Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases, 1648-1706 :: :: University of Virginia Library

A BRIEF AND TRUE NARRATIVE, BY DEODAT LAWSON, 1692

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INTRODUCTION

The earliest account of the remarkable happenings at Salem, in the spring of 1692, which were to bring to a climax and then to a conclusion the quest of witches in New England, was that which here follows. The Rev. Deodat Lawson was singularly qualified to write it. He had himself, only a little earlier (1684-1688), served as pastor to Salem Village, the rural community in which these happenings took their rise; and, though dissensions in the parish prevented his longer stay, he seems to have been no party to these dissensions and must meanwhile have learned to know the scene and all the actors of that later drama which he here depicts. He was, too, a man of education, travel, social experience. Born in England, the son of a scholarly Puritan minister, and doubtless educated there, he first appears in New England in 1676, and at the time of his call to Salem Village was making his home in Boston. Thither he returned in 1688: Samuel Sewall, who on May 13 had him in at Sunday dinner, notes in his diary that he “came to Town to dwell last week,” and often mentions him thereafter. How at the outbreak of the witchpanic he came to revisit the Village and to chronicle the doings there, he himself a dozen years later thus told his English friends:[1]

It pleased God in the Year of our Lord 1692 to visit the People at a place called Salem Village in New-England, with a very Sore and Grievous Affliction, in which they had reason to believe, that the Soveraign and Holy God was pleased to permit Satan and his Instruments, to Affright and Afflict those poor Mortals in such an Astonishing and Unusual manner.

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Now, I having for some time before attended the work of the Ministry in that Village, the Report of those Great Afflictions came quickly to my notice; and the more readily because the first Person Afflicted was in the Minister's Family, who succeeded me, after I was removed from them; in pitty therefore to my Christian Friends, and former Acquaintance there, I was much concerned about them, frequently consulted with them, and fervently (by Divine Assistance) prayed for them; but especially my Concern was augmented, when it was Reported, at an Examination of a Person suspected for Witchcraft, that my Wife and Daughter, who Dyed Three Years before, were sent out of the World under the Malicious Operations of the Infernal Powers; as is more fully represented in the following Remarks. I did then Desire, and was also Desired, by some concerned in the Court, to be there present, that I might hear what was alledged in that respect; observing therefore, when I was amongst them, that the Case of the Afflicted was very amazing, and deplorable; and the Charges brought against the Accused, such as were Ground of Suspicions yet very intricate, and difficult to draw up right Conclusions about them; I thought good for the satisfaction of my self, and such of my Friends as might be curious to inquiry into those Mysteries of Gods Providence and Satans Malice, to draw up and keep by me, a Brief Account of the most Remarkable things, that came to my Knowledge in those Affairs; which Remarks were afterwards, (at my Request) Revised and Corrected by some who Sate Judges on the Bench, in those Matters; and were now Transcribed, from the same Paper, on which they were then Written.

A narrative so timely and so vouched for must have gone speedily into print.[2] The latest day named in it — “the 5th of April” — was probably the date both of its completion and of its going to press. In 1693 it was reprinted in London by John Dunton, who appended to it an anonymous “Further Account of the Tryals of the New-England Witches” (an extract from “a letter from thence to a Gentleman in London”) bringing the story to February, 1693, and to both joined

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Increase Mather's Cases of Conscience (see pp. 377, 378, below),prefixing to the volume thus made up the title: A Further Account of the Tryals of the New-England Witches. With the Observations of a Person who was upon the Place several Days when the suspected Witches were first taken into Examination. To which is added, Cases of Conscience, etc.[3] In 1704 Lawson, himself now in England, cast it into a new form as an appendix to the English edition of his Salem sermon.[4] All names are now left out, that he “may not grieve any, whose Relations were either Accused or Afflicted, in those times of Trouble and Distress,” and what had been a narrative is given a statistical form under “three Heads, viz. (1.) Relating to the Afflicted, (2.) Relating to the Accused, And (3.) Relating to the Confessing Witches.”[5] On his own views, and the probable trend of his influence while at Salem, light is thrown by his introductory words:

After this,[6] I being by the Providence of God called over into England, in the Year 1696; I then brought that Paper of Remarks on the Witchcraft with me; upon the sight thereof, some Worthy Ministers and Christian Friends here desired me to Reprint the Sermon and subjoyn the Remarks thereunto, in way of Appendix, but for some particular Reasons I did then Decline it; But now, forasmuch as I my self had been an Eye and Ear Witness of most of those Amazing things, so far as they come within the Notice of Humane Senses; and the Requests of my Friends were Renewed since I came to Dwell in London; I have given way to the Publishing of them; that I may satisfy such as are not resolved to the Contrary, that there may be (and are) such Operations of the Powers of Darkness on the

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Bodies and Minds of Mankind, by Divine Permission; and that those who Sate Judges in those Cases, may by the serious Consideration of the formidable Aspect and perplexed Circumstances of that Afflictive Providence be in some measure excused; or at least be less Censured, for passing Sentance on several Persons, as being the Instruments of Satan in those Diabolical Operations, when they were involved in such a Dark and Dismal Scene of Providence, in which Satan did seem to Spin a finer Thred of Spiritual Wickedness than in the ordinary methods of Witchcraft; hence the Judges desiring to bear due Testimony against such Diabolical Practices, were inclined to admit the validity of such a sort of Evidence as was not so clearly and directly demonstrable to Human Senses, as in other Cases is required, or else they could not discover the Mysteries of Witchcraft....

One can not read these words without a suspicion that the reaction in New England against those held responsible for the procedure at Salem may have had to do with his return to England; and even in England, it is clear, his cause now needed defense. If any can wish him further ill, let them be appeased by our two glimpses of his after fate — a despairing letter in 1714,[7] begging from his New England friends meat, drink, and clothing for his sick and starving family, and the passing phrase of a writer who in 1727, mentioning Thomas Lawson, adds that “he was the father of the unhappy Mr. Deodate Lawson, who came hither from New England.”[8]

But the reader should not enter on the study of the witchpanic of 1692 without knowing something of our other sources of knowledge. The contemporary narratives are practically all printed in the pages that follow, and a part of the trial records will be found embodied in Cotton Mather's Wonders;[9] but most of these must be sought otherwhere, and, alas, they are sadly scattered. Some Governor Hutchinson preserved in

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his wise and careful pages on this subject,[10] where alone a part can now be found. Many have drifted into private hands — like those which in 1860 came into the hands of the Massachusetts Historical Society and are in part printed in its Proceedings (1860-1862, pp. 31-37), or those published by Drake in the foot-notes and appendices to his various histories and editions,[11] or those now in the keeping of the Essex Institute at Salem or of the Boston Public Library.[12] Such of these as are in print are mentioned in the notes at the proper points. But most are still in public keeping at Salem; and these in 1864 were printed by W. Elliot Woodward in the two volumes of his Records of Salem Witchcraft, the work most fundamental for the first-hand study of this episode. It is, however, imperfect and far from complete, and there is hope of a better: the Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex County, of which a third volume has just appeared, must in due course include these witch-trials, and Mr. George Francis Dow, their editor (who has already by his publication of the witchcraft records relating to Topsfield[13] shown his keenness in such work), has in mind the seizing of this opportunity to print all obtainable papers relating to the Salem Witchcraft episode. Precious documents too are published by Upham in his classical Salem Witchcraft[14] and in the acute and learned studies of Mr. Abner C. Goodell and Mr. George H. Moore.[15]

Notes

[[1].]

In the London edition of his Salem sermon. See below, p. 158, note 3.

[[2].]

One of the acutest students of New England witchcraft, Mr. George H. Moore (in his “Notes on the Bibliography of Witchcraft in Massachusetts” in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n. s., V. 248), has said of it: “I cannot resist the impression upon reading it, that it was promoted by Cotton Mather and that he wrote the `Bookseller's' notice `to the Reader.' ” If so, he may well have inspired to the task both author and publisher.

[[3].]

The contents of this volume were reprinted at London, in 1862, by John Russell Smith, in the volume of his Library of Old Authors which contains also Cotton Mather's The Wonders of the Invisible World. In this reprint they fill pp. 199-291, being described in its main title by only the misleading words, “A Farther Account of the Tryals of the New-England Witches, by Increase Mather.”

[[4].]

See below, p. 158, note 3.

[[5].]

This revised form of his Account has been reprinted in full at the end of C. W. Upham's Salem Witchcraft (Boston, 1867), and, with but slight omissions, in the Library of American Literature edited by Stedman and Hutchinson (New York, 1891), II. 106-114.

[[6].]

This passage immediately follows that above quoted.

[[7].]

Published (from the Bodleian Library's Rawlinson MS. C. 128, fol. 12) by George H. Moore, in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n. s., V. 268-269.

[[8].]

Edmund Calamy, in his Continuation, II. 629 (II. 192 of Palmer's revision of 1775, The Nonconformist's Memorial).

[[9].]

At pp. 215-244, below.

[[10].]

History of Massachusetts, II., ch. I.

[[11].]

In his History and Antiquities of Boston (Boston, 1856), pp. 497, 498, and in his The Witchcraft Delusion in New England, III. 126, 169-197. All these (the indictment and the testimony against Philip English, the examination of Mary Clark and of the slave Tituba) are now in the New York Public Library, as are also his documents of the Morse case, mentioned above, p. 31, note 1.

[[12].]

As to the fate of the records in general see Upham, Salem Witchcraft, II. 462.

[[13].]

In vol. XIII. of the Historical Collections of the Topsfield Historical Society (1908).

[[14].]

Boston, 1867, two vols.

[[15].]

See p. 91, note 2; p. 373, note 3.

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A BRIEF AND TRUE NARRATIVE: titlepage

A Brief and True Narrative Of some Remarkable Passages Relating to sundry Persons Afflicted by Witchcraft, at Salem Village Which happened from the Nineteenth of March, to the Fifth of April, 1692.

Collected by Deodat Lawson.

Boston, Printed for Benjamin Harris and are to be Sold at his Shop, over-against the Old-Meeting-House. 1692.[16]

"The Bookseller to the Reader."

The Ensuing Narrative, being a Collection of some Remarkables, in an Affair now upon the Stage, made by a Credible Eye-witness, is now offered unto the Reader, only as a Tast, of more that may follow in Gods Time. If the Prayers of Good People may obtain this Favour of God, That the Misterious Assaults from Hell now made upon so many of our Friends may be thoroughly Detected and Defeated, we suppose the Curious will be Entertained with as rare an History as perhaps an Age has had; whereof this Narrative is but a Forerunner.

Benjamin Harris.

Narrative

On the Nineteenth day of March last[17] I went to Salem Village,[18] and lodged at Nathaniel Ingersols near to the

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Minister Mr. P's. house,[19] and presently after I came into my Lodging Capt. Walcuts Daughter Mary[20] came to Lieut. Ingersols and spake to me, but, suddenly after as she stood by the door, was bitten, so that she cried out of her Wrist, and looking on it with a Candle, we saw apparently the marks of Teeth both upper and lower set, on each side of her wrist.

In the beginning of the Evening, I went to give Mr. P.[21] a visit. When I was there, his Kins-woman, Abigail Williams, (about 12 years of age,) had a grievous fit; she was at first hurryed with Violence to and fro in the room, (though Mrs. Ingersol endeavoured to hold her,) sometimes makeing as if she would fly, stretching up her arms as high as she could, and crying “Whish, Whish, Whish!” several times; Presently after she said there was Goodw. N.[22] and said, “Do you not see her? Why there she stands!” And the said Goodw. N. offered her The Book, but she was resolved she would not

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take it, saying Often, “I wont, I wont, I wont, take it, I do not know what Book it is: I am sure it is none of Gods Book, it is the Divels Book, for ought I know.” After that, she run to the Fire, and begun to throw Fire Brands, about the house; and run against the Back, as if she would run up Chimney, and, as they said, she had attempted to go into the Fire in other Fits.

On Lords Day, the Twentieth of March, there were sundry of the afflicted Persons at Meeting, as, Mrs. Pope, and Goodwife Bibber, Abigail Williams. Mary Walcut, Mary Lewes, and Docter Griggs' Maid.[23] There was also at Meeting, Goodwife C.[24] (who was afterward Examined on suspicion of being a Witch:) They had several Sore Fits, in the time of Publick Worship, which did something interrupt me in my First Prayer; being so unusual. After Psalm was Sung, Abigail Williams said to me, “Now stand up, and Name your Text”: And after it was read, she said, “It is a long Text.” In the beginning of Sermon, Mrs. Pope, a Woman afflicted, said to me, “Now there is enough of that.” And in the afternoon, Abigail Williams upon my referring to my Doctrine said to me, “I know no Doctrine you had, If you did name one, I have forgot it.”

In Sermon time when Goodw. C was present in the Meetinghouse Ab. W. called out, “Look where Goodw. C sits on the Beam suckling her Yellow bird betwixt her fingers”! Anne Putnam another Girle afflicted said there was a Yellow-bird sat on my hat as it hung on the Pin in the Pulpit: but those that were by, restrained her from speaking loud about it.

On Monday the 21st of March, The Magistrates of Salem appointed to come to Examination of Goodw C.[25] And about

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twelve of the Clock, they went into the Meeting-House, which was Thronged with Spectators: Mr. Noyes[26] began with a very pertinent and pathetic Prayer; and Goodwife C. being called to answer to what was Alledged against her, she desired to go to Prayer, which was much wondred at, in the presence of so many hundred people: The Magistrates told her, they would not admit it; they came not there to hear her Pray, but to Examine her, in what was Alledged against her. The Worshipful Mr. Hathorne[27] asked her, Why she Afflicted those Children? she said, she did not Afflict them. He asked her, who did then? she said, “I do not know; How should I know?” The Number of the Afflicted Persons were about that time Ten, viz. Four Married Women, Mrs. Pope, Mrs. Putman,[28] Goodw. Bibber, and an Ancient Woman, named Goodall, three Maids, Mary Walcut, Mercy Lewes, at Thomas Putman's, and a Maid at Dr. Griggs's, there were three Girls from 9 to 12 Years of Age, each of them, or thereabouts, viz. Elizabeth Parris, Abigail Williams and Ann Putman; these were most of them at G. C's Examination, and did vehemently accuse her in the Assembly of afflicting them, by Biting, Pinching, Strangling, etc. And that they did in their Fit see her Likeness coming to them, and bringing a Book to them, she said, she had no Book; they affirmed, she had a Yellow-Bird, that used to suck betwixt her Fingers, and being asked about it, if she had any Familiar Spirit, that attended her, she said, She had no Familiarity with any such thing. She was a Gospel Woman: which Title she called her self by; and the Afflicted Persons told her, ah! She was, A Gospel Witch. Ann Putman did there affirm, that one day when Lieutenant Fuller was at

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Prayer at her Fathers House, she saw the shape of Goodw. C. and she thought Goodw. N. Praying at the same time to the Devil, she was not sure it was Goodw. N. she thought it was; but very sure she saw the Shape of G. C. The said C. said, they were poor, distracted Children, and no heed to be given to what they said. Mr. Hathorne and Mr. Noyes replyed, it was the judgment of all that were present, they were Bewitched, and only she, the Accused Person said, they were Distracted. It was observed several times, that if she did but bite her Under lip in time of Examination the persons afflicted were bitten on their armes and wrists and produced the Marks before the Magistrates, Ministers and others. And being watched for that, if she did but Pinch her Fingers, or Graspe one hand hard in another, they were Pinched and produced the Marks before the Magistrates, and Spectators. After that, it was observed, that if she did but lean her Breast against the Seat, in the Meeting House, (being the Barr at which she stood,) they were afflicted. Particularly Mrs. Pope complained of grievous torment in her Bowels as if they were torn out. She vehemently accused said C. as the instrument, and first threw her Muff at her; but that flying not home, she got off her Shoe, and hit Goodwife C. on the head with it. After these postures were watched, if said C. did but stir her feet, they were afflicted in their Feet, and stamped fearfully. The afflicted persons asked her why she did not go to the company of Witches which were before the Meeting house mustering? Did she not hear the Drum beat? They accused her of having Familiarity with the Devil, in the time of Examination, in the shape of a Black man whispering in her ear; they affirmed, that her Yellow-Bird sucked betwixt her Fingers in the Assembly; and order being given to see if there were any sign, the Girl that saw it said, it was too late now; she had removed a Pin, and put it on her head; which was found there sticking upright.

They told her, she had Covenanted with the Devil for ten years, six of them were gone, and four more to come. She was required by the Magistrates to answer that Question in the Catechism, “How many persons be there in the God-Head?” she answered it but oddly, yet was there no great thing to be gathered from it; she denied all that was charged upon her,

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and said, They could not prove a Witch; she was that Afternoon Committed to Salem-Prison; and after she was in Custody, she did not so appear to them, and afflict them as before.

On Wednesday the 23 of March, I went to Thomas Putmans, on purpose to see his Wife: I found her lying on the Bed, having had a sore fit a little before. She spake to me, and said, she was glad to see me; her Husband and she both desired me to pray with her, while she was sensible; which I did, though the Apparition said, I should not go to Prayer. At the first beginning she attended; but after a little time, was taken with a fit: yet continued silent, and seemed to be Asleep: when Prayer was done, her Husband going to her, found her in a Fit; he took her off the Bed, to set her on his Knees; but at first she was so stiff, she could not be bended; but she afterwards set down; but quickly began to strive violently with her Arms and Leggs; she then began to Complain of, and as it were to Converse personally with, Goodw. N., saying, “Goodw. N. Be gone! Be gone! Be gone! are you not ashamed, a Woman of your Profession, to afflict a poor Creature so? what hurt did I ever do you in my life! you have but two years to live, and then the Devil will torment your Soul, for this your Name is blotted out of Gods Book, and it shall never be put in Gods Book again, be gone for shame, are you not afraid of that which is coming upon you? I Know, I know, what will make you afraid; the wrath of an Angry God, I am sure that will make you afraid; be gone, do not tourment me, I know what you would have (we judged she meant, her Soul) but it is out of your reach; it is Clothed with the white Robes of Christs Righteousness.” After this, she seemed to dispute with the Apparition about a particular Text of Scripture. The Apparition seemed to deny it, (the Womans eyes being fast closed all this time); she said, She was sure there was such a Text; and she would tell it; and then the Shape would be gone, for said she, “I am sure you cannot stand before that Text!” then she was sorely Afflicted; her mouth drawn on one side, and her body strained for about a minute, and then said, “I will tell, I will tell; it is, it is, it is!” three or four times, and then was afflicted to hinder her from telling, at last she broke forth and said, “It is the third Chapter of the Revelations.” I did something scruple the reading it, and did let my scruple ap

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pear, lest Satan should make any Superstitious lie to improve the Word of the Eternal God. However, tho' not versed in these things, I judged I might do it this once for an Experiment. I began to read, and before I had near read through the first verse, she opened her eyes, and was well; this fit continued near half an hour. Her Husband and the Spectators told me, she had often been so relieved by reading Texts that she named, something pertinent to her Case; as Isa. 40. 1, Isa. 49. 1, Isa. 50. 1, and several others.

On Thursday the Twenty fourth of march, (being in course the Lecture Day, at the Village,) Goodwife N. was brought before the Magistrates Mr. Hathorne and Mr. Corwin,[29] about Ten of [the] Clock, in the Fore Noon, to be Examined in the Meeting House; the Reverend Mr. Hale[30] begun with Prayer, and the Warrant being read, she was required to give answer, Why she aflicted those persons? she pleaded her owne innocency with earnestness. Thomas Putman's Wife, Abigail Williams and Thomas Putmans daughter accused her that she appeared to them, and afflicted them in their fitts: but some of the other said, that they had seen her, but knew not that ever she had hurt them; amongst which was Mary Walcut, who was presently after she had so declared bitten, and cryed out of her in the meeting-house; producing the Marks of teeth on her wrist. It was so disposed, that I had not leisure to attend the whole time of Examination,[31] but both Magistrates

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and Ministers told me, that the things alledged by the afflicted, and defences made by her, were much after the same manner, as the former was. And her Motions did produce like effects as to Biteing, Pinching, Bruising, Tormenting, at their Breasts, by her Leaning, and when, bended Back, were as if their Backs was broken. The afflicted persons said, the Black Man whispered to her in the Assembly, and therefore she could not hear what the Magistrates said unto her. They said also that she did then ride by the Meeting-house, behind the Black Man. Thomas Putman's wife had a grievous Fit, in the time of Examination, to the very great Impairing of her strength, and wasting of her spirits, insomuch as she could hardly move hand, or foot, when she was carryed out. Others also were there grievously afflicted, so that there was once such an hideous scrietch and noise, (which I heard as I walked, at a little distance from the Meeting house,) as did amaze me, and some that were within told me the whole assembly was struck with consternation, and they were afraid, that those that sate next to them, were under the influence of Witchcraft. This woman also was that day committed to Salem Prison. The Magistrates and Ministers also did informe me, that they apprehended a child of Sarah G.[32] and Examined it, being between 4 and 5 years of Age, And as to matter of Fact, they did Unanimously affirm, that when this Child did but cast its eye upon the afflicted persons, they were tormented, and they held her Head, and yet so many as her eye could fix upon were afflicted. Which they did several times make careful observation of: the afflicted complained, they had often been Bitten by this child, and produced the marks of a small set of teeth, accordingly, this was also committed to Salem Prison; the child looked hail, and well as other Children. I saw it at Lieut. Ingersols.[33] After the commitment of Goodw. N., Tho: Putmans wife was much better, and had no violent fits

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at all from that 24th of March to the 5th of April. Some others also said they had not seen her so frequently appear to them, to hurt them.

On the 25th of March, (as Capt. Stephen Sewal,[34] of Salem, did afterwards inform me) Eliza. Paris had sore Fits, at his house, which much troubled himself, and his wife, so as he told me they were almost discouraged. She related, that the great Black Man came to her, and told her, if she would be ruled by him, she should have whatsoever she desired, and go to a Golden City. She relating this to Mrs. Sewall, she told the child, it was the Divel, and he was a Lyar from the Beginning, and bid her tell him so, if he came again: which she did accordingly, at the next coming to her, in her fits.

On the 26th of March, Mr. Hathorne, Mr. Corwin, and Mr. Higison[35] were at the Prison-Keepers House, to Examine the Child,[36] and it told them there, it had a little Snake that used to Suck on the lowest Joynt of it[s] Fore-Finger; and when they inquired where, pointing to other places, it told them, not there, but there, pointing on the Lowest point of Fore-Finger; where they Observed a deep Red Spot, about the Bigness of a Flea-bite, they asked who gave it that Snake? whether the great Black man, it said no, its Mother gave it.

The 31 of March there was a Publick Fast kept at Salem on account of these Afflicted Persons. And Abigail Williams said, that the Witches had a Sacrament that day at an house in the Village, and that they had Red Bread and Red Drink. The first of April, Mercy Lewis, Thomas Putman's Maid, in her fitt, said, they did eat Red Bread like Mans Flesh, and

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would have had her eat some: but she would not; but turned away her head, and Spit at them, and said, “I will not Eat, I will not Drink, it is Blood,” etc. She said, “That is not the Bread of Life, that is not the Water of Life; Christ gives the Bread of Life, I will have none of it!” This first of April also Marcy Lewis aforesaid saw in her fitt a White man and was with him in a Glorious Place, which had no Candles nor Sun, yet was full of Light and Brightness; where was a great Multitude in White glittering Robes, and they Sung the Song in the fifth of Revelation the Ninth verse, and the 110 Psalm, and the 149 Psalm; and said with her self, “How long shall I stay here? let me be along with you”: She was loth to leave this place, and grieved that she could tarry no longer. This Whiteman[37] hath appeared several times to some of them, and given them notice how long it should be before they had another Fit, which was sometimes a day, or day and half, or more or less: it hath fallen out accordingly.

The third of April, the Lords-Day, being Sacrament-day, at the Village, Goodw. C.[38] upon Mr. Parris's naming his Text, John 6, 70, One of them is a Devil, the said Goodw. C. went immediately out of the Meeting-House, and flung the door after her violently, to the amazement of the Congregation: She was afterward seen by some in their Fits, who said, “O Goodw. C., I did not think to see you here!” (and being at their Red bread and drink) said to her, “Is this a time to receive the Sacrament, you ran-away on the Lords-Day, and scorned to receive it in the Meeting-House, and, Is this a time to receive it? I wonder at you!” This is the summ of what I either saw my self, or did receive Information from persons of undoubted Reputation and Credit.

Notes

[[16].]

Title-page of the original.

[[17].]

1692. This narrative may well be studied in close connection with the parallel narratives of Calef and Hale, printed at pp. 296 ff. and 399 ff. of this volume.

[[18].]

Not Salem town, the present Salem city, but a rural district (what is now the township of Danvers, with parts of the townships adjoining it) which till 1672 had been a mere dependence of the town, but in that year, at the request of its inhabitants, was set off as a separate parish, though not as a distinct town. Despite the name of “village,” there was in Salem Village no huddle of houses amounting to a hamlet, though about the meeting-house (where now is Danvers Highlands) the farm-houses clustered more thickly than elsewhere. Prefixed to the Rev. Charles W. Upham's Salem Witchcraft is a map, which, on the basis of long and loving research, attempts to locate every house in all the region; and the text of that work will also be of constant use, as will the little volume of W. S. Nevins, Witchcraft in Salem Village (1892), with its views of sites and buildings (as “Stories of Salem Witchcraft” it had been printed in the New England Magazine, IV., V.) and the illustrated edition of John Fiske's New France and New England (1904).

[[19].]

Nathaniel Ingersoll, deacon in the village church and perhaps its most devoted member, kept the tavern, or “ordinary,” which was the recognized centre of the “Village.” The meeting-house adjoined it to the east, to the west the parsonage, where lived Mr. Parris.

[[20].]

Captain Jonathan Walcot, commander of the village militia, dwelt next beyond the parsonage. His daughter Mary was now seventeen.

[[21].]

The Rev. Samuel Parris (1653-1720), whose part, and whose family's, in the Salem panic was to be so great, had been at Salem Village since 1688, succeeding Deodat Lawson as its spiritual head. Till then, though educated at Harvard, which is to say for the ministry, he had been engaged in the West Indian trade, and had lived for a time in Barbadoes, whence he had brought back with him the two slaves, John and Tituba, perhaps half negro, half native, with whom we must soon have to do. Abigail Williams, his niece, was a member of his household; and we shall meet also his little daughter Elizabeth, aged nine. The account of his life by S. P. Fowler (Essex Institute, Proceedings, II. 49-68) has been separately printed (Salem, 1857) and is appended to Drake's ed. of Mather and Calef (III. 198-222). But the student needs also Upham, Salem Witchcraft, and the documents reprinted by Calef, More Wonders, pp. 55-64.

[[22].]

Rebecca Nurse, a matron of 71, wife of Francis Nurse, an energetic and prosperous farmer.

[[23].]

Mrs. Pope was a woman of good social position and in early middle life; Sarah Bibber (or Vibber), aged 36, a loose-tongued creature, addicted to fits, who with her husband seems to have “worked out”; Mercy (not Mary) Lewes, a maid in the family of Thomas Putnam, whose wife and twelve-year-old daughter, both named Ann, were also to have a leading part among “the afflicted.” “Doctor Griggs' maid,” Elizabeth Hubbard, aged 17, was a niece of his wife. It was probably Dr. Griggs, the physician of the Village, who had first pronounced the girls bewitched.

[[24].]

Martha Corey, wife of Giles Corey. She too was advanced in years.

[[25].]

For the official report of this examination, as of those to follow and for all the legal documents connected with these cases, the student must of course turn to the publications embodying such court records (see p. 151, above). Those of Goodwife Corey's case may be found in Woodward's Records of Salem Witchcraft, I. 50-60. Especially interesting is the evidence as to her rational attitude: “shee told us,” testify those who went to arrest her, “that shee did not thinke that there were any witches.” They add that it “was said of her that shee would open the eyes of the magistrates and ministers.”

[[26].]

The Rev. Nicholas Noyes, minister at Salem town.

[[27].]

John Hathorne, or Hawthorne, a magistrate of the colony, and, as a member of the highest court, a local magistrate as well, had his home on his farm in Salem Village and must have known personally all these neighbors. It must be remembered, and may well be pointed out here, that Massachusetts magistrates were not men trained to the law, but only respected laymen.

[[28].]

Putnam: this misspelling was common.

[[29].]

Jonathan Corwin was, like Hathorne, a member of the Court of Assistants, the highest legislative and judicial body of the colony, and like him the son of one of its founders. They were the men of highest note in the Salem region. Corwin lived in the town.

[[30].]

Of Beverly. As to him see p. 397, below.

[[31].]

What drew Mr. Lawson away from the examinations was doubtless the need to complete his preparation for the important sermon of that day; and it must have been this on which he was pondering when (as he records a few lines later) the shrieks of the afflicted reached him as he walked, “a little distance from the meeting-house.” That sermon was, however, no extempore production, but a studied disquisition on the power and malice of the Devil, who “Contracts and Indents with Witches and Wizzards, that they shall be the Instruments by whom he may more secretly Affect and Afflict the Bodies and Minds of others.” “And the Devil,” taught Lawson, committing himself wholly to belief in the worth of that “spectral evidence” which was to play such a part in the Salem episode, “having them in his subjection, by their Consent, he will use their Bodies and Minds, Shapes and Representations, to Affright and Afflict others at his pleasure.” The magistrates were present at the sermon; and to them he dedicated the sermon when, in the following year, he gave it to the press under the title of Christ's Fidelity the only Shield against Satan's Malignity. A second edition was printed under his eye at London in 1704 (see p. 149, above).

[[32].]

Sarah Good, who with Sarah Osburn and Parris's slave-woman Tituba had been examined and committed to jail on March 1, before Lawson's visit (see p. 343, below).

[[33].]

Little Dorcas Good, thus sent to prison “as hale and well as other children,” lay there seven or eight months, and “being chain'd in the dungeon was so hardly used and terrifyed” that eighteen years later her father alleged “that she hath ever since been very chargeable, haveing little or no reason to govern herself.” See his petition for damages, September 13, 1710 (printed in the N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register, XXXV. 253 — the MS. is now in the President White Library at Cornell University). He was allowed £30.

[[34].]

Stephen Sewall, clerk of the courts at Salem, in whose home the Rev. Mr. Parris had now placed his daughter Elizabeth — a fact which may have some connection with his being one of the most ardent furtherers of the trials. It was from him that Cotton Mather later asked the materials for his account of them (see p. 206, below). He must, of course, not be confused with his more eminent brother, Samuel Sewall, of Boston, whom we shall soon meet as a judge in the Salem trials.

[[35].]

The Rev. John Higginson, the aged senior minister of the church in Salem.

[[36].]

Dorcas Good, of course, not Elizabeth Parris.

[[37].]

White man.

[[38].]

Not Goodwife Corey, but Goodwife Sarah Cloyse, sister of Rebecca Nurse. For an explanation of the slammed door, see p. 346, below.

Remarks of things more than ordinary about the Afflicted Persons.

1. They are in their Fits tempted to be Witches, are shewed the List of the Names of others, and are tortured, because they will not yield to Subscribe, or meddle with, or touch the Book, and are promised to have present Relief if they would do it.

162

2. They did in the Assembly mutually Cure each other, even with a Touch of their Hand, when Strangled, and otherwise Tortured; and would endeavour to get to their Afflicted, to Relieve them.

3. They did also foretel when anothers Fit was a-coming, and would say, “Look to her! she will have a Fit presently,” which fell out accordingly, as many can bear witness, that heard and saw it.

4. That at the same time, when the Accused Person was present, the Afflicted Persons saw her Likeness in other places of the Meeting-House, suckling her Familiar, sometimes in one place and posture, and sometimes in another.

5. That their Motions in their Fits are Preternatural, both as to the manner, which is so strange as a well person could not Screw their Body into; and as to the violence also it is preternatural, being much beyond the Ordinary force of the same person when they are in their right mind.

6. The eyes of some of them in their fits are exceeding fast closed, and if you ask a question they can give no answer, and I do believe they cannot hear at that time, yet do they plainely converse with the Appearances, as if they did discourse with real persons.

7. They are utterly pressed against any persons Praying with them, and told by the appearances, they shall not go to Prayer, so Tho. Putmans wife was told, I should not Pray; but she said, I should: and after I had done, reasoned with the Appearance, “Did not I say he should go to Prayer?”

8. The forementioned Mary W.[39] being a little better at ease, the Afflicted persons said, she had signed the book; and that was the reason she was better. Told me by Edward Putman.[40]

Notes

[[39].]

Walcot.

[[40].]

Deacon Edward Putnam, a pillar of the village church, was brother and close neighbor to Thomas Putnam, whose wife, daughter, and maid were leaders among “the afflicted.”

Remarks concerning the Accused.

1. For introduction to the discovery of those that afflicted them, It is reported Mr. Parris's Indian Man and Woman made a Cake of Rye Meal, and the Childrens water, baked it

163

in the Ashes, and gave it to a Dogge, since which they have discovered, and seen particular persons hurting of them.

2. In Time of Examination, they seemed little affected, though all the Spectators were much grieved to see it.

3. Natural Actions in them produced Preternatural actions in the Afflicted, so that they are their own Image without any Poppits of Wax or otherwise.[41]

4. That they are accused to have a Company about 23 or 24 and they did Muster in Armes, as it seemed to the Afflicted Persons.

5. Since they were confined, the Persons have not been so much Afflicted with their appearing to them, Biteing or Pinching of them, etc.

6. They are reported by the Afflicted Persons to keep dayes of Fast and dayes of Thanksgiving, and Sacraments;. Satan endeavours to Transforme himself to an Angel of Light, and to make his Kingdom and Administrations to resemble those of our Lord Jesus Christ.

7. Satan Rages Principally amongst the Visible Subjects of Christ's Kingdom and makes use (at least in appearance) of some of them to Afflict others; that Christ's Kingdom may be divided against it self, and so be weakened.

8. Several things used in England at Tryal of Witches, to the Number of 14 or 15, which are wont to pass instead of or in Concurrence with Witnesses, at least 6 or 7 of them are found in these accused: see Keebles Statutes.[42]

164

9. Some of the most solid Alflicted Persons do affirme the same things concerning seeing the accused out of their Fitts as well as in them.

10. The Witches had a Fast, and told one of the Afflicted Girles, she must not Eat, because it was Fast Day, she said, she would: they told her they would Choake her then; which when she did eat, was endeavoured.
Finis.

Notes

[[41]]

I. e.,these witches have no need, as do others (see p. 104), to make images, or puppets, in the likeness of those they wish to torment, and then by torturing the puppets to inflict the same tortures on those they represent: these witches have only to act, and their victims are preternaturally compelled to the same action.

[[42]What]

is meant is clearly not the collection of English statutes compiled by Joseph Keeble, or Keble, (1632-1710). Often printed (1676, 1681, 1684, 1695, 1706), this seems to have been standard in the colonies as at home; but it contains absolutely nothing but the text of the statutes in force, “with the titles of such as are expired, repealed, altered, or out of use,” and at the end an analytical table of subjects.” The work really meant is Keble's An Assistance to Justices of the Peace (London, 1683, 1689). This work, however, borrows its pages on witchcraft (pp. 217-220) from the older manuals of Lambarde, West, and Dalton; and the passage in question is one compiled by Michael Dalton, for the later editions of his The Countrey Justice, from Thomas Potts's Discoverie of Witches (1613) and Richard Barnard's Guide to Grand-Jury Men (1627). For aid in this identification, and for a transcript of these pages from the Harvard copy of Keble, the editor is indebted to Mr. David M. Matteson.