University of Virginia Library

CHAPTER III

Thomas Jefferson—Ideal Parent and President

Mr. Jefferson had served four years as Secretary of State,
and now sought rest in retirement at his beloved Monticello,
where he expected to pass the remainder of his life. Although
only fifty-one years of age he fancied himself, from temporary
feelings of indisposition, a very old man, but fortunately the
new and more congenial order of living and enjoyment soon
restored his health and youthful energies. William Randolph,
the neighbor friend of Mr. Jefferson's father, left one son,
Thomas Mann Randolph, who, in turn, gave to his only son
the same name. This Thomas Mann Randolph, the second,
became a member of Congress, Colonel in the war of 1812,
Governor of Virginia, and the husband of Mr. Jefferson's
eldest daughter, Martha, February 23, 1790. They were second
cousins, had known each other from childhood, and now
came with their two children to live permanently at Monticello,
to grace, minister and comfort Mr. Jefferson's surroundings.
Mrs. Randolph was highly accomplished, attractive in
manners and conversation, possessing rare judgment and a
strong fondness for her father—with whom John Randolph
of Roanoke quarrelled, but in spite of that pronounced her,
"the noblest woman in Virginia." The household was completed
by the younger daughter, Mary (Maria), who had
spent the last three years in Philadelphia with her father, being
now just seventeen, frail, beautiful—resembling her mother
—and above all noted for her extreme unselfishness. Thus

again Mr. Jefferson began the quiet farmer's life for which
he had a supreme thirst, devoting most of his time to general
supervision, reading from his choice library, and in writing
an occasional letter to his former colleagues—Edmund Randolph,
John Adams, Tenche Coxe, etc.—but declining to take
and read any newspapers. To Randolph he wrote: "I think
it is Montaigne who has said that ignorance is the softest
pillow on which a man can rest his head. I am sure it is true
as to everything political, and shall endeavor to estrange myself
to everything of that character"; while in a letter to
Adams he made this admission: "Instead of writing ten or
twelve letters a day, which I have been in the habit of doing
as a thing of course, I put off answering my letters now, farmlike,
till a rainy day, and then find them sometimes postponed
by other necessary occupations."

His estate now consisted of ten thousand six hundred and
forty-seven acres—about two thousand acres being continually
in tillage; one hundred and fifty-four slaves; three hundred
and ninety hogs; three sheep; thirty-four horses; five mules;
two hundred and forty-nine cattle. In a letter to Washington
he said: "I find on a more minute examination, that a ten
years' abandonment of them to the ravages of overseers has
brought on them a degree of degradation far beyond what I
had expected. . . . I am not yet satisfied that my acquisition
of overseers has been a happy one, or that much will be done
this year towards rescuing my plantations from their wretched
condition. Time, patience and perseverance must be the
remedy; and the maxim of your letter, `Slow and sure,' is not
less a good one in agriculture than in politics."

In 1796 Rochefoucauld-Liancourt visited Monticello, and
shortly thereafter wrote: "He manages his farms and buildings,
orders, directs and pursues every branch of business relative
to them. His negroes are cabinetmakers, carpenters,
masons, bricklayers, smiths, etc., and they are nourished,
clothed and treated as well as white servants could be; the
children he employs in a nail-factory—the source of much
profit; the young and old negresses spin for the clothing of the
rest. He animates them by rewards and distinctions, etc."
It was in this year that Mr. Jefferson solved mathematically
the mould-board of least resistance, and operated on his own

lands his ideal plows, which became known throughout the
progressive agricultural world. He neglected only a few
months the political activities of his country, for Washington's
address to Congress, November 1794, gave him the deepest
interest, as it dealt chiefly with suppressing revolts in Pennsylvania,
incited by the attempted enforcement of the Excise
Law—an obnoxious law of Hamilton that Mr. Jefferson opposed
bitterly from the very first, and equally now the manner
of enforcing it—by the aid of fifteen thousand militia. Consequently
he could no longer keep silent, as Washington also
vigorously denounced the Democratic Corresponding Societies,
which in some States had been established in imitation of the
French societies of that name, as responsible for the outbreak.
Mr. Jefferson wrote Madison: "The denunciation of the
democratic societies is one of the extraordinary acts of boldness
of which we have seen so many from the faction of Monocrats.
It is wonderful indeed that the President should have
permitted himself to be the organ of such an attack on the freedom
of discussion, the freedom of writing, printing and publishing.
I expected to have seen some justification of arming
one part of the society against another; . . . but the part of
the speech which was to be taken as a justification of the armament
reminded me of Parson Sanders' demonstration why
minus into minus makes plus. After a parcel of shreds of
stuff from Æsop's Fables and Tom Thumb, he jumps at once
into his ergo, minus multiplied by minus makes plus. Just so
the fifteen thousand men enter after the fables in the speech."

Scarcely had the Excise Law troubles abated, when arose a
general dissatisfaction over the "Jay Treaty" with England
—that which Mr. Jefferson heartily disapproved, writing
Madison: "Thus it is that Hamilton, Jay, etc., in the boldest
act they ever ventured on to undermine the Government, have
the address to screen themselves, and direct the hue and cry
against those who wish to drag them into light. A bolder
party stroke was never struck; for it certainly is an attempt
of a party who find they have lost their majority in one branch
of the Legislature, to make a law by the aid of the other
branch and of the Executive, under color of a treaty which
shall bind up the hands of the adverse branch from ever restraining
the commerce of their patron nation. There appears

a pause at present in the public sentiment which may be followed
by a revolution. . . . For God's sake take up your pen
and give a fundamental reply to Curtius and Camillus."
When the "Treaty" was ratified there arose even a greater
storm of criticism from the Republicans, in which Mr. Jefferson
shared strongly—not even sparing Washington, assailing
the treaty-making power of the Executive.

Mr. Jefferson, however, seemed determined to remain out
of the activities of politics, desiring Madison to stand at the
helm of his party, and writing him to that effect: "The
whole mass of your constituents are looking to you, as their
last hope, to save them from the effects of the avarice and
corruption of the first agent (Jay), the revolutionary machinations
of others, and the incomprehensible acquiescence of the
only honest man who has assented to it. I wish that his honesty
and his political errors may not furnish a second occasion
to exclaim: `Curse on his virtues, they have undone his country.'
. . . There is not another person (besides yourself) in
the United States, who being placed at the helm of affairs,
my mind would be so completely at rest for the future of our
political bark." On the other hand Madison was just as insistent
that Mr. Jefferson take the leadership of the party,
which finally he did much against his will, as he preferred
looking after his impaired health, enjoying the society of his
family, agreeable pursuits, and the healthy establishment of his
business affairs. He wrote Madison: "The little spice of
ambition which I had in my younger days has long since evaporated,
and I set still less store by a posthumous than present
name. In stating to you the heads of reasons which have
produced my determination, I do not mean an opening for
future discussion, or that I may be reasoned out of it—the
question is forever closed with me, my sole object is to prevent
any division or loss of votes which might be fatal to the Republican
interests."

Mr. Jefferson's nomination for Vice-President, however,
was the spontaneous and unanimous wish of his party, and in
it he felt constrained to acquiesce, since political conditions
badly needed his counsel and personality, but during the campaign
he wrote only one political letter, and did not go outside
of his county in the three months preceding election. On

University—Western View

From base of Lewis' Mountain, showing Monticello four miles distant, 1867

(From Watson's "Life and Times of Thomas Jefferson," by courtesy of D. Appleton & Co.)

FACING 62

January 1, 1797, he wrote Madison: "I know the difficulty
of obtaining belief in one's declarations of a disinclination to
honors, and that it is greatest to those who still remain in the
world. . . . It is the only office in the world (Vice-Presidency)
about which I am unable to decide in my own mind,
whether I had rather have it or not have it. Pride does not
enter into the estimate; for I think with the Romans, that the
general of to-day should be the soldier of to-morrow, if necessary.
I can particularly have no feelings which would revolt
at a secondary position to Mr. Adams. I am his junior in
life, was his junior in Congress, his junior in the diplomatic
line, his junior lately in our civil Government." No doubt
Mr. Jefferson was satisfied thoroughly through the hope of
effecting some compromise with Adams, and reached Philadelphia,
March 1797, eager to assume the duties of his new
post.

The Federalists considered Adams' inaugural address as
"temporizing, and as having the air of a lure for the favor of
his opponents at the expense of his sincerity." As a matter
of fact Mr. Jefferson was more than willing to meet Adams
half way, and, looking towards a coalition of their forces, both
had interchanged visits (March 2, 3) just prior to the inauguration.
At first Adams was very free in conversation, claiming
a desire to join Gerry and Madison to Pinckney in France.
Three days later, however, when coming away together from
a dinner at Washington's, as Mr. Jefferson reported Madison's
declination of the position to Adams, the latter expressed
himself as having already found some objections to
his nomination, and with that dismissed the subject—thus
making it the last interview the two had during the administration
upon any measure pertaining to the Government.

The "Jay Treaty" with England, and Monroe's recall from
France so enraged the latter country against the United States
as to cause Adams to call an extra session of Congress, May
15, 1797, over which Mr. Jefferson had his first experience as
presiding officer. The address of Adams to that body greatly
displeased Mr. Jefferson, who, convinced that those in power
intended forcing war with France, opposed the policy of the
Government. Political passions ran at fever heat, as Mr. Jefferson
wrote: "Men who have been intimate all their lives

cross the street to avoid meeting, and turn their heads another
way, lest they should be obliged to touch their hats. This
may do for young men with whom passion is enjoyment, but
it is afflicting to peaceable minds. Tranquility is the old man's
milk. I go to enjoy it in a few days, and to exchange the roar
and tumult of bulls and bears for the prattle of my grandchildren
and senile rest." He never allowed himself to be
present at the reading of the President's addresses, as he
chafed under the formal and fulsome replies of the Federalist
Senate, consequently he did not appear until after Congress
assembled in November, 1797—a session that had little to do
except await results of the envoys (Marshall, Gerry, Pinckney).
This mission to the French government up to March, 1798,
was unable to secure an interview with Talleyrand—only with
his unsatisfactory agents—and as no agreement could be
reached the envoys broke off all negotiations, a necessity that
aroused our country's indignation against France. The temper
of the House even swayed against the Republicans—the
traditional friends of France—and although Mr. Jefferson
urged a suspension of censure until the exact truth was known,
he was rather disgusted at that country's action. Congress,
indeed, began making ready for war, by giving the President
discretionary powers, placing Washington in command of the
armies and Hamilton the Inspector-General, rendering naturalization
more difficult, and passing alien and sedition acts—the
latter aimed at the native-born Republicans, as they were opposed
to war. During the summer (1798), however, the war
sentiment abated somewhat. Congress had adjourned and its
sad minority members, realizing their insignificant power in
that body, turned their attention towards influencing various
Republican State Legislatures, especially Kentucky and Virginia,
as their sympathies were so cordial, to oppose the Government's
interpretation and inflexion of the Constitution, in
the passing of the alien and sedition acts. Mr. Jefferson wrote
the Kentucky resolutions, and Madison those of Virginia.
The former declared: "That the Union was not based on
the principle of unlimited submission to the general Government;
that the Constitution was a compact to which each State
was a party as over against its fellow State; and that in all
cases not specified in the compact, each party had a right to
judge for itself as well of infraction as of the mode and
measure of redress." The Alien and Sedition Acts were denounced
as unconstitutional, and other States were invoked to
join in declaring them null and void. Madison's resolutions
declared that, "whenever the Federal Government exceeded
its constitutional authority, the State governments, in Convention,
should interfere and pronounce such action unconstitutional."
Mr. Jefferson's went a step further—declaring our
Federal Constitution a compact, to which the several States
were the one party and the Federal Government the other;
that each party must decide for itself any infringement of the
compact and proper remedy therefor; that nullification was a
suitable remedy and one that any State might employ.

This gave rise later to the possibility of different interpretations,
such as advocated by Calhoun—nullification—whereby
a State might suspend the application of a Federal law to
its own district; and by Jackson, who, equally a Jeffersonian
Democrat, could find nothing in the resolutions sanctioning
such action by a State, consequently strenuously opposed nullification.
While the Legislatures paid little attention to the
advocacy or adoption of these resolutions, public sentiment
gradually become less acute and more thoughtful. Mr. Jefferson
relinquished no efforts in the interest of his political
faith, and wrote Madison: "People wish to hear reason instead
of disgusting blackguardism. The public sentiment being
on the careen and many heavy circumstances about to fall
into the Republican scales, we are sensible that this summer
(1799) is the season for systematic energies and sacrifices.
The engine is the press. Every man must lay his purse and
his pen under contribution. As to the former, it is possible
I may be obliged to assume something for you; as to the latter,
let me pray and beseech you to set apart a certain portion of
every post-day to write what may be proper for the public."

Adams and his Cabinet began now to disagree, as he suspended
war preparations and dispatched envoys to France
with specific instructions—acts culminating finally in a rupture
with his party leaders, and the accession to power of the Republicans.
In addition to these, other obnoxious Federal legislation—endangering
individual liberty, etc.—was held up to
ridicule by Mr. Jefferson, so that he became, in the eyes of all,

the most logical presidential candidate at the approaching
election (1800), a position to which he was nominated unanimously
in May by the Congressional caucus, as was Burr
to the vice-presidency.

In spite of this high honor and its demand for success, Mr.
Jefferson remained all summer at Monticello, except for two
short visits—one to the remote part of his county, Albemarle,
the other to his Bedford estate—being kept busy with his
farming interests, nail factory and brick kiln. His only extravagance
during the campaign was a few additional newspapers,
while he restricted his correspondence to three letters
from the time of nomination to election—bearing silently the
many effusions to defame his character and lessen his popularity.
Within these three months it was proclaimed far and
near, in the press and on the platform that: "He had obtained
his money by fraud and robbery; had defrauded and
robbed a widow and fatherless children of their estate." In a
widely distributed pamphlet, "The Voice of Warning to
Christians on the Ensuing Election," he was portrayed an
atheist, French infidel, as lacking a decent respect for the faith
and worship of Christians, etc. Thus he wrote Dr. Rush:
"The late attack of the Federalists on the freedom of the
press had given to the clergy a very favorite hope of obtaining
an establishment of a particular form of Christianity throughout
the United States. The returning good sense of our
country threatens abortion to their hopes, and they believe that
any portion of power confided to me will be exerted in opposition
to their schemes. And they believe rightly, for I have
sworn upon the altar of God, eternal hostility against every
form of tyranny over the mind of man. And this is the cause
of their printing lying pamphlets against me, forging conversations
for me."

In spite of all the direct and indirect methods employed,
Mr. Jefferson was elected, receiving seventy-three votes against
Adams' sixty-five. Unfortunately Burr, the candidate for vice-president,
obtained the same number, seventy-three, thereby
compelling Congress to make a final decision—ordinarily a
task of little moment, but now, owing to a Federal plurality
in Congress, with which Mr. Jefferson was far less popular
than Burr, a conspiracy was planned to advance the latter to

the first position, over the head of Mr. Jefferson and the will
of the people. Hamilton, although hating and distrusting Mr.
Jefferson, would not sanction the scheme and in a letter to
Wolcott said: "There is no doubt that upon every virtuous
and prudent calculation Mr. Jefferson is to be preferred. He
is by far not so dangerous a man; and he has pretensions to
character. As to Burr, there is nothing in his favor. Better
will it be to obtain from Mr. Jefferson assurances on some
cardinal points: 1, To preserve the actual fiscal system; 2,
To adhere to the neutral plan; 3, To preserve and gradually increase
the navy; 4, To continue our friends in the offices they
fill, except in the great departments in which he ought to be
left free." The proposed strategic movement to thwart the
popular will, if successful, was filled with direful consequences,
as the people were incensed to a degree for civil war and a rupture
of the Union. Hundreds hurried to Washington, anxiously
awaiting results; armed Baltimoreans were restrained
with difficulty from hastening to prevent and avenge a violation
of the public sentiment, and if need be, hurl the usurper
from his seat. Mr. Jefferson was yet the Vice-President,
presiding daily over the Senate where he listened to the whispered
designs and machinations of the conspirators, ever mindful
of the dreadful sequel of their nefarious plot. But in spite
of an uneasy mind he preserved the most unclouded serenity
and perfect equanimity—riding self-possessed above the stormy
passions threatening his downfall, maintaining a placidity that
baffled his enemies.

Congress met with closed doors—the Senators as witnesses,
the Representatives as electors. The ballot continued thirty
hours—beyond a day and night—so that beds for the sick and
wearied, and food were supplied in adjoining rooms, as no one
felt willing to miss the hourly ballot. On the morning of
February 17th, upon counting the thirty-sixth ballot, one ticket
was found to be blank, placed in the box by James A. Bayard,
Senator from Delaware, who, after such a contest, felt it best
to sacrifice his party rather than his country. This gave the
Republicans a majority and made Mr. Jefferson the third
President of the United States. Concerning this memorable
incident a cotemporaneous writer truthfully said: "Thus the
dark and thundering cloud which hung over the political horizon

rolled harmlessly away, and the sunshine of prosperity
and gladness broke forth, and ever since, with the exception
of a few passing clouds, has continued to shine on our happy
country."

The saddest part to Mr. Jefferson was, that the clumsiness
and inadequacy of the law admitted the possibility of such a
fraud and injustice, and two days before the final decision he
wrote Monroe: "If they could have been permitted to
pass a law for putting the Government into the hands of an
officer, they would certainly have prevented an election. Many
attempts have been made to obtain terms and promises from
me, but I have declared to them unequivocally, that I would
not receive the Government on capitulation, that I would not
go into it with my hands tied."

The four years that Mr. Jefferson was Vice-President were
marked by unprecedented party rancor and bitterness, and although
the Senate, over which he presided, was composed
mostly of Federalists, yet his conduct and ruling were never a
subject of the slightest criticism—a fact thoroughly attested
by the Senate's reply to his farewell address before that body,
February 28, 1801: "Sir.—While we congratulate you on
those expressions of the public will which called you to the
first office in the United States, we cannot but lament the loss
of that intelligence, attention and impartiality with which you
have presided over our deliberations. Be persuaded that the
Senate will never withhold its support from a chief magistrate
who, in the exercise of his office, shall be influenced by a due
regard of the honor and interest of our country."

In June, 1800, the offices of the Government were removed
from Philadelphia to Washington, where, for the first time,
Congress assembled in December, in spite of the Capitol and
White House being still in an unfinished condition. The latter
building, therefore, had only been occupied by its first tenant,
President Adams, a few months, when Mr. Jefferson, March
4, 1801, took the oath of office to make it his home for the
succeeding eight years. So early as May he wrote: "This
may be considered as a pleasant country residence with a number
of neat little villages scattered around within a distance
of a mile and a half, and furnishing a plain and substantially
good society. The whole population is about six thousand."

While the inauguration of Washington and Adams had been
semi-royal, that of Mr. Jefferson was marked by great simplicity—indeed
thus described by an Englishman: "He rode
on horseback to the Capitol without a single guard or servant
in his train, dismounted without assistance, and hitched the
bridle of his horse to the palisades." This was mere fiction,
as in truth, he went from his lodgings to the Capitol where
Congress convened, on foot, in ordinary dress, escorted by a
military body, accompanied by senators, congressmen, political
friends, etc. The ceremonies took place in the Senate
Chamber, where he received the oath of office from his political
enemy, Chief Justice Marshall, and delivered his address, in
which he thought it wise to enunciate his political persuasion:
"Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion,
religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest
friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the
support of the State governments in all their rights, as the
most competent administrations for our domestic concerns, and
the surest bulwarks against anti-Republican tendencies; the
preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional
vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and
safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election of the
people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped
by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided;
absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority,
the vital principle of the republics, from which there is no
appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of
despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace,
and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve
them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authorities;
economy in the public expense, that labor might be lightly
burdened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation
of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and
of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information,
and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public reason;
freedom of religion; freedom of the press; and freedom of
person, under the protection of the habeas corpus; and trial
by juries impartially selected."

Mr. Jefferson at first made few removals, except those
Adams had "crowded in by whip and spur," after the result

of the election was known, and upon the subject wrote:
"Some deprivations of office I know must be made, but they
must be as few as possible, done gradually, and bottomed on
some malversation or inherent disqualification." He lived up
to this sentiment, and of all candidates considered these three
points: Is he honest, capable, and faithful to the Constitution?

Congress was for the first time Republican, and set to undo
much legislation enacted by the Federalists. Newspaper reporters
were admitted to Congress; naturalization laws were
improved; internal taxes were abolished; army was reduced to
three thousand, and naval appropriation was lessened. After
no little deliberation and effort on the part of Mr. Jefferson,
Livingston, Monroe, etc., Congress granted, 1804, autocratic
power upon the President to purchase of Bonaparte the Louisiana
Territory for fifteen million dollars.

In the spring of this year (1804) Mr. Jefferson was renominated
for President, and about the same time was called
to Monticello by the illness of his daughter, Mary—Maria or
Polly as he was wont to call her—who died, April 17th, leaving
two small children, Francis and Maria—the latter dying
in infancy. Much to Mr. Jefferson's satisfaction she had married
a cousin, John Wayles Eppes, October 13, 1797, who, together
with the other son-in-law, Thomas Mann Randolph,
became highly creditable cotemporaneous members of Congress
during his presidency. Her death was a crushing blow
to Mr. Jefferson, but slightly palliated by the many letters of
condolence he received, and among them one from Mrs.
Adams, which served as the initiative of renewed friendship
between the two families, although it required years and the
kindly intervention of Dr. Rush for complete reconciliation.
It was about this time that Mr. Jefferson incurred the displeasure
of John Randolph, of Roanoke, leading to absolute
estrangement and bitter enmity, chiefly because he took so
little notice of and interest in the impeachment of Judge
Samuel Chase, whose conviction Randolph so urgently desired.

The first thing of moment accomplished in Mr. Jefferson's
second term was the conclusion of the war with Tripoli,
through a partial but wise compromise treaty. It had continued

four years, costing many lives and much money, with but one
advantage—the discipline and experience gained by the navy.
A little later our relations with England, France, and Spain
became strained, owing to Bonaparte insisting upon the latter
country rebelling over the possible uncertainties of the Louisiana
Purchase boundaries—a menacing danger happily averted
by our purchasing the two Floridas, that which Randolph and
his following of Federalists and disaffected Republicans
("Quids") opposed strenuously.

In 1806-1807 the administration was confronted with Burr's
conspiracy in Kentucky and Ohio, by which he hoped to place
himself on the throne of Montezuma, and extend his empire
to the Alleghany, seizing on New Orleans as an instrument of
compulsion for our Western States. Mr. Jefferson and his
party won considerable censure by not being more vigilant in
apprehending Burr and his allies. Chief Justice Marshall,
John Randolph and the Federalists were very severe in criticising
the Executive for not furnishing immediate proof of
the treasonable plot—that which Mr. Jefferson claimed would
require at least four months, adding: "The fact is that the
Federalists make Burr's cause their own, and exert their whole
influence to shield him from punishment. And it is unfortunate
that Federalism is still predominant in our judiciary department,
which is consequently in opposition to the legislative
and executive branches, and is able often to baffle their measures."

During 1806-1807 the insolence of the British warships,
"Leander" and "Leopold" in firing upon the "Chesapeake"
and other of our coasting vessels incensed and inflamed the
public mind scarcely short of disrupting the Union, inasmuch
as Mr. Jefferson would not declare for war—that towards
which, seemingly he had great aversion. However in lieu
of this he caused to be passed finally an Embargo Act on all
shipping within the ports of the United States which was to
extend over an indefinite period. This was found to produce
much hardship along the coast especially in New England, the
bed of Federalism, leading to smuggling by all classes and a
growing favor towards the Federalists, so that their vehement
clamoring at last caused its great modification, almost equalling
a repeal, which Mr. Jefferson signed three days prior to

vacating office. In spite of the embargo's unpopularity, Mr.
Jefferson protested to the last, that had it been adhered to
steadfastly the desired purpose would have been accomplished
—done more harm to England and France than to our country,
and American shipping would have its rights without war.

Although many dissensions existed in the Republican party,
Mr. Jefferson was still its leader, and while he declined a renomination
himself, he easily named his successor—Madison.
Unfortunately Randolph detested politically both men, consequently
he and his small following strongly urged, without
effect, their favorite—Monroe.

As a matter of fact Mr. Jefferson's first administration had
been peaceful and satisfactory, but his second was filled with
many harassing conditions, due chiefly to his favorite theory—
the preservation of peace at whatever cost—becoming very
unpopular. He, therefore, now welcomed retirement with the
greatest joy and in these words: "Within a few days I retire
to my family, my books, my farms; and having gained the
harbor myself, I shall look on my friends still buffeting the
storm, with anxiety indeed, but not with envy. Never did a
prisoner, released from his chains, feel such relief as I shall
on shaking off the shackles of power. Nature intended me
for the tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering them my
supreme delight, but the enormities of the times in which I
have lived have forced me to take a part in resisting them,
and to commit myself on the boisterous ocean of political passions.
I thank God for the opportunity of retiring from them
without censure, and carrying with me the most consoling
proofs of public approbation."

He traveled home mostly on horseback, and in spite of encountering
a severe eight-hour snow storm, reached Monticello
safe and well, March 15, 1809, where he passed in ideal
contentment the remainder of his life, seventeen years, by preference
secluded from the world's activities following the familiar
paths incident to farming and other pleasurable interests—visiting
few, visited by many, and establishing the University
of Virginia. He was now sixty-six years of age,
cheerful, healthy, and without the infirmities of old age; his
home continued to be presided over by his accomplished and
graceful daughter, Martha, who with her husband, children

University—Birds-eye View, 1908

(Copyright, W. T. Littig & Co.

FACING 72

and grandchildren supplied the full pleasures to a truly hospitable
Southern life.

He declined a public reception tendered by his Albemarle
neighbors, hoping instead, as he wrote: "To have opportunities
of taking them individually by the hand at our court house
and other public places, and of exchanging assurances of
mutual esteem." From the very first no little time was devoted
to reading; then his correspondence soon became extensive
through letters to friends, noted personages, and authors of
books, pamphlets and addresses, who were furnishing him continually
complimentary copies. In spite of the great congeniality
and friendship between himself and Madison letters were
interchanged seldom, as their enemies made so much capital out
of the false idea of Mr. Jefferson still dominating the administration.
His interest in literary and scientific matters took
on renewed activity, making him known to every learned body
of Europe and America, in most of which he held membership.
In a letter to Kosciusko, February 26, 1810, he wrote: "My
mornings are devoted to correspondence; from breakfast to
dinner I am in my shops, my garden, or on horseback among
my farms; from dinner to dark I give to society and recreation
with my neighbors and friends; and from candle-light to
early bedtime I read. My health is perfect, and my strength
considerably reinforced by the activity of the course I pursue.
I talk of plows and harrows, of seeding and harvesting, with
my neighbors, and of politics too, if they choose, with as
little reserve as the rest of my fellow-citizens, and feel, at
length, the blessing of being free to say and do what I please,
without being responsible for it to any mortal. A part of
my occupation, and by no means the least pleasing, is the direction
of the studies of such young men as ask it. They place
themselves in the neighboring village, and have the use of my
library and counsel, and make a part of my society. In advising
the course of their reading, I endeavor to keep their attention
fixed on the main objects of science, the freedom and happiness
of man, so that coming to bear a share in the councils
and government of their country, they will keep ever in view
the sole objects of all legitimate government. Instead of the
unalloyed happiness of retiring unembarrassed and independent,
to the enjoyment of my estate, which is ample for my limited

views, I have to pass such a length of time in the thraldom
of mind (financial depletion) never before known to me. Except
for this, my happiness would have been perfect."

His disposition, however, in the face of this, never changed,
for, as in youth it continued always sunny and hopeful. After
an unfavorable crop or event he looked forward with assurance
for a better next one but he was severely prudent when confronting
debt, as he then believed it a duty to cut off every
needless expense—that which he did from the moment of his
retirement.

During 1811 there was considerable friction in Madison's
Cabinet, in which Mr. Jefferson took much interest, indulging
in no little correspondence for its relief. The attitude of England
and France towards us gave him great concern, and
though he wished for peace, he finally concluded that war was
our only alternative, and approved of it when it came the
following year, 1812. In the summer of 1811 he experienced
a severe spell of sickness, after which he wrote Dr. Rush:
"Having to conduct my grandson through his course of mathematics,
I have resumed that study with great avidity. It was
ever my favorite one. I have forgotten much and recover it
with more difficulty than when in vigor of mind I originally
acquired it. It is wonderful to me that old men should not be
sensible that their minds keep pace with their bodies in the
process of decay. It has been the delight of my retirement
to be in constant bodily activity, looking after my affairs. It
was never damped, as the pleasures of reading are, by the
question cui bono? for what object? The sedentary character
of my public occupations sapped a constitution naturally sound
and vigorous, and draws it to an earlier close, but it will still
last quite as long as I wish. There is a fullness of time when
men should go, and not occupy too long the ground to which
others have the right to advance."

During 1812 he enjoyed a complete reconciliation with
Adams, through the kindness of their mutual friend, Dr. Rush,
and thereafter the two Ex-Presidents until death indulged
an uninterrupted correspondence, much to the delight and
buoyancy of both. He was advocated in many directions for
the Presidency in 1812, and, stranger yet, for the Secretary of
State under Madison, but both of these proffers he gracefully

declined, stating: "The hand of age is upon me, the decay of
bodily faculties apprise me that those of the mind could not
be unimpaired, had I not still better proofs." In spite of this,
however, his familiarity with the languages remained immutable,
for he read Homer, Dante, Corneille and Cervantes as
he did Shakespeare and Milton, and even the year before death
went over Æsculus, Sophocles, Thucydides, and Tacitus.

The continuation of the War of 1812 deprived us of imported
goods, and increased the prices of our own manufactured
articles, at the depreciation of agricultural products,
so that we were stimulated not only to establish additional
industrial factories in cities, but also to introduce the smaller
machinery into our homes. Upon this subject Mr. Jefferson,
January, 1813, wrote: "I had no idea that manufactures had
made such progress in the maritime States, and particularly
of the number of carding and spinning machines dispersed
throughout the whole country. I have hitherto, myself, depended
on foreign manufactures, but I have now thirty-five
spindles going, a hand carding-machine, and looms for flying
shuttles for the supply of my own farms, which will never
be relinquished in my time. The continuance of war will fix
the habit generally, and out of the evils of impressment and
of the Orders of Council, a great blessing for us will grow. I
have not formerly been an advocate of great manufactories.
I doubted whether our labor, employed in agriculture, and
aided by the spontaneous energies of the earth would not
procure us more than we could make ourselves of other necessities.
But other considerations entering into the question
have settled my doubts."

Throughout this and the following year (1813-1814) Mr.
Jefferson continued to be much interested in the progress of
the war—giving advice to those in authority, conducting a
liberal correspondence, and strongly expressing opposition to
the Hartford Convention.

When we consider the gradually increasing personal discomfort
that the mechanical side of writing gave Mr. Jefferson
—owing to his long ago imperfectly set right wrist, and more
recent rheumatic attacks—it seems almost incredible that time
was sufficiently long, at that ripe age, to write such lengthy
and studied letters, veritable essays and literary productions

of high order, requiring research, if for nothing else, at least
dates and figures. The scanning of this correspondence from
his retirement up to this period certainly implies a great demand
upon energy, patience and thought. Among that coterie,
which was legion, all classes were represented—the more humble
citizens receiving none the less consideration on account of
station or want of political influence. Besides family connections,
there were many regulars, including such personages as
Madison, Monroe, Adams, Rodney, Gerry, Tyler, Lafayette,
Kosciusko, Rush, Gallatin, DeStael, Sparks, Livingston, Cartwright,
Van Buren, Everett, Cabell, Giles, etc. The subjects
treated and discussed were all of a serious nature conveying
an interchange of opinions on the Bible, clergy, religion, Christianity,
infidelity, ethics, politics, Congressional acts, foreign
questions, criticism of books, Latin and Greek writings and
authors, etc.