II.
CONSIDERING only the French peasant colonist and the West African
slave as the original factors of that physical evolution visible
in the modern fille-de-couleur,
it would seem incredible;—for
the intercrossing alone could not adequately explain all the
physical results. To understand them fully, it will be necessary
to bear in mind that both of the original races became modified
in their lineage to a surprising degree by conditions of climate
and environment.
The precise time of the first introduction of slaves into
Martinique is not now possible to ascertain,—no record exists on
the subject; but it is probable that the establishment of slavery
was coincident with the settlement of the island. Most likely
the first hundred colonists from St. Christophe, who landed, in
1635, near the bay whereon the city of St. Pierre is now
situated, either brought slaves with them, or else were furnished
with negroes very soon after their arrival. In the time of Père
Dutertre (who visited the colonies in 1640, and printed his
history of the French Antilles at Paris in 1667) slavery was
already a flourishing institution,—the foundation of the whole
social structure. According to the Dominican missionary, the
Africans then in the colony were decidedly repulsive; he
describes the women as "hideous" (hideuses). There is no good
reason to charge Dutertre with prejudice in his pictures of them.
No writer of the century was more keenly sensitive to natural
beauty than the author of that "Voyage aux Antilles" which
inspired Chateaubriand, and which still, after two hundred and
fifty years, delights even those perfectly familiar with the
nature of the places and things spoken of. No other writer and
traveller of the period possessed to a more marked degree that
sense of generous pity which makes the unfortunate appear to us
in an illusive, almost ideal aspect. Nevertheless, he asserts
that the negresses were, as a general rule, revoltingly ugly,—
and, although he had seen many strange sides of human nature
(having been a soldier before becoming a monk), was astonished to
find that miscegenation had already begun. Doubtless the first
black women thus favored, or afflicted, as the case might be,
were of the finer types of negresses; for he notes remarkable
differences among the slaves procured from
different coasts and
various tribes. Still, these were rather differences of ugliness
than aught else: they were all repulsive;—only some were more
repulsive than others.
* Granting that the first mothers of
mulattoes in the colony were the superior rather than the inferior
physical types,—which would be a perfectly natural supposition,
—still we find their offspring worthy in his eyes of no higher
sentiment than pity. He writes in his chapter entitled "
De la
naissance honteuse des mulastres":
—"They have something of their Father and something of their Mother,
—in the same wise that Mules partake of the qualities of the creatures
that engendered them: for they are neither all white, like the French;
nor all black, like the Negroes, but have a livid tint, which comes of
both." …
To-day, however, the traveller would look in vain for a livid
tint among the descendants of those thus described: in less than
two centuries and a half the physical characteristics of the race
have been totally changed. What most surprises is the rapidity of
the transformation. After the time of Père Labat, Europeans never
could "have mistaken little negro children for monkeys." Nature
had begun to remodel the white, the black, and half-breed
according to environment and climate: the descendant of the early
colonists ceased to resemble his fathers; the creole negro
improved upon his
progenitors;
*
the mulatto began to give
evidence of those qualities of physical and mental power which
were afterwards to render him dangerous to the integrity of the
colony itself. In a temperate climate such a change would have
been so gradual as to escape observation
for a long period;
—in the tropics it was effected with a quickness that astounds
by its revelation of the natural forces at work.
—"Under the sun of the tropics," writes Dr. Rufz, of Martinique,
"the African race, as well as the European, becomes greatly
modified in its reproduction. Either race gives birth to a
totally new being. The Creole African came into existence as did
the Creole white.
And just as the offspring of Europeans who emigrated to the
tropics from different parts of France displayed characteristics
so identical that it was impossible to divine the original race-source,—so
likewise the Creole negro—whether brought into
being by the heavy thick-set Congo, or the long slender black of
Senegambia, or the suppler and more active Mandingo,—appeared so
remodelled, homogeneous, and adapted in such wise to his
environment that it was utterly impossible to discern in his
features anything of his parentage, his original
kindred, his
original source. … The transformation is absolute. All that
In be asserted is: "This is a white Creole; this is a black
Creole";—or, "This is a European white; this is an African
black";—and furthermore, after a certain number of years passed
in the tropics, the enervated and discolored aspect of the European
may create uncertainty, as to his origin. But with very few
exceptions the primitive African, or, as he is termed here, the
"Coast Black" (
le noir de la Cote), can be recognized at
once. …
… "The Creole negro is gracefully shaped, finely proportioned:
his limbs are lithe, his neck long;—his features are more
delicate, his lips less thick, his nose less flattened, than
those of the African;—he has the
Carib's large and melancholy
eye, better adapted to express the emotions. … Rarely can you
discover in him the sombre fury of the African, rarely a
surly and savage mien: he is brave, chatty, boastful. His skin
has not the same tint as his father's,—it has become more
satiny; his hair remains woolly, but it is a finer wool; … all
his outlines are more rounded;—one may perceive that the cellular
tissue predominates, as in cultivated plants, of which the
ligneous and savage fibre has become
transformed." … *
This new and comelier black race naturally won from its masters
a more sympathetic attention than could have been vouchsafed to
its progenitors; and the consequences in Martinique and elsewhere
seemed to have evoked the curinus Article 9 of the Code Noir of
1665,—enacting, first, that free men who should have one or two
children by slave women, as well as the slave-owners permitting
the same, should be each condemned to pay two thousand pounds of
sugar; secondly, that if the violator of the ordinance should be
himself the owner of the mother and father of her children, the
mother and the children should be confiscated for the profit of
the Hospital, and deprived for their lives of the right to
enfranchisement. An exception, however, was made to the effect
that if the father were unmarried at the period of his
concubinage, he could escape the provisions of the penalty by
marrying, "according to the rites of the Church," the female
slave, who would thereby be enfranchised, and her children
"rendered free and legitimate." Probably the legislators did not
imagine that the first portion of the article could prove
inefficacious, or that any violator of the ordinance would seek
to escape
the penalty by those means offered in the provision. The
facts, however, proved the reverse. Miscegenation continued; and
Labat notices two cases of marriage between whites and blacks,—
describing the offspring of one union as "very handsome little
mulattoes." These legitimate unions were certainly exceptional,
—one of them was dissolved by the ridicule cast upon the father;
—but illegitimate unions would seem to have become common within
a very brief time after the passage of the law. At a later day
they were to become customary. The Article 9 was evidently at
fault; and in March, 1724, the Black Code was reinforced by a new
ordinance, of which the sixth provision prohibited marriage as
well as concubinage between the races.
It appears to have had no more effect than the previous law,
even in Martinique, where the state of public morals was better
than in Santo Domingo. The slave race had begun to exercise an
influence never anticipated by legislators. Scarcely a century
had elapsed since the colonization of the island; but in that
time climate and civilization had transfigured the black woman.
"After one or two generations," writes the historian Rufz, "the Africaine,
reformed, refined, beautified in her descendants,
transformed into the creole negress, commenced to exert a
fascination irresistible, capable of winning anything (capable de
tout obtenir)." * Travellers of the eighteenth century were
confounded by the luxury of dress and of jewellery displayed by
swarthy beauties in St. Pierre. It was a public scandal to
European eyes. But the creole negress or mulattress, beginning
to understand her power, sought for higher favors and privileges
than silken robes and necklaces of gold beads: she sought to
obtain, not merely liberty for herself, but
for her parents,
brothers, sisters,—even friends. What successes she achieved
in this regard may be imagined from the serious statement of
creole historians that if human nature had been left untrammelled
to follow its better impulses, slavery would have ceased to exist
a century before the actual period of emancipation! By 1738,
when the white population had reached its maximum
(15,000),
*
and colonial luxury had arrived at its greatest height, the
question of voluntary enfranchisement was becoming very grave.
So omnipotent the charm of half-breed beauty that masters were
becoming the slaves of their slaves. It was not only the creole
negress who had appeared to play a part in this strange drama
which was the triumph of nature over interest and judgment: her
daughters, far more beautiful, had grown up to aid her, and to
form a special class. These women, whose tints of skin rivalled
the colors of ripe fruit, and whose gracefulness—peculiar,
exotic, and irresistible—made them formidable rivals to the
daughters of the dominant race, were no doubt physically superior
to the modern
filles-de-couleur. They were results of a natural
selection which could have taken place in no community otherwise
constituted;—the offspring of the union between the finer types
of both races. But that which only slavery could have rendered
possible began to endanger the integrity of slavery itself: the
institutions upon which the whole social structure rested were
being steadily sapped by the influence of half-breed girls. Some
new, severe, extreme policy was evidently necessary to avert the
already visible peril. Special laws were passed by the Home-Government
to check enfranchisement, to limit its reasons or
motives; and the power of the slave woman was so well
comprehended by the Métropole that an extraordinary enactment was
made against it. It was decreed that whosoever should free a
woman of color would have to pay to the Government
three times
her value as a slave!
Thus heavily weighted, emancipation advanced much more slowly
than before, but it still continued to a considerable extent.
The poorer creole planter or merchant might find it impossible to
obey the impulse of his conscience or of his affection, but among
the richer classes pecuniary considerations could scarcely affect
enfranchisement. The country had grown wealthy; and although the
acquisition of wealth may not evoke generosity in particular
natures, the enrichment of a whole class develops pre-existing
tendencies to kindness, and opens new ways for its exercise.
Later in the eighteenth century, when hospitality had been
cultivated as a gentleman's duty to fantastical extremes,—when
liberality was the rule throughout society,—when a notary
summoned to draw up a deed, or a priest invited to celebrate a
marriage, might receive for fee five thousand francs in gold,—
there were certainly many emancipations. … "Even though
interest and public opinion in the colonies," says a
historian, *
"were adverse to enfranchisement, the private feeling of each man
combated that opinion;—Nature resumed her sway in the secret
places of hearts;—and as local custom permitted a sort of
polygamy, the rich man naturally felt himself bound in honor to
secure the freedom of his own blood. … It was not a rare thing
to see legitimate wives taking care of the natural children of
their husbands,—becoming their godmothers (s'en faire les
marraines)." … Nature seemed to laugh all these laws to scorn,
and the prejudices of race! In vain did the wisdom of
legislators attempt to render the condition of the enfranchised
more humble,—enacting extravagant penalties
for the blow by which
a mulatto might avenge the insult of a white,—prohibiting the
freed from wearing the same dress as their former masters or
mistresses wore;—"the
belles affranchies found, in a costume
whereof the negligence seemed a very inspiration of voluptuousness,
means of evading that social inferiority which the law sought to
impose upon them:—they began to inspire the most violent
jealousies."
*
[_]
* It is
quite possible, however, that the slaves of Dutertre's
time belonged for the most part to the uglier African tribes; and
that later supplies may have been procured from other parts of
the slave coast. Writing half a century later, Père Labat
declares having seen freshly disembarked blacks handsome enough
to inspire an artist:—"J'en ai vu des deux sexes faits à
peindre, et beaux par merveille" (vol. iv. chap, vii,). He adds
that their skin was extremely fine, and of velvety softness;—"le
velours n'est pas plus doux." … Among the 30,000 blacks
yearly shipped to the French colonies, there were doubtless many
representatives of the finer African races.
[_]
* "Leur sueur n'est pas fétide comme celle des nègres de la
Guinée," writes the traveller Dauxion-Lavaysse, in 1813.
[_]
* Dr. E. Rufz: "Études historiques et statistiques sur la
population de la Martinique." St. Pierre: 1850. Vol. i.,
pp. 148-50.
It has been generally imagined that the physical constitution
of the black race was proof against the deadly climate of the
West Indies. The truth is that the freshly imported Africans
died of fever by thousands and tens-of-thousands;—the
creole-negro race, now so prolific, represents only the fittest
survivors in the long and terrible struggle of the slave element
to adapt itself to the new environment. Thirty thousand negroes
a year were long needed to supply the French colonies. Between
1700 and 1789 no less than 900,000 slaves were imported by San
Domingo alone;—yet there were less than half that number left in
1789. (See Placide Justin's history of Santo Domingo, p. 147.)
The entire slave population of Barbadoes had to be renewed every
sixteen years, according to estimates: the loss to planters by
deaths of slaves (reckoning the value of a slave at only £20 sterling)
during the same period was £1,600,000 ($8,000,000). (Burck's
"History of European Colonies," vol. ii., p. 141; French edition of 1767.)
[_]
* Rufz: "Études," vol. i., p. 236.
[_]
* I am assured it has now fallen to a figure not exceeding
5000.
[_]
* Rufz: "Études," vol. ii., pp. 311, 312.
[_]
* Rufz: "Études," vol. i., p. 237.