University of Virginia Library

ASSESSING THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE DATA

One of the rationales Jerry Falwell offered for creating the Liberty Federation was that he wanted to broaden the base of issues which he addressed. Those who have listened to Falwell over the past half-dozen years probably feel that he has never seemed constrained when it comes to speaking out on matters pertaining to national defense and foreign policy.

But the data here show that to the extent that the Moral Majority has been addressing issues, they have focused extensively on matters of personal morality to the exclusion of social-structural issues. Developing concern for this broader range of issues among his followers would seem to require new organizational and educational initiatives. In this context, Falwell's bold initiative in giving the Moral Majority the axe takes on new meaning.

The creation of a new organization with a new image and a broader mission can be seen both as an initiative to rid himself of the negative sentiments that have accrued to the name Moral Majority as well as an effort to form a new conservative Christian alliance that he could move beyond the issues of personal morality.

Contrary to the old adage that data speak for themselves, the data we have extracted from the Moral Majority Report don't make much sense at all except as they are interpreted. First and foremost, we think the data here amassed point to the absence of a flourishing grass-roots organizational structure.

If there were a significant grass-roots organizational structure out across America, there would be abundant evidence of this in the form of reports of projects and activities. What we find, rather, is something more nearly approaching a facade. The state activity reports represent a form of impression management. The Editor of MMR found it increasingly difficult to maintain the facade because State Chairmen,

who weren't doing much, were increasingly unwilling to cooperate in providing accounts which revealed how little they were actually doing.

The Moral Majority really was a goose with a golden egg. Falwell chose to use the glitter of the egg to attract the attention of the media and thereby promote his cause in the press rather than investing the egg in building grass-roots organization clout. Perhaps, from the beginning, Falwell was content to sound the trumpet calling evangelical Christians to action. It may never have been his goal to build a grassroots structure. Or, perhaps he didn't understand that grass-roots organizations don't just happen -- they must be staffed and built with the same discipline that goes into building any other effective organization.

Whatever may have been Falwell's intentions, he has served well the conservative Christian movement in America by raising consciousness and giving millions hope that their vision of America might be restored. He has masterfully created awareness of issues and ignited fires of hope.

Falwell has cries-crossed the country delivering hundreds of speeches and sermons which have aroused fundamentalists Christians. He has also quite self-consciously done combat with the press and with a select groups of liberals in America -- e.g., Norman Lear, Ted Kennedy, Walter Mondale, Phil Donahue, etc. By arousing their wrath, he has brought attention to the conservative Christian movement. The hostility exhibited by liberals has served to move conservative Christians closer toward mobilization even though they may not particularly like Falwell.

If Falwell has made one strategic error, it is his incessant bragging about his millions of followers and Herculean accomplishments. For the most part, the press has been amazingly uncritical of him, seldom submitting his made-up statistics to careful scrutiny. Herein, we find the horns of the dilemma which led him to slay the golden goose.

The Moral Majority was primarily an organization for grabbing media attention, built and supported by direct-mail technology. As such, it was Increasingly In the precarious position of having the press scrutinize Falwell's boastful claims. Like the final revealing of the Wizard of Oz, Falwell has been ever vulnerable to the likelihood that Dorothy and her trio of companions on the Yellow Brick Road would one day step around behind the curtain to discover that the Great Oz's powers were largely a facade -- more amplified voice and lightening machine than substance. That is always the risk when a social movement is predicated too closely on media imagery.

During the summer of 1985 Falwell lost his two vice presidents who had been the backbone of the Moral Majority since its founding. Cal Thomas, the quick-witted, sharp-tongued VP for Communications, decided to stride out on his own as a syndicated columnist and freelance journalist, and Ron Godwin, MM's Executive VP, was seduced by big bucks to become a VP with the Washington Times. These near simultaneous developments provided Falwell with an opportunity to slip out from under the weight of his shaky Moral Majority edifice.

Charles Judd, a former national GOP fund-raiser who was hired by Falwell in April 1984 was promoted to head the organization. Judd's goal, with Falwell's blessing, was to engage in building the grass-roots organization that had not previously been accomplished. In November Judd claimed that the Moral Majority was now "a lot more substance than hype." In contrast to the Falwell model, Judd claimed "...our purpose is not to be a lightning rod. Our purpose is to mobilize the conservative. We don't need to be that visible to be effective."

These events, thus, set the stage for Falwell to climb out from under the Moral Majority. It had served its purpose, and the purpose of the New Christian Right, well. But it had run its course. Falwell himself had established sufficient national and international visibility and didn't need the organization to promote himself. In fact, as the data we have here reviewed suggests, Falwell's own image, over the long haul, might well be improved by killing the Moral Majority.

Thus in January 1986 did Jerry Falwell announce the passing of the Moral Majority and the birth of Liberty Federation.

There are lots of possible explanations for these developments. We've argued that it was success and not capitulation to the pressures of negative criticism that led Jerry Falwell to kill the Moral Majority. Like a lot of other decisions he has made, he saw a window of opportunity and went with it.

There are other factors that may also have contributed to the decision. Falwell is committed to building Liberty University into a class institution for the higher education of conservative Christians. His announced goal of 50,000 students may be another one of his whopping made-up statistics.

Falwell has also recently purchased a cable television network. He began feeding the Old-Time Gospel Hour onto the cable system via satellite in 1986, and has plans to begin regular extended broadcasting in 1987. In addition to broadcasting a lot of live events from Liberty University, Falwell will host a daily talk-show with lines open to the audience. Even some of his closest friends and associates don't think he has a chance of building a network that can compete with Pat

Robertson's or Jim Bakker's networks. But they also note that they would never have dreamed that he could have built a university with 6,500 students and with the quality of Liberty University in less than a decade.

Between the development of Liberty University and the Liberty Broadcasting Network, Falwell has two good reasons to settle down and stay home more. He also has reason to begin to soften the tongue that so infuriates liberal Americans. But those reasons may not prove to be compelling. Upon considered reflection, it may become evident that softening the tongue and cleaning up his image are not likely to increase the chances that liberals will send their kids to school in Lynchburg, nor their bucks to support his network.

Jerry Falwell got where he is today by his instincts, energy, wit, and sharp tongue. It seems pretty obvious that he rather likes the idea of everything in his organization coming up LIBERTY. But Falwell is also smart and pragmatic. If Liberty doesn't work for all occasions, he can try something else. And if Charlie Judd doesn't turn Liberty Federation into a grass-roots organization that is paying dividends he may be working for the Republican Party again, and we may well see that after the life and death of the Moral Majority comes its resurrection.