b quotes the Li-wei Han-wen-chia (end i cent.) as saying that
in Yin times there were three grades of noble ranks and in Chou times there were five
grades; the Kung-yang Commentary 5: 6a states that in the Spring and Autumn period,
earls, viscounts, and barons were classed together as one grade, making, with dukes and
marquises, three grades (the Ho Hsin [129-182] gloss states that the Spring and Autumn
period reverted to the Yin practise); the Ch'un-ch'iu Fan-lu (by Tung Chung-shu, ca.
175-ca. 105 B.C.), 7: 7b, chap. 23, "San-tai Kai-chih," states that there were five grades
of noble ranks in the Chou period and three grades in the Spring and Autumn period.
Su Yü concludes, "Probably the explanations of the `modern text' school were such as
[those referred to in the edict and Wang Mang] says, `There is not this written statement'
[because] these words do not appear in the Classics."

[980]

Analects, III, xiv.

[985]

Kung-yang Commentary, 23: 7b; Dk. Chao, XX.

[994]

For this peculiar philosophical concept, cf. Duyvendak, Book of Lord Shang, p. 11;
Bodde, China's First Unifier, p. 43. Here it means, "the highest ideals."

[999]

A quotation from Hsüntze 4: 1a, Bk. VIII (Dubs, p. 91). (Reference from Lin
Ch'ang.)

[1001]

A quotation from Book of Odes, #305; IV, iii, v, 5 (Legge, p. 646). This adjective
is applied to Wang Mang in HS 99 A: 12a.

[1002]

During the reigns of Kings Ch'eng and K'ang; cf. HFHD, II, 36, n. 5.1.

[1003]

A quotation from Book of Odes, #286; IV, i, [iii], i, (Legge, p. 569).

[1004]

"Ruling" and "governing" allude to his title of Ruling Governor. Yen Shih-Ku
states that the phrase translated "govern justly" means literally, "like the beam of a
balance."

[1005]

I follow Yen Shih-ku in reading [OMITTED] as [OMITTED].

[1008]

Pi-fu [OMITTED] is also used in HS 30: 1b, "[Emperor] Hsiao-wu . . . thereupon had
prepared blank fascicles for library writing tablets and set up an office for copying writings.
He sent to it [for copying] even the accounts and sayings of the various philosophers.
All [those books] were stored in his private courts (pi-fu)," i.e., the imperial private library
(pi-[OMITTED]). But to interpret the text here as declaring that Wang Mang "opened [to the
public] the imperial private library" does not fit the context. We must take pi-fu in its
generic sense, "private courts" or "private yamen."

[1010]

K'ang Yu-wei, in his Hsin-hsüeh Wei-ching K'ao, ch. 6, p. 24, takes this passage
to imply that Liu Hsin fabricated the Chou-li and deceived Wang Mang by means of it.
The Chou-li however contains passages that date as far back as the iv cent. B.C.; cf. Karlgren,
"The Early History of the Chou Li and Tso Chuan Texts," Bull. Mus. Far East.
Antiq.,
no. 3 (1931), pp. 1-59.

[1011]

"Followed" is an allusion to Analects II, xxiii, 2 and "surveyed" is another allusion
to ibid., III, xiv (from Li Ch'i).

[1012]

An allusion to Analects VII, xiii.

[1014]

Allusions to Analects XIX, xxiv; xxv, 3, which praise Confucius.

[1016]

An allusion to the Book of History V, v, 9 (Legge, p. 350) or to Analects IX, xviii.

[1019]

Yi-li 33: 4a, b (Steele, II, 37). The explanation is said to have been made by
Tzu-hsia.

[1021]

The Official ed. emends [OMITTED] to [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. reads the latter.

[1022]

A phrase from Book of History II, iii, 5 (Legge, p. 73; Couvreur, p. 47).

[1025]

Chou-li 21: 7a sub the Szu-fu, (Biot, II, 9 f). The Chou-li makes no distinction
between mourning for those relatives of the same and of different surnames. Cheng
Chung (ca. 5 B.C.-A.D. 83), in a note to that passage, says, "Szu [OMITTED] has its woof of
fifteen times eighty threads of hemp, half of which are dropped. The threads may be
treated [i.e., cleaned]; but the cloth may not be treated." If Liu Hsin fabricated the
Chou-li, it is curious that he should have quoted it so inexactly.

[1029]

The Official ed. and the Southern Academy ed. read [OMITTED] for the [OMITTED]. But the
Ching-yu ed. and Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 36: 18a read the latter, so I make no emendation.

[1034]

In this chapter, after Wang Mang is declared to have plotted to become actual
Emperor (99 A: 32a), Pan Ku avoids stating that Wang Mang issued any "imperial
edicts, chao [OMITTED]", or "imperial decrees, chih [OMITTED]." (These two terms are equated in 99 A:
30b, altho they were not precisely synonymous; cf. Mh II, 126, n. 2.) The full terms
for these imperial orders were "written imperial edict, chao-shu [OMITTED]" and "written imperial
decree, chih-shu" (cf. Yen Shih-ku's statement, quoted in HFHD I, 192, n. 1). Pan Ku
merely states that Wang Mang issued "written messages, shu" or, occasionally, "documents,
ts'e [OMITTED]" (99 B: 23a8). In this usage and in refusing to call Wang Mang by the
title of emperor [OMITTED], Pan Ku indicates his loyalty to the Han dynasty. If he had
written regularly that Wang Mang issued chao or chih, he would have implied that Wang
Mang was a legitimate emperor. (Chao in 99 B: 20b5, 99 C: 4a2, 10b6, 11b7, 21a4, and
chao-shu in 99 B: 25b1 are slips or later emendations, since they are contrary to Pan Ku's
regular practise; chih-chao in 99 B: 25b1, chao-shu in 99 C: 13a11, and chao-ling [OMITTED] in
99 C: 19b2 are probably quoted from Wang Mang's edicts. In other chapters, Pan Ku
is not so careful: Wang Mang is said to issue imperial edicts (chao) in 24 A: 21b4, 22a3;
B: 23a10, b5, and 25b11.)

Pan Ku does not however refrain from quoting statements by others that Wang Mang
issued imperial edicts (chao, 99 B: 23a1; C: 5b6, 16a2) or that he was the Son of Heaven
(99 A: 36a8) and Emperor (99 B: 10b2). He allowed to Wang Mang the terms proclamation
([OMITTED], 99 A: 35a4) and ordinance (ling, 99 A: 35a4; B: 6a6). These terms, while used
by emperors, could also be used by high nobles. He also allows Wang Mang to issue
mandates [OMITTED] (99 B: 1a12), charters (ts'e, 99 B: 1a12, 2b8), royally sealed messages hsi-
[OMITTED] shu (99 C: 16a9; hsi may denote either an imperial or a royal seal), and commands
([OMITTED], 99 B: 2b5, 23b11; this last term was not yet commonly used nor was its use as yet
an imperial prerogative).

The avoidance of chao and chih was a courtesy to the reigning Han dynasty and does
not imply any perversion of the facts. The term shu for an imperial order is moreover
unusual, so that any reader who knew the correct terms for imperial orders would immediately
understand the reference to chao-shu or chih-shu. Thus Pan Ku actually preserved
the original meaning, while extending to the Emperor, his patron, the proper
courtesy. I have accordingly translated shu as "message."

[1036]

An allusion to Book of History, II, i, v, 13 (Legge, p. 40f), where it is said that the
people mourned for Yao to the third year, stopping and hushing the eight kinds of musical
instruments. This written (edict) refers to the third year after the death of Emperor
P'ing, including A.D. 6 as the first year.

[1041]

For these portents, cf. the subsequent memorial.

[1046]

Another quotation of Book of Odes, #286; IV, i, [iii], i (Legge, p. 596). Cf. n. 32.6.

[1047]

Where this phrase occurs in HS 51: 33b, Chang Yen explains, "Three sevens is
210 years. From the beginning of the Han [dynasty] . . . to the death of Emperor P'ing
was to the 210th year." Emperor Kao's first year was 206 B.C.; to the death of Emperor
P'ing in the last month of the year beginning in A.D. 5 was actually 211 years. But
Emperor Kao did not reign in his first year, so that the period was close enough. The
text of that passage says that Lu Wen-shu's (fl. 73 B.C.) great uncle had by astrology
calculated that after three seventies of years the Han dynasty would come into dangers.
He memorialized the matter; in the time of Emperor Ch'eng, Ku Yung also made this
prophecy (85: 15b); when Wang Mang wanted to displace the Han dynasty, he published
these prophesies. Cf. Meng K'ang's note to 85: 15b.

[1056]

Cf. n. 36.1. But the winter solstice occurred on Dec. 22 about 8 p.m.—illustrating
the inaccuracy in ancient Chinese determinations of the solstice by the gnomen.

[1066]

Book of History, V, ix, 2 (Legge, p. 383; Couvreur, p. 233). The Duke of Chou
is using phraseology reserved for the ruler. The foregoing was the interpretation of this
disputed passage in Han times. But cf. Karlgren, BMFEA 20, 278, Gl. 1622.

[1069]

In the Spring and Autumn, the first year of Duke Yin's reign lacks the statement
of his accession which is found for all the other Dukes. Wang Mang accepts the explanation
of the Tso-chuan, "It does not state that he took the throne, because he was a
regent [for the infant Duke Hui]." This sentence is not translated by Legge, cf. p. 4-3
of his Ch'un Ts'ew.

[1070]

Analects XVI, viii, 1.

[1073]

Szu-ma Kuang (1019-1086) in his Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi 2: 2b states that
Hsün Yüeh's (149-209) Han-chi 30: 9a, together with Wei Kuang-mei's (fl. 881-4; book
lost) Chia-hao Lu and Sung Hsiang's (996-1066; book lost) Chi-nien T'ung-p'u, all invert
the name of this year-period to read Shih-ch'u. But the "Szu-pu Ts'ung-k'an" photographic
reprint of a 1548 ed. of the Han-chi, 30: 9b and a 1696 ed. of the same book,
30: 9a, do not invert these words. Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 36: 17a moreover reads Ch'u-shih;
only 36: 19a reads Shih-ch'u.

Ch'u-shih might be translated "The original beginning [of Wang Mang's reign as
Acting Emperor]."

[1074]

Cf. 11: 5b & n. 5.9.

[1077]

An allusion to Analects XIII, ix, 3, 4.

[1078]

A second quotation of Book of History V, xiii, 1 (Legge, p. 434).

[1079]

Wang Hsien-ch'ien notes that in 1 A.D. the title of the Attendants at the Gate
had been changed to the As Rapid as Tigers, and says that this title is a contradiction.
Cf. Glossary sub vocibus.

[1082]

Hu San-hsing explains, "Mao Huang (fl. dur. 1131-1163) says, `A chien [OMITTED] is the
cover of a letter, which has the cavity for the seal, and the inscription." The chien was
the ancient wooden envelop top; cf. HFHD II, 86, n. 25.1.

[1087]

The legends of these seals imitate the legends on the imperial seals. Cf. HFHD, I, 56, n. 3.

The Sung Ch'i ed. reported that the Yüeh ed. (xi-xii cent.) and the Shao ed. (xi or
xii cent.) lacked the second [OMITTED]. The Ching-yu ed. also lacks it.

[1090]

Cf. HS 99 B: 10b.

[1091]

Hu San-hsing glosses, "For the Temple of [Emperor] Kao there was a Prefect
and a Supervisor," but Wang Hsien-ch'ien answers that according to HS 19 A: 7a,
the Master of Ceremonies, the temple had a Prefect, but no Supervisor. According to
that passage, such temples had assistants as well as Prefects or Chiefs; possibly, because
of Emperor Kao's eminence, a Supervisor had been appointed for his temple.

[1094]

According to 99 B: 10b, Wang Mang received the mandate on the previous day,
Jan. 9; but that is possibly a change to suit the theory of the five elements.

[1097]

Wang Mang followed the classical Chou practise, which entitled the monarch,
"the King." He also used the title, "emperor." He used the ordinary first personal pronoun
and not the special imperial personal pronoun established by the First Emperor of
the unclassical Ch'in dynasty.

[1102]

The twelve branches were used to indicate the months, in accordance with the
position taken by the handle of the Dipper at dusk, and the days of the month were given
astrological significence in accordance with the branch for the month. SC 27: 8 (Mh III,
341), in discussing the constellation Po-tou (the Northern Bushel or the Dipper), says,
"[The star] used to determine (chien [OMITTED]) [the month] at dusk is Piao [OMITTED] [η U Ma here;
elsewhere Piao denotes ε, ζ, and η U Ma]." The astronomical designation for the
months, which consists of the word chien with one of the twelve "branches," comes
accordingly from the direction taken by a line drawn through this star and the tail star in
the handle of the Dipper in the various months. At the winter solstice, the handle of the
Dipper points to the northern horizon at dusk; due north is called tzu; hence the month
containing the winter solstice is called the chien-tzu month, i.e., the first astronomical
month. The other "branches" are distributed about the horizon; cf. de Saussure, Les
origines de l'astronomie chinoise,
p. 237," who indicates that in Han times this method of
determining the months was more theoretical than practical. The eleventh month of
this year was accordingly the month chien-tzu, i.e., "the [month when] the determining
stars point north."

The particular branch used to denote a day in naming the day by the sixty cyclical
characters (each of which names contains one "branch" and one "stem") is given an
astrological significance which depends upon which branch denotes the month. Huai-nan-tzu,
3: 12a, "T'ien-wen Hsün," says, "If yin is chien [which clause means both of
two things in accordance with two meanings of the word chien: "If the day having the
branch yin occurs in the month having the branch yin," and "The day yin is (in that
case) the day for establishing"], [the branch] mao is to remove; ch'en is to fill full; is
to be tranquil, it is in charge of life; wu is to determine; wei is to grasp, it is in charge of
danger; shen is to break, it is in charge of yokes; yu is to be solicitous, it is in charge of
attracting to oneself; hsü is to be completed, it is in charge of small virtues; hai is to
receive, it is in charge of great virtue; tzu is to open, it is in charge of the planet Jupiter;
ch'ou is to close, it is in charge of the retrograde correlate of the planet Jupiter." [OMITTED],
[OMITTED],
[OMITTED]
[OMITTED] (The terms used to give the meanings of the various days all have
many meanings, so that the above translation is only approximate; diviners doubtless
rung the changes on those words.) The Huai-nan-tzu is interpreting the meanings of
those days for a chien-yin month only; in a chien-mao month, the meanings would be shifted
along; the day mao would be the day for establishing, ch'en the day for removing, etc.
Chou Shou-ch'ang states that today in general, "removing, being solicitous, determining,
and grasping are lucky; establishing, filling full, being tranquil, and receiving are
the next [lucky days]; to be completed and to open are also lucky; to be closed and to
be broken are therefore unlucky. [This is sufficient] to show that this method was already
[used] in Han [times]."

Since in this case the eleventh month was the month chien-tzu, the interpretations of
the branches would accordingly be shifted to mean, tzu is to be established, ch'ou is to
remove, . . . ch'en is to determine; etc., and thus the interpretation in this passage and
on p. 34b above was generated. Wang Mang seems to have made much of this astrological
interpretation for the cyclical days.

A calendar for 63 B.C., found by Stein in the limes at Tun-huang (Chavannes, Docu
ments chinois,
p. 10-14) marks these "determining" days by the word [OMITTED] after the day
containing the "day for establishing" in each month. Chavannes notes that within a
month these "days for establishing" (he misunderstands and translates, "points fixes")
are twelve days apart, but in two successive months the "days for establishing" are
separated by thirteen days. (Since in successive months the sun advances to the next
one of the twelve cardinal points, indicated by the twelve branches, the days containing
the next branch will be "days for establishing," so that thirteen, not twelve days separate
"days for establishing" in successive months.) It is interesting to find this astrological
device so popular that it was put into the calendar half a century before the time of
Wang Mang.

This precise method of determining lucky and unlucky days seems to have been lost.
but the terms, "establishing," "fill full," "be tranquil," etc. are still used; cf. Duyvendak
in T'oung Pao, v. 32 (1936), p. 297 & n. 3; H. Doré, Recherches sur les Superstitions en
Chine,
Ière partie, tome II ("Var. Sin." no. 34), p. 269; PP. Havret & Chambeau, "Notes
Concernant la chronologie chinoise," pp. 29, 30, in Mélanges sur la chronologie chinoise,
("Var. Sin.," no. 52).

[1107]

This dynastic title was taken from Wang Mang's previous marquisate of Hsin-tu,
just as Emperor Kao's dynastic title came from his previous kingdom of Han.

Sui-shu 16: 27a, "The Treatise on the Musical Tubes and the Calendar, Part A," at
the end quotes an inscription of the same date as this edict, "In the Later Wei [dynasty],
during [the period] Ching-ming [500-503], a man of Ping Province, Wang Hsien-ta, presented
one ancient bronze balance, on the top of which there were engraved 81 words.
The engraving reads, `A legal balance in which the picul has the weight of four chün.'
It said also [the remainder of this inscription is also to be found on Wang Mang's Standard
Measure, cf. Chin-shih-so, chin, 2: 51b, 52a. It is explained in Ma Heng, The Fifteen
Different Classes of Measures as given in the Lü Li Chih of the Sui Dynasty History,
trans.
by John C. Ferguson, p. 5, 6],

" `The Yellow Lord was my original ancestor. In a cycle, his virtue came to Yü [Shun].
Lord Yü [Shun] was my first ancestor. In a cycle, his virtue came to the Hsin [dynasty].
When the planet Jupiter was in Ta-liang [Taurus] and the [Azure] Dragon [the hypothetical
symmetrically placed and retrograding correlate of Jupiter] [was in mou-ch'en (these
words are omitted in the Sui History by a dittographic lapse, but are found in the Chin-shih-so
and are needed for the rhythm)], on [the day] mou-ch'en, which was a day for
founding, [Jan. 10, A.D. 9], by the mandate of Heaven, a [certain] commoner [the Sui
History
reads "man" because of the taboo in T'ang times on the word ming, "commoner"],
who depended upon the virtue of [the element] earth, received his dynastic title, ascended
[the throne as] the actual [Emperor], and changed the first [month of the year to be the
astronomical] second month. May he have long life, be eminent, and prosperous! "He
made uniform the musical tubes, the measures of length, the measures of capacity, and
the weights" [a quotation from the Book of History II, I, iii, 8 (Legge, p. 35)], investigating
so that they are in accordance with [those of] the ancients. When the [Azure]
Dragon was in Chi-szu and the planet Jupiter was in Shih-shen [the constellation Pi, i.e.,
in the next Chinese year, A.D. 9], [this regulation] was first proclaimed to the empire,
so that all countries should forever obey it from generation to generation and it should
be enjoyed and transmitted for a hundred thousand years.'

"This [balance] was also made under Wang Mang. At that time the Chief of the
Great Music, Kung-sun Ch'ung [OMITTED] [not mentioned in the HS or HHS], first prepared
and evaluated the foot [measure] according to the Han institutions. Moreover we
see that this weight is an evaluation of the Hsin [dynasty], which evaluated it, [so that
one picul] should weigh 120 catties. The evaluation and the weights of the Hsin [dynasty]
were according to [Wang Mang's] portents and documents, so that they were entrusted
to [Kung-sun] Ch'ung."

[1111]

Liu Pin notes that Wang Mang named this new period Shih-chien-kuo and suggests
that the word shih [OMITTED] has dropped out of the text.

The year was now to begin with the second (chien-ch'ou) astronomical month, not, as
previously, with the third (chien-yin) astronomical month. This change was made in
order to follow Tung Chung-shu's doctrine of triple dynastic beginnings, in accordance
with which the Han dynasty ruled by virtue of the black dynastic beginning, so that the
next dynasty would rule by virtue of the white dynastic beginning [OMITTED]. Cf. Ku Chieh-kang,
Ku-shih-pien V, 443, 599. In A.D. 23, the rebels against Wang Mang changed
back to the Han practise of beginning the year with the third astronomical month. Ho
Ch'uo remarks that in A.D. 237, Emperor Ming of the Wei dynasty, Ts'ao Jui, again
changed and used the second astronomical month as the first month of the year, but his
son Fang changed the first month back to the third astronomical month when he ascended
the throne in 240.

[1113]

Hu San-hsing remarks that the second double-hour, ch'ou (1-3 a.m.), was now taken
as the beginning of the day, just as the chien-ch'ou month was taken as the first month.
The justification of this change was the same as that for the change in the first month of
the year; cf. n. 36.3.

[1115]

Hu San-hsing explains, "[Wang Mang] considered that [the element] earth succeeded
to that of fire, [which latter was the element taken by the Han dynasty], hence he took,
[as the imperial color], the [color] yellow. All things knot (niu [OMITTED]) their sprouts in the
ch'ou [OMITTED] ([astronomical] second month, [which was the former calendrical twelfth month]).
Its color is white. [Wang Mang] hence responded to the first [month of his calendar year]
by employing white." Shuo-wen 14 B: 7a, sub ch'ou (which is the word used to denote the
second astronomical month) says, "To knot (niu [a play on words, found in Huai-nan-tzu
ch. 3; Mh III, 306; etc.]). In the twelfth [calendrical] month, all things move and [begin
to] act. It symbolizes the shape of a fist." The color yellow is that of the element earth,
which, according to the Liu Hsiang's theory of the succession of the elements, followed
the element fire, the element by virtue of which the Han dynasty ruled; cf. 99 C: n. 24.1;
Ku Chieh-Kang, Ku-shih-pien, V, 599. The color of the sacrificial victims, white, was
taken from Tung Chung-shu's triple theory; cf. n. 36.3. Wang Mang was using eclectically
the theories of both these great Han teachers.