University of Virginia Library

CHAPTER VI

Thomas Jefferson—Champion of Free-Religion and
Government

Mr. Jefferson wrote Dr. Cooper, November 2, 1822:
"While in Boston Unitarianism has advanced to great
strength, with interchange of sectarian pulpits, in Rhode Island
no sectarian preacher will permit an Unitarian to pollute
his desk. In Richmond there is much fanaticism; in Charlottesville
there is a good degree of religion, with a small
spice of fanaticism. We have four sects, but no church or
meeting house, except the court house, which is the common
temple—one Sunday in the month to each, Episcopalian,
Presbyterian, Methodist and Baptist, where all meet together,
join in hymning their Maker, listen with attention and devotion
to each other's preachers, and all mix in society with perfect
harmony. The ambition and tyranny of the Presbyterians
would tolerate no rival if they had power. Systematical in
grasping at the ascendency over all other sects, they aim, like
the Jesuits, at engrossing the education of the country, are
hostile and jealous of different institutions unless under
their control. The diffusion of instruction and progress of
Unitarianism are the remedies to this fever of fanaticism.
In our University you know there is no professorship of Divinity.
A handle has been made of this, to disseminate an
idea that this is an institution, not merely of no religion, but

against all religion. To offset this our Visitors suggest that
each sect establish its own independent professorship (seminary),
on the confines of the University deriving therefrom
all possible advantages of the higher sciences, etc. I think the
invitation will be accepted by some sects from candid intentions,
and by others from jealousy and rivalship. And by
bringing the sects together, and mixing them with the mass of
other students, we shall soften their asperities, liberalize and
neutralize their prejudices, and make the general religion, a
religion of peace, reason and morality. The opening of our
University is uncertain. All the pavilions, boarding houses
and dormitories are finished, nothing wanting except the Rotunda,
for whose construction we have no funds. I have
heard with regret of disturbances among your students. The
article of discipline is the most difficult in American education.
Premature ideas of independence, too little repressed by
parents, beget a spirit of insubordination, which is the great
obstacle to science with us, and a principal cause of its delay
since the Revolution. I look to it with dismay in our institution,
as a breaker ahead, which I am far from being confident
we shall be able to weather. The advance of age, and tardy
pace of the public patronage, may probably spare me the pain
of witnessing consequences."

In a letter a few weeks later, December 8th, to James Smith,
upon religious belief, he wrote: "The Athanasian paradox
that one is three, and three but one, is so incomprehensible
to the human mind, that no candid man can say he has any
idea of it, and how can he believe what presents no idea? He
who thinks he does, only deceives himself. He proves, also,
that man, once surrendering his reason, has no remaining
guard against absurdities the most monstrous, and like a ship
without a rudder, is the sport of the wind. With such persons,
gullibility, which they call faith, takes the helm from
the hand of reason, and the mind becomes a wreck. While
I claim a right to believe in one God, if so my reason tells me,
I yield as freely to others that of believing in three. Both
religions, I find, make honest men, and that is the only point
society has any right to look to. I take no part in controversies,
religious or political."

The report of the Visitors to the President and Directors

of the Literary Fund (November 1822) stated that all the
buildings had been completed, except the library—to cost
forty-seven thousand dollars; that it had been decided as best
to postpone the opening until all building was finished, for
then the whole income will be absorbed in salaries and current
expenses. Mr. Jefferson discussed the financial difficulties and
the religious attitude of the University, suggesting as a remedy
for the lack of specific religious instruction, that the denominations
"establish their religious schools on the confines
of the University, thus giving to their students ready and convenient
access and attendance on the scientific lectures of the
University; and to maintain, by that means, those destined
for the religious profession on as high a standing of science,
and of personal weight and respectability, as may be obtained
by others from the benefits of the University. To such propositions
the Visitors are prepared to lend a willing ear and to
give every encouragement to these schools, and every facility
of access and attendance to their students, the schools being
independent of the University and of each other." This very
wise suggestion was never taken seriously, as the denominational
institutions have all remained where originally established,
or been located elsewhere. The report further showed
that two hundred thousand dollars had been expended so far,
with a deficit of twenty-seven thousand dollars.

Mr. Jefferson wrote Gallatin, October 29 (1822): "Our
University of Virginia, my present hobby, has been at a stand
for twelve-month past for want of funds. Our last Legislature
refused anything. The last elections give better hopes
of the next. The institution is so far advanced that it will
force itself through. So little is now wanting that the first
liberal Legislature will give it its last life."

Cabell suggested, December 23rd: "That he be authorized
to ask the Legislature for fifty thousand dollars to build the
library, as a loan out of the surplus capital on hand, and to
put the whole University debt—one hundred and seventy
thousand dollars—under the operation of the sinking fund.
This is manly and dignified legislation, and if we fail, the
blame will not be ours. The public mind seems impatient for
a commencement of the operations of the institution."

Mr. Jefferson replied, December 28th: "Of all things the

most important is the completion of the buildings. The remission
of the debt will come of itself. It is already remitted
in the minds of every man, even of the enemies of the institution.
The great object of our aim from the beginning has
been to make the establishment the most eminent in the United
States, to draw the youth of every State, especially those of
the South and West. We have proposed, therefore, to call
to it characters of the first order of science from Europe, as
well as our own country. Had we built a barn for a college,
and log huts for accommodations, should we ever have had the
assurance to propose to an European professor of that character
to come to it? Why give up this important idea, when
so near its accomplishment that a single lift more effects it?
The opening of the institution in a half-state of readiness,
would be the most fatal step which could be adopted. A single
sum of sixty thousand dollars is wanting. If we cannot get
it now, we will another or another trial. Courage and patience
is the watchword. Delay is an evil which will pass;
despair loses all. Let us never give back. The thing will
carry itself, and with firmness and perseverance we shall
place our country (State) on its high station, and we shall
receive for it the blessings of posterity. I think your idea of
a loan, and placing it on the sinking fund, an excellent one.
We are safe in saying that another loan of sixty thousand
dollars will place us beyond the risk of our needing to ask
another dollar on that account."

Cabell wrote two days later, December 30th: "It gives me
heartfelt pleasure to inform you that the intelligent members
generally express the opinion that the institution should be
finished. This confirms the propriety of the course we have
taken." And again, January 9 (1823): "I am happy to inform
you that our prospects are now very favorable. Everything
is understood; everything is arranged. The report I
am told, will have a very happy effect. The institution is
gaining greatly in the South and to the East, and indeed
everywhere. The prints of the University will be brought up
rapidly." Mr. Jefferson wrote, January 13, 1823: "The local
academies should be left to private enterprise, but primary
schools might be looked after. Were it necessary to give up
either the Primaries or the University, I would rather abandon

the last, because it is safer to have a whole people respectably
enlightened, than a few in a high state of science, and the
many in ignorance. This last is the most dangerous state in
which a nation can be. The nations and governments of
Europe are so many proofs of it."

Cabell replied, January 23rd: "Our most prudent course, at
this time, is to neither enter into alliance or make war upon
the academies and primary schools. Politeness to all, interference
with none, and devotion to our object, constitute the
policy that ought, in my opinion, to govern the course of the
friends of the University."

Mr. Jefferson replied, January 28th: "Your letter has converted
me entirely—we need take no part for or against either
the academies or schools."

Cabell wrote, February 3rd: "There is now no doubt of the
success of our Loan Bill. I earnestly hope that this loan will
finish the buildings. We must never come here again for
money to erect buildings. The Proctor's account has produced
capital effect, as the Legislature was much pleased to
see the public money so accurately accounted for, and so faithfully
applied. I think also that your suggestion respecting the
religious sects has had great influence. It is the Franklin
that has drawn the lightning from the cloud of opposition."
And again, February 5th: "I have now the satisfaction to
enclose you a copy of the act concerning the University, which
has this moment passed the Senate, and is now the law of the
land. I am now casting about to see if we can cancel the
bonds. The best interests of the institution require that we
should come here no more for money for buildings; some say
their patience is threadbare on the subject. The Hampden-Sidney
interest was opposed to us, as was that of William and
Mary, but the latter has sensibly diminished. We hear nothing
of the Washington College interest." And again, February
26th: "A strong and general wish prevails that we should
finish the buildings with the third loan. If we do this, I think
all will ultimately succeed. I think the enemy is ready to
strike his colors."

Mr. Jefferson wrote, March 12th: "The Proctor has been
authorized to engage the work of the Rotunda, and have it
commenced immediately. It will be completed as far as the

funds may go, and not delay the opening of the institution.
The work will occupy three years." Cabell replied, March
24th: "I approve the engaging for the hull of the library.
There is a powerful party in this State, with whom it is almost
a passport to reputation to condemn the plan and management
of the University. Perhaps this may be the natural result
of old political conflicts (Federalists). When asked
concerning books and apparatus, he had replied: that it would
certainly be good policy in the Legislature to grant occasional
aids toward those objects; but that the institution could
go into operation and flourish without them. I think it would
be both politic and proper to ask the Legislature to anticipate
on a loan that portion of the tuition fees which was to be set
aside for those objects."

Mr. Jefferson wrote Judge Johnson, June 12 (1823): "The
original objects of the Federalists were: 1. To warp our government
more to the form and principles of monarchy; 2. To
weaken the barriers of the State Governments as co-ordinate
powers. I have been blamed for saying that a prevalence of
the doctrines of consolidation would one day call for reformation
or revolution. I answer by asking, if a single State
would have agreed to the constitution, had it given all powers
to the General Government? If the whole opposition to it
did not proceed from the jealousy and fear of every State,
of being subjected to the other States in matters nearly its
own? And if there is any reason to believe the States more
disposed now than then, to acquiesce in this general surrender
of all their rights and powers to consolidated government, one
and undivided? The capital and leading object of the constitution
was, to leave with the States all authorities which
respected their own citizens only, and to transfer to the United
States those which respected citizens of foreign or other
States; to make us several as to ourselves, but one as to all
others."

Upon the same subject he wrote Cartwright: "The one is
the domestic, the other the foreign branch of the same government;
neither having control over the other, but within
its own department. If the two departments should claim
each the same subjects of power, in cases of little importance
or urgency the prudence of both parties will keep them aloof

from the questionable ground, but if it can neither be avoided
or compromised, a convention of the States must be called, to
ascribe the doubtful power to that department which they
may think best. Our constitution is yet imperfect. I do not
think one generation can bind another, and all others, in succession
forever. The Creator has made the earth for the living,
not the dead. Rights and powers can only belong to
persons, not to things, not to mere matter, unendowed with
will. The dead are not even things. The particles of matter
which compose their bodies, make part now of the bodies of
other animals, vegetables, or minerals, of a thousand forms.
To what then are attached the rights and powers they held
while in the form of man? A generation may bind itself as
long as its majority continues in life; when that has disappeared,
another majority is in place, holds all the rights and
powers their predecessors once held, and may change their
laws and institutions to suit themselves. Nothing then is unchangeable
but inherent and unalienable rights of man."

The report of the Visitors, October 6, 1823, stated: That
the library building was then ready for the roof, but it will
be allowed to settle and dry until the ensuing season. All the
other buildings are now in perfect readiness for putting the
institution into operation, and this might be done at the close
of the ensuing year, 1824, were its funds liberated from their
present incumbrances, but these remove the epoch to a very
distant time—as the loan could not be extinguished for twenty-five
years.

Mr. Jefferson wrote Adams, October 12th: "Crippled wrists
and fingers make writing slow and laborious. But while writing
to you, I lose the sense of these things in the recollection
of antient times, when youth and health made happiness out
of everything. I forget for a while the hoary winter of age,
when we can think of nothing but how to keep ourselves
warm, and how to get rid of our heavy hours until the friendly
hand of death shall rid us of all at once. Against this tedium
vitas, however, I am fortunately mounted on a hobby, which,
indeed, I should have better managed some thirty or forty
years ago; but whose easy amble is still sufficient to give exercise
and amusement to an octogenary rider. This is the establishment
of a University, on a scale more comprehensive,

and in a country more healthy and central than our William
and Mary, which these obstacles have long kept in a state of
langor and inefficiency. But the tardiness with which such
works proceed, may render it doubtful whether I shall live to
see it go into action. It would be strange indeed, if, at our
years, we were to go an age back to hunt up imaginary or
forgotten facts, to disturb the repose of affections so sweetening
to the evening of our lives. Be assured, my dear Sir,
that I am incapable of receiving the slightest impression from
the effort now made to plant thorns on the pillow of age,
worth and wisdom, and to sow tares between friends who have
been such for near half a century."

Mr. Jefferson a week later, October 24th, wrote President
Monroe: "The question presented by the letters you have
sent me, is the most momentous which has ever been offered
to my contemplation since that of Independence. That made
us a nation, this sets our compass and points our course. Our
first and fundamental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves
with the broils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer
Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America,
North and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of
Europe, and peculiarly her own"—Monroe Doctrine, but better,
Jefferson-Monroe Doctrine. "Great Britain can do us the
most harm of any one, or all on earth, and with her on our
side we need not fear the whole world. With her we must
cherish a cordial friendship. I candidly confess, that I have
ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting addition which
could ever be made to our system of States. I have been so
long weaned from political subjects, and have so long ceased
to take any interest in them, that I am sensible I am not qualified
to offer opinions on them worthy of any attention. But
this question involves consequences so lasting, and effects so
decisive of our future destinies, as to re-kindle all the interest
I have heretofore felt on such occasions, and to induce me to
the hazard of opinions, which will prove only my wish to
contribute still my mite towards anything which may be useful
to our country."

Mr. Jefferson wrote Lafayette, November 4th: "Whether
the state of society in Europe can bear a republican government,
I doubted, you know, when with you, and I do now. A

limited hereditary chief, the right of war vested in the legislative
body, a rigid economy of the public contributions, and
absolute interdiction of all useless expenses, will go far towards
keeping the government honest and unoppressive. But
the only security of all, is in a free press. On the eclipse of
Federalism with us, although not its extinction, its leaders got
up the Missouri question (Compromise), under the false front
of lessening slavery, but with the real view of producing a
geographical division of parties, which might insure them the
next President. However, the line of division now, is the
preservation of State rights as reserved in the Constitution,
or by strained constructions of that instrument, to merge all
into a consolidated government. After much sickness, and
the accident of a broken and disabled arm, I am again in
tolerable health, but extremely debilitated, so as to be scarcely
able to walk into my garden. The habitude of age, too, and
extinguishment of interest in the things around me, are weaning
me from them, and dispose me with cheerfulness to resign
them to the existing generation, satisfied that the daily advance
of science will enable them to administer the commonwealth
with increased wisdom."

Cabell wrote, November 22 (1823), regretting his inability
to go to Europe for Professors, as Mr. Jefferson wished—a
mission afterwards filled by Francis W. Gilmer—but added,
"I will continue my best endeavors to co-operate with you in
the State, and for that purpose I hope I shall be able to remain
in the Legislature." And again, December 3rd: "I am here
(Richmond) to join the band of steadfast patriots engaged in
the holy cause of the University. As far as I can learn, the
public sentiment is decidedly in favor of removing the debt."
And again, January 26, 1824: "The University Bill, liberating
her funds from the charged incumbrances, is now before
the Senate and will be acted on in a day or two. We gained a
great victory. The bill is worth ten thousand and eight hundred
dollars per annum to the University. We can get no
more money for building this year."

Mr. Jefferson wrote Jared Sparks, February 4 (1824):
"The article on the African colonization of the people of
color, to whom you invite my attention, I have read with great
consideration. To fulfil this object, the colony of Sierra Leone

University—West Lawn Arcade

(Looking northward)

FACING 124

promises well, and that of Mesurado adds to our prospect
of success. They now number one million and a half, and their
estimated value as property (for actual property has been lawfully
invested in that form, and who can lawfully take it from
the possessors?), at two hundred dollars each, would be six
hundred millions of dollars, and to this transportation, maintenance,
industrial implements, etc., would amount to three
hundred millions more, making thirty-six millions of dollars
a year for twenty-five years. This with insurance of peace
all that time, renders the question impractical. There is, I
think, a way in which it can be done; that is, by emancipating
the after born, leaving them, on due compensation, with their
mothers, until their services are worth their maintenance, and
then putting them to industrious occupations, until a proper
age for deportation. This was the result of my reflections on
the subject five and forty years ago, and I have never yet been
able to conceive any other practical plan. The estimated value
of the new-born infant is so low (twelve dollars and fifty
cents), that it would probably be yielded by the owner gratis,
thus reducing the initial cost to thirty-seven millions and a
half, leaving only the expenses of nourishment while with
the mother, and of transportation. In this way no violation
of private rights is proposed. I do not go into all the details
of the burthens and benefits of this operation. And who could
estimate its blessed effects? I leave this to those who will live
to see their accomplishment, and to enjoy a beatitude forbidden
to my age. But I leave it with this admonition, to rise and
be doing. A million and a half were within their control; but
six millions (which a majority of those now living will see
them attain), and one million of these fighting men, will say—
we will not go.

Cabell wrote Mr. Jefferson, February 19th: "That the
House of Delegates had rechartered the Farmers' Bank
without demanding a bonus, which I propose from the Senate
shall be fifty thousand dollars—the amount we need for our
library (books) and apparatus. As a fact we have been compelled
to accept an equivalent out of the balance of the debt
due from the Government. Never have I known so obstinate
a struggle between the two Houses of Assembly. It is very
important that we should succeed at Washington. We have

exhausted the favor of the Assembly, and we must not ask for
a cent at the next session; if we do, we shall be turned off
by a large majority. One line from yourself and Mr. Madison
will do more than all the members of the Assembly could say
on this subject." Cabell went to Washington and placed
the cause, in a lucid letter, before the President, and while
barren of immediate results it no doubt influenced the future
action. Mr. Jefferson wrote Martin Van Buren, June
29 (1824): "I have to thank you for Mr. Pickering's elaborate
philippic against Mr. Adams, Gerry, Smith and myself.
I could not have believed that for so many years, and to
such a period of advanced age, he could have nourished passions
so vehement and viperous. As to myself, there never
had been anything personal between us, nothing but the general
opposition of party sentiment; and our personal intercourse
had been that of urbanity, as himself says. He arraigns my actions,
motives, such as the great majority of my fellow citizens
have approved. The approbation of Mr. Pickering, and those
who thought with him, I had no right to expect. My motives
he ascribes to hypocrisy, to ambition, and a passion for popularity.
Of these the world must judge between us. It
is no office of his or mine. To that tribunal I have ever submitted
my actions and motives, without ransacking the Union
for certificates, letters, journals and gossiping tales, to justify
myself and weary them. Nor shall I do this on the present
occasion, but leave still to them these antionated party diatribes,
now newly revamped and paraded, as if they had not been
already a thousand times repeated, refuted, and adjudged
against him, by the nation itself. If no action is to be deemed
virtuous for which malice can imagine a sinister motive, then
there never was a virtuous action, not even in the life of our
Savior himself. But he has taught us to judge the tree by
its fruit, and to leave motives to him who can alone see into
them. Washington lived too short a time after, and too much
withdrawn from information, to correct the views into which
he had been deluded; and the continued assiduities of the party
drew him into the vortex of their intemperate career; separated
him still farther from his real friends, and excited him to
actions and expressions of dissatisfaction, which grieves them,
but could not loosen their affections for him. They would not
suffer the temporary aberration to weigh against the immeasurable
merits of his life; and although they tumbled his
seducers from their places, they preserved his memory embalmed,
in entire oblivion of every temporary thing which
might cloud the glories of his splendid life. It is vain then,
for Mr. Pickering and his friends to endeavor to falsify his
character, by representing him an enemy to republicans and republican
principles, and exclusively the friend of those who
were so; and had he lived longer, he would have returned to
his antient and unbiassed opinions, would have replaced his
confidence in those whom the people approved and supported,
and would have seen that they were only restoring and acting
on the principles of his own first administration."

At the next meeting of the Visitors, October 5 (1824), owing
to insufficient funds it was determined to institute eight
rather than ten professorships—ancient languages, modern
languages, mathematics, natural philosophy, natural history,
anatomy and medicine, moral philosophy, law—and the report
mentioned the reason for seeking some of the professors
from Europe, and that Francis W. Gilmer was already on
his way across for that purpose, whose mission, if successful,
would admit of the University opening February 1, 1825.
Practically the buildings now were finished, and in readiness
for the teaching equipment, professors and students, and presented,
as an entirety, a most magnificent group—in our
country the first evidence in college or university construction
in keeping with harmonious architectural designs. These
in the writer's day, so far as the central academic village was
concerned, existed as though just from Mr. Jefferson's hands,
for they had neither received nor taken to themselves anything
except the necessary minor repairs incident to age and
usage. It is true additions had been made to the University
accommodations, but upon out-lying hills and points that in
no way interfered with the sacredness of the originally constructed
group. Professor Herbert B. Adams beautifully recounts
his own sense of surprise and admiration of them in the
following words: "A visitor, pacing slowly through those
monastic colonnades extending along two sides of the great
quadrangle campus of the University of Virginia will receive a
strange variety of impressions from the extraordinary architectural

combinations which greet his wandering eyes. The
arcades themselves, from which open directly the single chambered
rooms of the students, remind one of cloistered walks
in some ancient monastery. These student-rooms are like
monkish cells. But what wonderful façades are those which
front the professors' houses or pavilions! They reproduce
classic styles of architecture. The shadows of remote antiquity
are cast upon those beautiful grassy lawns which form the
campus, or, shall we say the campo santo, of the University
of Virginia. From Mr. Jefferson's drawings we learn, what
is now well-nigh forgotten, that these varying types of classic
architecture were copied from well-known Roman buildings,
pictured by A. Palladio, in his great work of four volumes,
on architecture: Thus of the pavilions on West Lawn, the first
(Gildersleeve's, Page's) typifies, The Doric of Diocletian's
Baths—Chambray; the second (Harrison's)—Corinthian of
Palladio; the third (Smith's)—Palladio's Ionic order with
modillions; the fourth (Boeck's, N. K. Davis')—Doric of Palladio;
the fifth (McGuffey's, Peters')—Ionic of Temple of
Fortuna Virilis, while those on East Lawn, the first (Cabell's)
—Ionic of Fortuna Virilis; the second (DeVere's)—Doric of
Albano; the third (Holmes')—Ionic of the Theater of Marcellus;
the fourth (J. S. Davis')—Corinthian, Diocletian's Baths;
the fifth (Minor's)—Doric of the Theater of Marcellus. At
the upper or northern end of the quadrangle, stands the Rotunda,
a fac-simile of the Roman Pantheon, the temple of all
the gods, reduced to one-third its original size, but still majestic
and imposing. This building upon which Mr. Jefferson spent
almost as much pains as Michael Angelo did upon the dome
of St. Peters, comprises the library and various lecture halls.
Young people dance merrily under that stately dome at the end
of the academic year. The young monks thus escape from
their cells into the modern social world. How charmingly old
Rome, mediæval Europe, and modern America blend together
before the very eyes of young Virginia! There is a manifest
unity in Jefferson's institutional creation, and yet a reflecting
student cannot fail to see that there is an interesting historical
background to this beautiful picture. In the material structure
of the University of Virginia there is much to remind the
traveler of Old World forms, and in the documentary history
of the institution itself there are many indications of European
influence upon the mind of Mr. Jefferson.

These things have greatly interested me, and they may not
be unworthy of the attention of friends of American educational
history, in which so little work has been done, especially
in the Southern States. The formative influences which entered
into the making of the University of Virginia are doubtless
more numerous than those described in this monograph;
but Mr. Jefferson was the master and controller of them all.
It is no detraction from his individual power of origination
to open the volume of his large experience in the world, and
to point out here and there his connection with men and
things that shaped his purpose to its noble end. Instead of
evolving the University of Virginia entirely out of his own
inner consciousness, Mr. Jefferson combined, in an original
and independent creation, the result of academic training, philosophical
culture, foreign travel, wide observation, and of
an extensive correspondence with the most illustrious educators
of his time. His intelligent study of Old World institutions
prepared him to devise something new for Virginia
and America. How the idea of one man became the sovereign
will of the State, after a struggle of fifty years for the
higher education, is an instructive study, affording grounds for
encouragement in these modern days."

Had Mr. Jefferson only lived a few years longer he would
have experienced a mingled feeling of pleasure and sorrow
—at seeing the immense popularity of his favorite child overtaxing
her capacity in supplying hungry youth of his beloved
land with educational food. Indeed, it is curious to speculate
upon what would have been his plans of extension—that which
his immediate successors found a necessity in both dormitories
and teaching equipment. But, under the wearying struggle
for existence that had followed her very inception, action was
deferred many years beyond the demand—until finally a spirit
of growth was inaugurated that has been continuous with the
years and this result: Public Hall (1851-53). Parsonage
(1854-55), Monroe Hill (1854), Temperance Hall (1855-56),
Infirmary (1857), Carr's Hill (1858), Dawson's Row—
six buildings, known as "A," "B," "C," "D," "E," "F,"
each of two-story and eight rooms (1859), Professor Mallet's

Residence and Chemical Laboratory (1868-69), Lewis Brooks
Museum (1875-77), Observatory (1882), University Chapel
(1883-85), New Med Hall (1886), Dispensary (1892),
Fayerweather Gymnasium (1892-93), Academic Building,
Mechanical Laboratory, Rouss Physical Laboratory and
Restored Rotunda (1896-98), Randall Dormitory (1899),
Hospital (1900-05-08), Madison Hall (1905), Refectory
(1907), President's Residence (1908).

Mr. Jefferson, December 22, 1824, informed Cabell of the
safe arrival of Professors Blaetterman (modern languages)
and Long (ancient languages), and three weeks later, January
11, 1825, wrote: "We are dreadfully non-plussed here by
the non-arrival of our other three professors. We apprehend
that the idea of our opening on February 1st, prevails so much
abroad (although we have always mentioned it doubtfully),
as that the students will assemble on that day without awaiting
the further notice which was promised. In your letter, December
31st, you say my `hand writing and letters have great effect
there (Richmond). I am sensible, my dear Sir, of the
kindness with which this encouragement is held up to me. But
my views of their effect are very different. When I retired
from the administration of public affairs, I thought I saw
some evidence that I retired with a good degree of public favor,
and that my conduct in office had been considered, by the one
party, at least, with approbation, and with acquiescence by the
other. But the attempt in which I have embarked so earnestly,
to procure an improvement in the moral condition of my native
State, although, perhaps, in other States it may have strengthened
good disposition, it has assuredly weakened them within
our own. The attempt ran foul of so many local interests,
of so many personal views, and so much ignorance, and I have
been considered as so particularly its promoter, that I see evidently
a great change of sentiment towards myself. I cannot
doubt its having dissatisfied with myself a respectable minority,
if not a majority of the House of Delegates. I feel it deeply,
and very discouragingly. Yet I shall not give way. I have
ever found in my progress through life, that, acting for the
public, if we do always what is right, the approbation denied
in the beginning will surely follow us in the end. It is from
posterity we are to expect remuneration for the services we
are making for their service, of time, quiet and good will.

And I fear not the appeal. The multitude of fine young men
whom we shall redeem from ignorance, who will feel that they
owe to us the elevation of mind, of character and station they
will be able to attain from the result of our efforts, will insure
their remembering us with gratitude. We will not, then, be
`weary in well doing'—Usque ad aras amicus tuus."

At this session of the Legislature many members favored
the removal of William and Mary College to Richmond, but
the friends of the University, realizing it might become a
formidable rival when nearer and under organization, fought
the scheme to its bitter death. In order to further antagonize
this sentiment Cabell wrote, January 16th, requesting Mr. Jefferson
to draw a bill in conformity with his previous suggestion
—dividing the funds of the College—"and send it as quickly
as possible by the mail."

Mr. Jefferson a week later, January 22nd, forwarded the
requested bill "most hastily drawn," whose receipt Cabell
acknowledged at once, saying: "It will be a powerful instrument
in our hands." The bill, however, was never offered,
as by February 7th, the scheme had lost nearly all of its
supporters.

Cabell wrote Mr. Jefferson, January 30th, expressing relief
over the fact of the "Competitor," bearing the three English
professors, was still at Plymouth on December 5th, thus relieving
the apprehension of the delay being due to storms at
sea and the possibility of all being lost. And again, February
18th, he wrote: "Professors Bonnycastle, Dunglison and
Key have arrived, and will leave at once for Charlottesville."

During the few preceding months Mr. Jefferson and Cabell
were much concerned about selecting the domestic professors
—the latter writing the former: "Mr. Gilmer (Francis W.)
has a third time declined the law chair, and it might be wise
for you to inquire into the qualifications of Chancellor Tucker
(Henry St. George)"—who finally accepted the position in
1840.

Mr. Jefferson thought the selection of text-books should be
left to the professors, "but we are the best judges of the one
branch—government—in which heresies may be taught of so
interesting a character to our own State and Country as to
make it our duty to lay down the principles to be taught. We

must guard against the dissemination of the principles of
quondam federalism, now consolidation, among our youth, and
the diffusion of that poison, by a previous prescription of the
texts to be followed in their discussion." Even Madison objected
to chaining up a professor to one set of books, preferring
to secure an "orthodox man and give him free rein."
But Mr. Jefferson insisted that the professor of Constitutional
Law must be one wedded to republican principles, who would
expound the Constitution according to its writer's (Madison)
interpretation—that concurred in by the State Legislature and
most Virginians. Cabell also shared this view, and in its observance,
early in 1824, wrote Mr. Jefferson suggesting his
nephew, Chancellor Carr, as the ideal professor of Law. To
this Mr. Jefferson replied in a tone, from the standpoint of
this generation, that may seem very remarkable: "In the
course of my trusts I have exercised through life with powers
of appointment, I can say with truth, and with unspeakable
comfort, that I never did appoint a relation to office, and that
merely because I never saw the case in which some one did not
offer, or occur, better qualified; and I have the most unlimited
confidence, that in the appointment of professors to our nursling
institution, every individual of my associates will look
with a single eye to the sublimation of its character, and adopt,
as our sacred motto, detur digniori.' In this way it will honor
us, and bless our country."

Late in February (1825) Cabell wrote Mr. Jefferson: "It
is now of the utmost importance that we should succeed at
Washington, as by the rejection of the College measure we
have added some very strong and active enemies to the opposition."

The University was opened, without special formality, March
7, 1825, having in attendance sixty-eight students, which increased
to about one hundred during the year. Gilmer, much
to the delight of all University friends, finally expressed a
willingness to accept the chair of Law, and was appointed
to the same, August 19th. Mr. Jefferson, owing to personal
indisposition, invited the Visitors to meet, October 2-3rd, at
his home, Monticello, where all business was transacted and
afterwards attested pro forma by a ride to the University. This
meeting gave rise to the first report after the opening of the

institution—the last written and submitted by Mr. Jefferson
—and dealt largely with its opening together with the several
initiative professors: Long (ancient languages), Blaetterman
(modern languages), Key (mathematics), Bonnycastle (natural
philosophy), Dunglison (anatomy and medicine), Tucker
(moral philosophy) and Emmet (natural history), who was
a couple weeks late in arriving. Gilmer (law) did not accept
his position until August 1st, and owing to serious sickness
and death never assumed duties, being succeeded by Lomax,
who entered the Faculty shortly after the beginning of the
second session.

On October 1st, the matriculants had increased to one hundred
and sixteen, and at the beginning of the second session,
February 1, 1826, all dormitory accommodations—two hundred
and eighteen—were expected to be filled. The report
also noted progress on the Rotunda and Anatomical Hall,
commented upon student discipline and government, and, under
Mr. Jefferson's signature, concluded thus: "We have
thought it peculiarly requisite to leave to the civil magistrate
the restraint and punishment of all offences which come within
the ordinary cognizance of the laws. At the age of sixteen,
the earliest period of admission into the University, habits of
obedience to the laws become a proper part of education and
practice; the minor provisions and irregularities alone, unnoticed
by the laws of the land, are the peculiar subjects of
academic authority. No system of these provisions has ever
yet prevented all disorder. Those first provided by this Board
were founded on the principles of avoiding too much government,
of not multiplying occasions of coercion, by erecting
indifferent actions into things of offense, and for leaving room
to the student for habitually exercising his own discretion;
but experience has already proved that stricter provisions are
necessary for the preservation of order; that coercion must be
resorted to where confidence has been disappointed. We have,
accordingly, at the present session, considerably amended and
enlarged the scope of our former system of regulations, and
we shall proceed in the duties of tightening or relaxing the
reins of government, as experience shall instruct us, in the
progress of the institution; and we are not certain that the
further aid of the Legislature itself will not be necessary to

enable the authorities of the institution to interpose, in some
cases, with more promptitude, energy, and effect than is permitted
by the laws as they stand at present."

Cabell wrote Mr. Jefferson, December 7, 1825: "I think
the character of the University has risen exceedingly in the
public estimation since the new regulations were adopted.
From the short and hasty view which I have taken of the
scene of legislation, I am of the opinion that we may obtain,
at this session, the money necessary to finish the buildings.
If others will not ask for it, I will do it myself."

University—East Range

(Looking northward)

FACING 134