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 30.5. 
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22. That the Jurisdictions were established before the End of the Second Race.
  
  
 30.23. 
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30.22. 22. That the Jurisdictions were established before the End of the
Second Race.

It has been pretended that the vassals usurped the jurisdiction in their seigniories, during the confusion of the second race. Those who choose rather to form a general proposition than to examine it found it easier to say that the vassals did not possess than to discover how they came to possess. But the jurisdictions do not owe their origin to usurpations; they are derived from the primitive establishment, and not from its corruption.

"He who kills a freeman," says the law of the Bavarians, "shall pay a composition to his relatives if he has any; if not, he shall pay it to the duke, or to the person under whose protection he had put himself in his lifetime." [177] it is well known what it was to put oneself under the protection of another for a benefice.

"He who had been robbed of his bondman," says the law of the Alemans, "shall have recourse to the prince to whom the robber is subject; to the end that he may obtain a composition." [178]

"If a centenarius," says the decree of Childebert, "finds a robber in another hundred than his own, or in the limits of our faithful vassals, and does not drive him out, he shall be answerable for the robber, or purge himself by oath." [179] There was therefore a difference between the district of the centenarii and that of the vassals.

This decree of Childebert [180] explains the constitution of Clotharius of the same year, which being given for the same occasion and on the same matter differs only in the terms; the constitution calling in truste what by the decree is styled in terminis fidelium nostrorum. Messieurs Bignon and Ducange, who pretend that in truste signified another king's demesne, are mistaken in their conjecture. [181]

Pepin, King of Italy, in a constitution that had been made as well for the Franks as for the Lombards, [182] after imposing penalties on the counts and other royal officers for prevarications or delays in the administration of justice, ordains that if it happens that a Frank or a Lombard, possessed of a fief, is unwilling to administer justice, the judge to whose district he belongs shall suspend the exercise of his fief, and in the meantime, either the judge or his commissary shall administer justice. [183]

It appears by a Capitulary of Charlemagne, [184] that the kings did not levy the freda in all places. Another capitulary of the same prince shows the feudal laws [185] and feudal court to have been already established. Another of Louis the Debonnaire ordains that when a person possessed of a fief does not administer justice, [186] or binders it from being administered, the king's commissaries shall live in his house at discretion, till justice be administered. I shall likewise quote two capitularies of Charles the Bald; one of the year 861, [187] where we find the particular jurisdictions established, with judges and subordinate officers; and the other of the year 864, [188] where he makes a distinction between his own seigniories and those of private persons.

We have not the original grants of the fiefs, because they were established by the partition which is known to have been made among the conquerors. It cannot, therefore, be proved by original contracts that the jurisdictions were at first annexed to the fiefs: but if in the formularies of the confirmations, or of the translations of those fiefs in perpetuity, we find, as already has been observed, that the jurisdiction was there established, this judiciary right must certainly have been inherent in the fief and one of its chief privileges.

We have a far greater number of records that establish the patrimonial jurisdiction of the clergy in their districts than there are to prove that of the benefices or fiefs of the feudal lords; for which two reasons may be assigned. The first, that most of the records now extant were preserved or collected by the monks, for the use of their monasteries. The second, that the patrimony of the several churches having been formed by particular grants, and by a kind of derogation from the order established, they were obliged to have charters granted to them; whereas the concessions made to the feudal lords being consequences of the political order, they had no occasion to demand, and much less to preserve, a particular charter. Nay the kings were oftentimes satisfied with making a simple delivery with the sceptre, as appears from the Life of St. Maur.

But the third formulary of Marculfus sufficiently proves that the privileges of immunity, and consequently that of jurisdiction, were common to the clergy and the laity, since it is made for both. [189] The same may be said of the constitution of Clotharius II. [190]

Footnotes

[177]

Tit. 3, cap. xiii. Lindembrock's edition.

[178]

Tit. 85.

[179]

In the year 595, arts. 11 and 12, edition of the Capitularies by Baluzius, p. 19.

[180]

Arts. 2 and 3.

[181]

See Du Cange, "Glossary," on the word trustis.

[182]

Inserted in the "Law of the Lombards," book ii. tit. 52, section 14. It is the Capitulary of the year 793, in Baluzius, p. 544, art. 10.

[183]

See also the same "Law of the Lombards," book ii, tit. 52, section 2, which relates to the Capitulary of Charlemagne of the year 779, art. 21.

[184]

The third of the year 812, art. 10.

[185]

The second of the year 813, arts. 14, 20, Baluzius' edition, p. 509.

[186]

Capitulare quintum anni 819 art. 23, Baluzius' edition, p. 617.

[187]

Edictum in Carisiaco in Baluzius, tome ii, p. 152.

[188]

Edictum Pistense, art. 18, Baluzius' edition, tome ii, p. 181.

[189]

Lib. 1.

[190]

I have already quoted it in the preceding chapter, "Episcopi vel patentes."