[[16]]
Moritz Rittinghausen, Ueber die Organisation der direkten Gesetzgebung durch das
Volk, Social. Demokrat. Schriften, No. 4, Coin, 1870, p. 10. The merit of having for the first
time ventured to put forward practical proposals of this nature for the solution of the social
problem unquestionably belongs to Rittinghausen. Victor Considérant, who subsequently
resumed the attempt to establish direct popular government upon a wider basis and with a
more far-reaching propagandist effect, expressly recognized Rittinghausen as his Precursor
(Victor Considérant, La Solution ou Le Gouvernement Direct du Peuple. Librairie
Phalanstérienne, Paris, 1850, p. 61).
[[17]]
In the American constitution those states only are termed federalist (the name being here
used to imply a democratic character) in which the people assemble for such a legislative
purpose, whilst the states with representative popular government are called republics.
[[18]]
Roscher, op. cit., p. 35 f.
[[19]]
Louis Blanc, “L'état dans une démocratie,” Questions d'aujourd'hui et de demain, Dentu,
Paris, 1880, vol. iii, p. 150.
[[20]]
Roscher, op. cit., p. 351.
[[21]]
Louis Blanc, op. cit., p. 144.
[[22]]
Cf. the letter of Antonio Quiroga to King Ferdinand VII, dated January 7, 1820 (Don
Juan van Halen, Mémoires, Renouard, Paris, 1827, Part 11, p. 382).
[[23]]
Egidio Bernaroli, Manuale per la constituzione e il funzionamento delle leghe del
contadini, Libreria Soc. Ital., Rome, 1902, pp. 20, 26, 27, 52.
[[24]]
Sidney and Beatrice Webb, Industrial Democracy (German edition), Stuttgart, 1898, vol. i, p. 6.
[[25]]
Ferdinant Tönnies, Politik und Moral, Neuer Frankf. Verl., Frankfort, 1901, p. 46.
[[26]]
Heinrich Herkner, Die Arbeiterfrage, Guttentag. Berlin, 1908, 5th ed., pp. 116, 117.
[[27]]
Protokoll des Parteitags zu Leipzig, 1909, “Vorwarts,” Berlin, 1909, p. 48.
[[28]]
Heinrich Schulz, Fünf Jahre Parteischule, “Neue Zeit,” anno xxix, vol. ii, fasc. 49, p. 807.
[[29]]
Scuola Prat, di Legislaz. Sociale (Programma e Norme), anno iii, Soc. Umanitaria,
Milan, 1908.
[[30]]
Ibid., anno iv, Milan, 1909, p. 5.
[[31]]
Rinaldo Rigola, I funztonari delle organizzazioni, “Avanti,” anno xiv, No. 341.
[[32]]
Jean Jacques Rousseau, Le Contrat social (lib. cit., pp. 40 et seq.)
[[33]]
Carlo Pisacane, Saggio sulla Rivoluzione, with a preface by Napoleone Colajanni, Lib. Treves di Pietro Virano, Bologna, 1894, pp. 121-5.
[[34]]
Trans. from Victor Considérant, op. cit., pp. 13-15.
[[35]]
A. A. Ledru-Rollin, Plus de Président, plus de Représentants, ed. de “La Voix du
Proscrit,” Paris, 1851, 2nd ed., p. 7.
[[36]]
Victor Considérant, op. cit., pp. 11-12.
[[37]]
Cf. P. J. Proudhon, Les Confessions d'un Révolutionnaire. Pour servir à la Révolution
de Février, Verboeckhoven, Paris, 1868, new ed., p. 286.
[[38]]
Trans. from Louis Veuillot, Ça et là, Caume Frères et Duprey, Paris, 1860, 2nd ed., vol. i, p. 368.
[[39]]
Cf., for example, Enrico Malatesta in two pamphlets: L'anarchia (Casa ed. Pensiero,
Rome, 6th ed., 1907), and La Politico parlamentare del Partita socialista (ediz. dell'
“Allarme,” Turin, 1903). Cf. also Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis, Het Parlamentarisme in
zijn Wezen en Toepassing, W. Sligting, Amsterdam, 1906, pp. 149 et seq.
[[40]]
Cf. Karl Kautsky, Rosa Luxemburg, and others. In the works of Karl Marx we find traces
here and there of a theoretical mistrust of the representative system; see especially this
writer's Revolution u. Kontre-Revolution in Deutschland, Dietz, Stuttgart, 1896, p. 107.
[[41]]
Cf. Gaetano Mosca, Questioni pratiche di Diritto constituzional, Fratelli Bocca, Turin,
1898, pp. 81 et seq. Also Sulla Teorlca del Governi e sul Governo parlamentare, Loescher,
Rome, 1884, pp. 120 et seq.
[[42]]
“An electional system simply places power in the hands of the most skillful electioneers”
(H. G. Wells, Anticipations of the Reaction of Mechanical and Scientific Progress upon
Human Life and Thought, Chapman and Hall, London, 1904, p. 58). Of course, this applies
only to countries with a republican-democratic constitution.
[[43]]
Fouillée writes aptly in this connection: “If I make personal use of my right to go and
come from Paris to Marseille, I do not prevent you from going from Paris to Marseille; the
exercise of my civil right does not remove yours. But when I send a deputy to the Chamber
who will work at your expense for measures you have always protested, this manner of
governing myself implies a manner of governing you which distresses you and which could
be unjust. Civil right is personal freedom; political right is a right over others as well as
oneself.” (Trans. from Alfred Fouillée, Erreurs sociologiques et morales de la Sociologie,
“Revue des deux Mondes,” liv. p. 330).
