Livy's History of Rome, Book 1:
The Earliest Legends
1.1
To
begin with, it is generally admitted that after the
capture of Troy, whilst the rest of the Trojans were
massacred, against two of them -Aeneas and Antenor
-the Achivi refused to exercise the rights of war,
partly owing to old ties of hospitality, and partly
because these men had always been in favour of
making peace and surrendering Helen. Their
subsequent fortunes were different. Antenor sailed
into the furthest part of the Adriatic, accompanied
by a number of Enetians who had been driven from
Paphlagonia by a revolution, and after losing their
king Pylaemenes before Troy were looking for a
settlement and a leader. The combined force of
Enetians and Trojans defeated the Euganei, who dwelt
between the sea and the Alps and occupied their
land. The place where they disembarked was called
Troy, and the name was extended to the surrounding
district; the whole nation were called Veneti.
Similar misfortunes led to Aeneas becoming a
wanderer, but the Fates were preparing a higher
destiny for him. He first visited Macedonia, then
was carried down to Sicily in quest of a settlement;
from Sicily he directed his course to the Laurentian
territory. Here, too, the name of Troy is found, and
here the Trojans disembarked, and as their almost
infinite wanderings had left them nothing but their
arms and their ships, they began to plunder the
neighbourhood. The Aborigines, who occupied the
country, with their king Latinus at their head, came
hastily together from the city and the country
districts to repel the inroads of the strangers by
force of arms.
From this point there is a twofold tradition.
According to the one, Latinus was defeated in
battle, and made peace with Aeneas, and subsequently
a family alliance. According to the other, whilst
the two armies were standing ready to engage and
waiting for the signal, Latinus advanced in front of
his lines and invited the leader of the strangers to
a conference. He inquired of him what manner of men
they were, whence they came, what had happened to
make them leave their homes, what were they in quest
of when they landed in Latinus' territory. When he
heard that the men were Trojans, that their leader
was Aeneas, the son of Anchises and Venus, that
their city had been burnt, and that the homeless
exiles were now looking for a place to settle in and
build a city, he was so struck with the noble
bearing of the men and their leader, and their
readiness to accept alike either peace or war, that
he gave his right hand as a solemn pledge of
friendship for the future. A formal treaty was made
between the leaders and mutual greetings exchanged
between the armies. Latinus received Aeneas as a
guest in his house, and there, in the presence of
his tutelary deities, completed the political
alliance by a domestic one, and gave his daughter in
marriage to Aeneas. This incident confirmed the
Trojans in the hope that they had reached the term
of their wanderings and won a permanent home. They
built a town, which Aeneas called Lavinium after his
wife. In a short time a boy was born of the new
marriage, to whom his parents gave the name of
Ascanius.
1.2
In a short time the
Aborigines and Trojans became involved in war with
Turnus, the king of the Rutulians. Lavinia had been
betrothed to him before the arrival of Aeneas, and,
furious at finding a stranger preferred to him, he
declared war against both Latinus and Aeneas.
Neither side could congratulate themselves on the
result of the battle; the Rutulians were defeated,
but the victorious Aborigines and Trojans lost their
leader Latinus. Feeling their need of allies, Turnus
and the Rutulians had recourse to the celebrated
power of the Etruscans and Mezentius, their king,
who was reigning at Caere, a wealthy city in those
days. From the first he had felt anything but
pleasure at the rise of the new city, and now he
regarded the growth of the Trojan state as much too
rapid to be safe to its neighbours, so he welcomed
the proposal to join forces with the Rutulians. To
keep the Aborigines from abandoning him in the face
of this strong coalition and to secure their being
not only under the same laws, but also the same
designation, Aeneas called both nations by the
common name of Latins. From that time the Aborigines
were not behind the Trojans in their loyal devotion
to Aeneas. So great was the power of Etruria that
the renown of her people had filled not only the
inland parts of Italy but also the coastal districts
along the whole length of the land from the Alps to
the Straits of Messina. Aeneas, however, trusting to
the loyalty of the two nations who were day by day
growing into one, led his forces into the field,
instead of awaiting the enemy behind his walls. The
battle resulted in favour of the Latins, but it was
the last mortal act of Aeneas. His tomb -whatever
it is lawful and right to call him -is situated on
the bank of the Numicius. He is addressed as
"Jupiter Indiges."
1.3
His son, Ascanius, was not
old enough to assume the government; but his throne
remained secure throughout his minority. During that
interval -such was Lavinia's force of character -though a woman was regent, the Latin State, and the
kingdom of his father and grandfather, were
preserved unimpaired for her son. I will not discuss
the question -for who could speak decisively about
a matter of such extreme antiquity? -whether the
man whom the Julian house claim, under the name of
Iulus, as the founder of their name, was this
Ascanius or an older one than he, born of Creusa,
whilst Ilium was still intact, and after its fall a
sharer in his father's fortunes. This Ascanius,
where ever born, or of whatever mother -it is
generally agreed in any case that he was the son of
Aeneas -left to his mother (or his stepmother) the
city of Lavinium, which was for those days a
prosperous and wealthy city, with a superabundant
population, and built a new city at the foot of the
Alban hills, which from its position, stretching
along the side of the hill, was called "Alba Longa."
An interval of thirty years elapsed between the
foundation of Lavinium and the colonisation of Alba
Longa. Such had been the growth of the Latin power,
mainly through the defeat of the Etruscans, that
neither at the death of Aeneas, nor during the
regency of Lavinia, nor during the immature years of
the reign of Ascanius, did either Mezentius and the
Etruscans or any other of their neighbours venture
to attack them. When terms of peace were being
arranged, the river Albula, now called the Tiber,
had been fixed as the boundary between the Etruscans
and the Latins.
Ascanius was succeeded by his son Silvius,
who by some chance had been born in the forest. He
became the father of Aeneas Silvius, who in his turn
had a son, Latinus Silvius. He planted a number of
colonies: the colonists were called Prisci Latini.
The cognomen of Silvius was common to all the
remaining kings of Alba, each of whom succeeded his
father. Their names are Alba, Atys, Capys, Capetus,
Tiberinus, who was drowned in crossing the Albula,
and his name transferred to the river, which became
henceforth the famous Tiber. Then came his son
Agrippa, after him his son Romulus Silvius. He was
struck by lightning and left the crown to his son
Aventinus, whose shrine was on the hill which bears
his name and is now a part of the city of Rome. He
was succeeded by Proca, who had two sons, Numitor
and Amulius. To Numitor, the elder, he bequeathed
the ancient throne of the Silvian house. Violence,
however, proved stronger than either the father's
will or the respect due to the brother's seniority;
for Amulius expelled his brother and seized the
crown. Adding crime to crime, he murdered his
brother's sons and made the daughter, Rea Silvia, a
Vestal virgin; thus, under the presence of honouring
her, depriving her of all hopes of issue.
1.4
But the Fates had, I
believe, already decreed the origin of this great
city and the foundation of the mightiest empire
under heaven. The Vestal was forcibly violated and
gave birth to twins. She named Mars as their father,
either because she really believed it, or because
the fault might appear less heinous if a deity were
the cause of it. But neither gods nor men sheltered
her or her babes from the king's cruelty; the
priestess was thrown into prison, the boys were
ordered to be thrown into the river. By a
heaven-sent chance it happened that the Tiber was
then overflowing its banks, and stretches of
standing water prevented any approach to the main
channel. Those who were carrying the children
expected that this stagnant water would be
sufficient to drown them, so under the impression
that they were carrying out the king's orders they
exposed the boys at the nearest point of the
overflow, where the Ficus Ruminalis (said to have
been formerly called Romularis) now stands. The
locality was then a wild solitude. The tradition
goes on to say that after the floating cradle in
which the boys had been exposed had been left by the
retreating water on dry land, a thirsty she-wolf
from the surrounding hills, attracted by the crying
of the children, came to them, gave them her teats
to suck and was so gentle towards them that the
king's flock-master found her licking the boys with
her tongue. According to the story, his name was
Faustulus. He took the children to his hut and gave
them to his wife Larentia to bring up. Some writers
think that Larentia, from her unchaste life, had got
the nickname of "She-wolf" amongst the shepherds,
and that this was the origin of the marvellous
story. As soon as the boys, thus born and thus
brought up, grew to be young men they did not
neglect their pastoral duties, but their special
delight was roaming through the woods on hunting
expeditions. As their strength and courage were thus
developed, they used not only to lie in wait for
fierce beasts of prey, but they even attacked
brigands when loaded with plunder. They distributed
what they took amongst the shepherds, with whom,
surrounded by a continually increasing body of young
men, they associated themselves in their serious
undertakings and in their sports and pastimes.
1.5
It is said that the
festival of the Lupercalia, which is still observed,
was even in those days celebrated on the Palatine
hill. This hill was originally called Pallantium
from a city of the same name in Arcadia; the name
was afterwards changed to Palatium. Evander, an
Arcadian, had held that territory many ages before,
and had introduced an annual festival from Arcadia
in which young men ran about naked for sport and
wantonness, in honour of the Lycaean Pan, whom the
Romans afterwards called Inuus. The existence of
this festival was widely recognised, and it was
while the two brothers were engaged in it that the
brigands, enraged at losing their plunder, ambushed
them. Romulus successfully defended himself, but
Remus was taken prisoner and brought before Amulius,
his captors impudently accusing him of their own
crimes. The principal charge brought against them
was that of invading Numitor's lands with a body of
young men whom they had got together, and carrying
off plunder as though in regular warfare. Remus
accordingly was handed over to Numitor for
punishment. Faustulus had from the beginning
suspected that it was royal offspring that he was
bringing up, for he was aware that the boys had been
exposed at the king's command and the time at which
he had taken them away exactly corresponded with
that of their exposure. He had, however, refused to
divulge the matter prematurely, until either a
fitting opportunity occurred or necessity demanded
its disclosure. The necessity came first. Alarmed
for the safety of Remus he revealed the state of the
case to Romulus. It so happened that Numitor also,
who had Remus in his custody, on hearing that he and
his brother were twins and comparing their ages and
the character and bearing so unlike that of one in a
servile condition, began to recall the memory of his
grandchildren, and further inquiries brought him to
the same conclusion as Faustulus; nothing was
wanting to the recognition of Remus. So the king
Amulius was being enmeshed on all sides by hostile
purposes. Romulus shrunk from a direct attack with
his body of shepherds, for he was no match for the
king in open fight. They were instructed to approach
the palace by different routes and meet there at a
given time, whilst from Numitor's house Remus lent
his assistance with a second band he had collected.
The attack succeeded and the king was killed.
1.6
At the beginning of the
fray, Numitor gave out that an enemy had entered the
City and was attacking the palace, in order to draw
off the Alban soldiery to the citadel, to defend it.
When he saw the young men coming to congratulate him
after the assassination, he at once called a council
of his people and explained his brother's infamous
conduct towards him, the story of his grandsons,
their parentage and bringing up, and how he
recognised them. Then he proceeded to inform them of
the tyrant's death and his responsibility for it.
The young men marched in order through the midst of
the assembly and saluted their grandfather as king;
their action was approved by the whole population,
who with one voice ratified the title and
sovereignty of the king. After the government of
Alba was thus transferred to Numitor, Romulus and
Remus were seized with the desire of building a city
in the locality where they had been exposed. There
was the superfluous population of the Alban and
Latin towns, to these were added the shepherds: it
was natural to hope that with all these Alba would
be small and Lavinium small in comparison with the
city which was to be founded. These pleasant
anticipations were disturbed by the ancestral curse
-ambition -which led to a deplorable quarrel over
what was at first a trivial matter. As they were
twins and no claim to precedence could be based on
seniority, they decided to consult the tutelary
deities of the place by means of augury as to who
was to give his name to the new city, and who was to
rule it after it had been founded. Romulus
accordingly selected the Palatine as his station for
observation, Remus the Aventine.
1.7
Remus is said to have been
the first to receive an omen: six vultures appeared
to him. The augury had just been announced to
Romulus when double the number appeared to him. Each
was saluted as king by his own party. The one side
based their claim on the priority of the appearance,
the other on the number of the birds. Then followed
an angry altercation; heated passions led to
bloodshed; in the tumult Remus was killed. The more
common report is that Remus contemptuously jumped
over the newly raised walls and was forthwith killed
by the enraged Romulus, who exclaimed, "So shall it
be henceforth with every one who leaps over my
walls." Romulus thus became sole ruler, and the city
was called after him, its founder. His first work
was to fortify the Palatine hill where he had been
brought up. The worship of the other deities he
conducted according to the use of Alba, but that of
Hercules in accordance with the Greek rites as they
had been instituted by Evander. It was into this
neighbourhood, according to the tradition, that
Hercules, after he had killed Geryon, drove his
oxen, which were of marvellous beauty. He swam
across the Tiber, driving the oxen before him, and
wearied with his journey, lay down in a grassy place
near the river to rest himself and the oxen, who
enjoyed the rich pasture. When sleep had overtaken
him, as he was heavy with food and wine, a shepherd
living near, called Cacus, presuming on his
strength, and captivated by the beauty of the oxen,
determined to secure them. If he drove them before
him into the cave, their hoof-marks would have led
their owner on his search for them in the same
direction, so he dragged the finest of them
backwards by their tails into his cave. At the first
streak of dawn Hercules awoke, and on surveying his
herd saw that some were missing. He proceeded
towards the nearest cave, to see if any tracks
pointed in that direction, but he found that every
hoof-mark led from the cave and none towards it.
Perplexed and bewildered he began to drive the herd
away from so dangerous a neighbourhood. Some of the
cattle, missing those which were left behind, lowed
as they often do, and an answering low sounded from
the cave. Hercules turned in that direction, and as
Cacus tried to prevent him by force from entering
the cave, he was killed by a blow from Hercules'
club, after vainly appealing for help to his
comrades
The king of the country at that time was
Evander, a refugee from Peloponnesus, who ruled more
by personal ascendancy than by the exercise of
power. He was looked up to with reverence for his
knowledge of letters -a new and marvellous thing
for uncivilised men -but he was still more revered
because of his mother Carmenta, who was believed to
be a divine being and regarded with wonder by all as
an interpreter of Fate, in the days before the
arrival of the Sibyl in Italy. This Evander, alarmed
by the crowd of excited shepherds standing round a
stranger whom they accused of open murder,
ascertained from them the nature of his act and what
led to it. As he observed the bearing and stature of
the man to be more than human in greatness and
august dignity, he asked who he was. When he heard
his name, and learnt his father and his country he
said, "Hercules, son of Jupiter, hail! My mother,
who speaks truth in the name of the gods, has
prophesied that thou shalt join the company of the
gods, and that here a shrine shall be dedicated to
thee, which in ages to come the most powerful nation
in all the world shall call their Ara Maxima and
honour with shine own special worship." Hercules
grasped Evander's right hand and said that he took
the omen to himself and would fulfil the prophecy by
building and consecrating the altar. Then a heifer
of conspicuous beauty was taken from the herd, and
the first sacrifice was offered; the Potitii and
Pinarii, the two principal families in those parts,
were invited by Hercules to assist in the sacrifice
and at the feast which followed. It so happened that
the Potitii were present at the appointed time, and
the entrails were placed before them; the Pinarii
arrived after these were consumed and came in for
the rest of the banquet. It became a permanent
institution from that time, that as long as the
family of the Pinarii survived they should not eat
of the entrails of the victims. The Potitii, after
being instructed by Evander, presided over that rite
for many ages, until they handed over this
ministerial office to public servants after which
the whole race of the Potitii perished. This out of
all foreign rites, was the only one which Romulus
adopted, as though he felt that an immortality won
through courage, of which this was the memorial,
would one day be his own reward.
1.8
After the claims of
religion had been duly acknowledged, Romulus called
his people to a council. As nothing could unite them
into one political body but the observance of common
laws and customs, he gave them a body of laws, which
he thought would only be respected by a rude and
uncivilised race of men if he inspired them with awe
by assuming the outward symbols of power. He
surrounded himself with greater state, and in
particular he called into his service twelve
lictors. Some think that he fixed upon this number
from the number of the birds who foretold his
sovereignty; but I am inclined to agree with those
who think that as this class of public officers was
borrowed from the same people from whom the "sella
curulis" and the "toga praetexta" were adopted -their neighbours, the Etruscans -so the number
itself also was taken from them. Its use amongst the
Etruscans is traced to the custom of the twelve
sovereign cities of Etruria, when jointly electing a
king, furnishing him each with one lictor. Meantime
the City was growing by the extension of its walls
in various directions; an increase due rather to the
anticipation of its future population than to any
present overcrowding. His next care was to secure an
addition to the population that the size of the City
might not be a source of weakness. It had been the
ancient policy of the founders of cities to get
together a multitude of people of obscure and low
origin and then to spread the fiction that they were
the children of the soil. In accordance with this
policy, Romulus opened a place of refuge on the spot
where, as you go down from the Capitol, you find an
enclosed space between two groves. A promiscuous
crowd of freemen and slaves, eager for change, fled
thither from the neighbouring states. This was the
first accession of strength to the nascent greatness
of the city. When he was satisfied as to its
strength, his next step was to provide for that
strength being wisely directed. He created a hundred
senators; either because that number was adequate,
or because there were only a hundred heads of houses
who could be created. In any case they were called
the "Patres" in virtue of their rank, and their
descendants were called "Patricians."
1.9
The Roman State had now
become so strong that it was a match for any of its
neighbours in war, but its greatness threatened to
last for only one generation, since through the
absence of women there was no hope of offspring, and
there was no right of intermarriage with their
neighbours. Acting on the advice of the senate,
Romulus sent envoys amongst the surrounding nations
to ask for alliance and the right of intermarriage
on behalf of his new community. It was represented
that cities, like everything else, sprung from the
humblest beginnings, and those who were helped on by
their own courage and the favour of heaven won for
themselves great power and great renown. As to the
origin of Rome, it was well known that whilst it had
received divine assistance, courage and
self-reliance were not wanting. There should,
therefore, be no reluctance for men to mingle their
blood with their fellow-men. Nowhere did the envoys
meet with a favourable reception. Whilst their
proposals were treated with contumely, there was at
the same time a general feeling of alarm at the
power so rapidly growing in their midst. Usually
they were dismissed with the question, "whether they
had opened an asylum for women, for nothing short of
that would secure for them intermarriage on equal
terms." The Roman youth could ill brook such
insults, and matters began to look like an appeal to
force. To secure a favourable place and time for
such an attempt, Romulus, disguising his resentment,
made elaborate preparations for the celebration of
games in honour of "Equestrian Neptune," which he
called "the Consualia." He ordered public notice of
the spectacle to be given amongst the adjoining
cities, and his people supported him in making the
celebration as magnificent as their knowledge and
resources allowed, so that expectations were raised
to the highest pitch. There was a great gathering;
people were eager to see the new City, all their
nearest neighbours -the people of Caenina,
Antemnae, and Crustumerium -were there, and the
whole Sabine population came, with their wives and
families. They were invited to accept hospitality at
the different houses, and after examining the
situation of the City, its walls and the large
number of dwelling-houses it included, they were
astonished at the rapidity with which the Roman
State had grown.
When the hour for the games had come, and
their eyes and minds were alike riveted on the
spectacle before them, the preconcerted signal was
given and the Roman youth dashed in all directions
to carry off the maidens who were present. The
larger part were carried off indiscriminately, but
some particularly beautiful girls who had been
marked out for the leading patricians were carried
to their houses by plebeians told off for the task.
One, conspicuous amongst them all for grace and
beauty, is reported to have been carried off by a
group led by a certain Talassius, and to the many
inquiries as to whom she was intended for, the
invariable answer was given, "For Talassius." Hence
the use of this word in the marriage rites. Alarm
and consternation broke up the games, and the
parents of the maidens fled, distracted with grief,
uttering bitter reproaches on the violators of the
laws of hospitality and appealing to the god to
whose solemn games they had come, only to be the
victims of impious perfidy. The abducted maidens
were quite as despondent and indignant. Romulus,
however, went round in person, and pointed out to
them that it was all owing to the pride of their
parents in denying right of intermarriage to their
neighbours. They would live in honourable wedlock,
and share all their property and civil rights, and -dearest of all to human nature -would be the
mothers of freemen. He begged them to lay aside
their feelings of resentment and give their
affections to those whom fortune had made masters of
their persons. An injury had often led to
reconciliation and love; they would find their
husbands all the more affectionate, because each
would do his utmost, so far as in him lay, to make
up for the loss of parents and country. These
arguments were reinforced by the endearments of
their husbands, who excused their conduct by
pleading the irresistible force of their passion -a
plea effective beyond all others in appealing to a
woman's nature.
1.10
The feelings of the
abducted maidens were now pretty completely
appeased, but not so those of their parents. They
went about in mourning garb, and tried by their
tearful complaints to rouse their countrymen to
action. Nor did they confine their remonstrances to
their own cities; they flocked from all sides to
Titus Tatius, the king of the Sabines, and sent
formal deputations to him, for his was the most
influential name in those parts. The people of
Caenina, Crustumerium, and Antemnae were the
greatest sufferers; they thought Tatius and his
Sabines were too slow in moving, so these three
cities prepared to make war conjointly. Such,
however, were the impatience and anger of the
Caeninensians that even the Crustuminians and
Antemnates did not display enough energy for them,
so the men of Caenina made an attack upon Roman
territory on their own account. Whilst they were
scattered far and wide, pillaging and destroying,
Romulus came upon them with an army, and after a
brief encounter taught them that anger is futile
without strength. He put them to a hasty flight, and
following them up, killed their king and despoiled
his body; then after slaying their leader took their
city at the first assault. He was no less anxious to
display his achievements than he had been great in
performing them, so, after leading his victorious
army home, he mounted to the Capitol with the spoils
of his dead foe borne before him on a frame
constructed for the purpose. He hung them there on
an oak, which the shepherds looked upon as a sacred
tree, and at the same time marked out the site for
the temple of Jupiter, and addressing the god by a
new title, uttered the following invocation:
"Jupiter Feretrius! these arms taken from a king, I,
Romulus a king and conqueror, bring to thee, and on
this domain, whose bounds I have in will and purpose
traced, I dedicate a temple to receive the 'spolia
opima' which posterity following my example shall
bear hither, taken from the kings and generals of
our foes slain in battle." Such was the origin of
the first temple dedicated in Rome. And the gods
decreed that though its founder did not utter idle
words in declaring that posterity would thither bear
their spoils, still the splendour of that offering
should not be dimmed by the number of those who have
rivalled his achievement. For after so many years
have elapsed and so many wars been waged, only twice
have the "spolia opima" been offered. So seldom has
Fortune granted that glory to men.
1.11
Whilst the Romans were
thus occupied, the army of the Antemnates seized the
opportunity of their territory being unoccupied and
made a raid into it. Romulus hastily led his legion
against this fresh foe and surprised them as they
were scattered over the fields. At the very first
battle-shout and charge the enemy were routed and
their city captured. Whilst Romulus was exulting
over this double victory, his wife, Hersilia, moved
by the entreaties of the abducted maidens, implored
him to pardon their parents and receive them into
citizenship, for so the State would increase in
unity and strength. He readily granted her request.
He then advanced against the Crustuminians, who had
commenced war, but their eagerness had been damped
by the successive defeats of their neighbours, and
they offered but slight resistance. Colonies were
planted in both places; owing to the fertility of
the soil of the Crustumine district, the majority
gave their names for that colony. On the other hand
there were numerous migrations to Rome mostly of the
parents and relatives of the abducted maidens. The
last of these wars was commenced by the Sabines and
proved the most serious of all, for nothing was done
in passion or impatience; they masked their designs
till war had actually commenced. Strategy was aided
by craft and deceit, as the following incident
shows. Spurius Tarpeius was in command of the Roman
citadel. Whilst his daughter had gone outside the
fortifications to fetch water for some religious
ceremonies, Tatius bribed her to admit his troops
within the citadel. Once admitted, they crushed her
to death beneath their shields, either that the
citadel might appear to have been taken by assault,
or that her example might be left as a warning that
no faith should be kept with traitors. A further
story runs that the Sabines were in the habit of
wearing heavy gold armlets on their left arms and
richly jewelled rings, and that the girl made them
promise to give her "what they had on their left
arms," accordingly they piled their shields upon her
instead of golden gifts. Some say that in bargaining
for what they had in their left hands, she expressly
asked for their shields, and being suspected of
wishing to betray them, fell a victim to her own
bargain.
1.12
However this may be, the
Sabines were in possession of the citadel. And they
would not come down from it the next day, though the
Roman army was drawn up in battle array over the
whole of the ground between the Palatine and the
Capitoline hill, until, exasperated at the loss of
their citadel and determined to recover it, the
Romans mounted to the attack. Advancing before the
rest, Mettius Curtius, on the side of the Sabines,
and Hostius Hostilius, on the side of the Romans,
engaged in single combat. Hostius, fighting on
disadvantageous ground, upheld the fortunes of Rome
by his intrepid bravery, but at last he fell; the
Roman line broke and fled to what was then the gate
of the Palatine. Even Romulus was being swept away
by the crowd of fugitives, and lifting up his hands
to heaven he exclaimed: "Jupiter, it was thy omen
that I obeyed when I laid here on the Palatine the
earliest foundations of the City. Now the Sabines
hold its citadel, having bought it by a bribe, and
coming thence have seized the valley and are
pressing hitherwards in battle. Do thou, Father of
gods and men, drive hence our foes, banish terror
from Roman hearts, and stay our shameful flight!
Here do I vow a temple to thee, 'Jove the Stayer,'
as a memorial for the generations to come that it is
through thy present help that the City has been
saved." Then, as though he had become aware that his
prayer had been heard, he cried, "Back, Romans!
Jupiter Optimus Maximus bids you stand and renew the
battle." They stopped as though commanded by a voice
from heaven -Romulus dashed up to the foremost
line, just as Mettius Curtius had run down from the
citadel in front of the Sabines and driven the
Romans in headlong flight over the whole of the
ground now occupied by the Forum. He was now not far
from the gate of the Palatine, and was shouting: "We
have conquered our faithless hosts, our cowardly
foes; now they know that to carry off maidens is a
very different thing from fighting with men." In the
midst of these vaunts Romulus, with a compact body
of valiant troops, charged down on him. Mettius
happened to be on horseback, so he was the more
easily driven back, the Romans followed in pursuit,
and, inspired by the courage of their king, the rest
of the Roman army routed the Sabines. Mettius,
unable to control his horse, maddened by the noise
of his pursuers, plunged into a morass. The danger
of their general drew off the attention of the
Sabines for a moment from the battle; they called
out and made signals to encourage him, so, animated
to fresh efforts, he succeeded in extricating
himself. Thereupon the Romans and Sabines renewed
the fighting in the middle of the valley, but the
fortune of Rome was in the ascendant.
1.13
Then it was that the
Sabine women, whose wrongs had led to the war,
throwing off all womanish fears in their distress,
went boldly into the midst of the flying missiles
with dishevelled hair and rent garments. Running
across the space between the two armies they tried
to stop any further fighting and calm the excited
passions by appealing to their fathers in the one
army and their husbands in the other not to bring
upon themselves a curse by staining their hands with
the blood of a father-in-law or a son-in-law, nor
upon their posterity the taint of parricide. "If,"
they cried, "you are weary of these ties of kindred,
these marriage-bonds, then turn your anger upon us;
it is we who are the cause of the war, it is we who
have wounded and slain our husbands and fathers.
Better for us to perish rather than live without one
or the other of you, as widows or as orphans." The
armies and their leaders were alike moved by this
appeal. There was a sudden hush and silence. Then
the generals advanced to arrange the terms of a
treaty. It was not only peace that was made, the two
nations were united into one State, the royal power
was shared between them, and the seat of government
for both nations was Rome. After thus doubling the
City, a concession was made to the Sabines in the
new appellation of Quirites, from their old capital
of Cures. As a memorial of the battle, the place
where Curtius got his horse out of the deep marsh on
to safer ground was called the Curtian lake. The
joyful peace, which put an abrupt close to such a
deplorable war, made the Sabine women still dearer
to their husbands and fathers, and most of all to
Romulus himself. Consequently when he effected the
distribution of the people into the thirty curiae,
he affixed their names to the curiae. No doubt there
were many more than thirty women, and tradition is
silent as to whether those whose names were given to
the curiae were selected on the ground of age, or on
that of personal distinction -either their own or
their husbands' -or merely by lot. The enrolment of
the three centuries of knights took place at the
same time; the Ramnenses were called after Romulus,
the Titienses from T. Tatius. The origin of the
Luceres and why they were so called is uncertain.
Thenceforward the two kings exercised their joint
sovereignty with perfect harmony.
1.14
Some years subsequently
the kinsmen of King Tatius ill-treated the
ambassadors of the Laurentines. They came to seek
redress from him in accordance with international
law, but the influence and importunities of his
friends had more weight with Tatius than the
remonstrances of the Laurentines. The consequence
was that he brought upon himself the punishment due
to them, for when he had gone to the annual
sacrifice at Lavinium, a tumult arose in which he
was killed. Romulus is reported to have been less
distressed at this incident than his position
demanded, either because of the insincerity inherent
in all joint sovereignty, or because he thought he
had deserved his fate. He refused, therefore, to go
to war, but that the wrong done to the ambassadors
and the murder of the king might be expiated, the
treaty between Rome and Lavinium was renewed. Whilst
in this direction an unhoped-for peace was secured,
war broke out in a much nearer quarter, in fact
almost at the very gates of Rome. The people of
Fidenae considered that a power was growing up too
close to them, so to prevent the anticipations of
its future greatness from being realised, they took
the initiative in making war. Armed bands invaded
and devastated the country lying between the City
and Fidenae. Thence they turned to the left -the
Tiber barred their advance on the right -and
plundered and destroyed, to the great alarm of the
country people. A sudden rush from the fields into
the City was the first intimation of what was
happening. A war so close to their gates admitted of
no delay, and Romulus hurriedly led out his army and
encamped about a mile from Fidenae. Leaving a small
detachment to guard the camp, he went forward with
his whole force, and whilst one part were ordered to
lie in ambush in a place overgrown with dense
brushwood, he advanced with the larger part and the
whole of the cavalry towards the city, and by riding
up to the very gates in a disorderly and provocative
manner he succeeded in drawing the enemy. The
cavalry continued these tactics and so made the
flight which they were to feign seem less
suspicious, and when their apparent hesitation
whether to fight or to flee was followed by the
retirement of the infantry, the enemy suddenly
poured out of the crowded gates, broke the Roman
line and pressed on in eager pursuit till they were
brought to where the ambush was set. Then the Romans
suddenly rose and attacked the enemy in flank; their
panic was increased by the troops in the camp
bearing down upon them. Terrified by the threatened
attacks from all sides, the Fidenates turned and
fled almost before Romulus and his men could wheel
round from their simulated flight. They made for
their town much more quickly than they had just
before pursued those who pretended to flee, for
their flight was a genuine one. They could not,
however, shake off the pursuit; the Romans were on
their heels, and before the gates could be closed
against them, burst through pell-mell with the
enemy.
1.15
The contagion of the
war-spirit in Fidenae infected the Veientes. This
people were connected by ties of blood with the
Fidenates, who were also Etruscans, and an
additional incentive was supplied by the mere
proximity of the place, should the arms of Rome be
turned against all her neighbours. They made an
incursion into Roman territory, rather for the sake
of plunder than as an act of regular war. After
securing their booty they returned with it to Veii,
without entrenching a camp or waiting for the enemy.
The Romans, on the other hand, not finding the enemy
on their soil, crossed the Tiber, prepared and
determined to fight a decisive battle. On hearing
that they had formed an entrenched camp and were
preparing to advance on their city, the Veientes
went out against them, preferring a combat in the
open to being shut up and having to fight from
houses and walls. Romulus gained the victory, not
through stratagem, but through the prowess of his
veteran army. He drove the routed enemy up to their
walls, but in view of the strong position and
fortifications of the city, he abstained from
assaulting it. On his march homewards, he devastated
their fields more out of revenge than for the sake
of plunder. The loss thus sustained, no less than
the previous defeat, broke the spirit of the
Veientes, and they sent envoys to Rome to sue for
peace. On condition of a cession of territory a
truce was granted to them for a hundred years. These
were the principal events at home and in the field
that marked the reign of Romulus. Throughout -whether we consider the courage he showed in
recovering his ancestral throne, or the wisdom he
displayed in founding the City and adding to its
strength through war and peace alike -we find
nothing incompatible with the belief in his divine
origin and his admission to divine immortality after
death. It was, in fact, through the strength given
by him that the City was powerful enough to enjoy an
assured peace for forty years after his departure.
He was, however, more acceptable to the populace
than to the patricians, but most of all was he the
idol of his soldiers. He kept a bodyguard of three
hundred men round him in peace as well as in war.
These he called the "Celeres."
1.16
After these immortal
achievements, Romulus held a review of his army at
the "Caprae Palus" in the Campus Martius. A violent
thunderstorm suddenly arose and enveloped the king
in so dense a cloud that he was quite invisible to
the assembly. From that hour Romulus was no longer
seen on earth. When the fears of the Roman youth
were allayed by the return of bright, calm sunshine
after such fearful weather, they saw that the royal
seat was vacant. Whilst they fully believed the
assertion of the senators, who had been standing
close to him, that he had been snatched away to
heaven by a whirlwind, still, like men suddenly
bereaved, fear and grief kept them for some time
speechless. At length, after a few had taken the
initiative, the whole of those present hailed
Romulus as "a god, the son of a god, the King and
Father of the City of Rome." They put up
supplications for his grace and favour, and prayed
that he would be propitious to his children and save
and protect them. I believe, however, that even then
there were some who secretly hinted that he had been
torn limb from limb by the senators -a tradition to
this effect, though certainly a very dim one, has
filtered down to us. The other, which I follow, has
been the prevailing one, due, no doubt, to the
admiration felt for the man and the apprehensions
excited by his disappearance. This generally
accepted belief was strengthened by one man's clever
device. The tradition runs that Proculus Julius, a
man whose authority had weight in matters of even
the gravest importance, seeing how deeply the
community felt the loss of the king, and how
incensed they were against the senators, came
forward into the assembly and said: "Quirites! at
break of dawn, to-day, the Father of this City
suddenly descended from heaven and appeared to me.
Whilst, thrilled with awe, I stood rapt before him
in deepest reverence, praying that I might be
pardoned for gazing upon him, 'Go,' said he, 'tell
the Romans that it is the will of heaven that my
Rome should be the head of all the world. Let them
henceforth cultivate the arts of war, and let them
know assuredly, and hand down the knowledge to
posterity, that no human might can withstand the
arms of Rome.'" It is marvellous what credit was
given to this man's story, and how the grief of the
people and the army was soothed by the belief which
had been created in the immortality of Romulus.
1.17
Disputes arose among the
senators about the vacant throne. It was not the
jealousies of individual citizens, for no one was
sufficiently prominent in so young a State, but the
rivalries of parties in the State that led to this
strife. The Sabine families were apprehensive of
losing their fair share of the sovereign power,
because after the death of Tatius they had had no
representative on the throne; they were anxious,
therefore, that the king should be elected from
amongst them. The ancient Romans could ill brook a
foreign king; but amidst this diversity of political
views, all were for a monarchy; they had not yet
tasted the sweets of liberty. The senators began to
grow apprehensive of some aggressive act on the part
of the surrounding states, now that the City was
without a central authority and the army without a
general. They decided that there must be some head
of the State, but no one could make up his mind to
concede the dignity to any one else. The matter was
settled by the hundred senators dividing themselves
into ten "decuries," and one was chosen from each
decury to exercise the supreme power. Ten therefore
were in office, but only one at a time had the
insignia of authority and the lictors. Their
individual authority was restricted to five days,
and they exercised it in rotation. This break in the
monarchy lasted for a year, and it was called by the
name it still bears -that of "interregnum." After a
time the plebs began to murmur that their bondage
was multiplied, for they had a hundred masters
instead of one. It was evident that they would
insist upon a king being elected and elected by
them. When the senators became aware of this growing
determination, they thought it better to offer
spontaneously what they were bound to part with, so,
as an act of grace, they committed the supreme power
into the hands of the people, but in such a way that
they did not give away more privilege than they
retained. For they passed a decree that when the
people had chosen a king, his election would only be
valid after the senate had ratified it by their
authority. The same procedure exists to-day in the
passing of laws and the election of magistrates, but
the power of rejection has been withdrawn; the
senate give their ratification before the people
proceed to vote, whilst the result of the election
is still uncertain. At that time the "interrex"
convened the assembly and addressed it as follows:
"Quirites! elect your king, and may heaven's
blessing rest on your labours! If you elect one who
shall be counted worthy to follow Romulus, the
senate will ratify your choice." So gratified were
the people at the proposal that, not to appear
behindhand in generosity, they passed a resolution
that it should be left to the senate to decree who
should reign in Rome.
1.18
There was living, in
those days, at Cures, a Sabine city, a man of
renowned justice and piety -Numa Pompilius. He was
as conversant as any one in that age could be with
all divine and human law. His master is given as
Pythagoras of Samos, as tradition speaks of no
other. But this is erroneous, for it is generally
agreed that it was more than a century later, in the
reign of Servius Tullius, that Pythagoras gathered
round him crowds of eager students, in the most
distant part of Italy, in the neighbourhood of
Metapontum, Heraclea, and Crotona. Now, even if he
had been contemporary with Numa, how could his
reputation have reached the Sabines? From what
places, and in what common language could he have
induced any one to become his disciple? Who could
have guaranteed the safety of a solitary individual
travelling through so many nations differing in
speech and character? I believe rather that Numa's
virtues were the result of his native temperament
and self-training, moulded not so much by foreign
influences as by the rigorous and austere discipline
of the ancient Sabines, which was the purest type of
any that existed in the old days. When Numa's name
was mentioned, though the Roman senators saw that
the balance of power would be on the side of the
Sabines if the king were chosen from amongst them,
still no one ventured to propose a partisan of his
own, or any senator, or citizen in preference to
him. Accordingly they all to a man decreed that the
crown should be offered to Numa Pompilius. He was
invited to Rome, and following the precedent set by
Romulus, when he obtained his crown through the
augury which sanctioned the founding of the City,
Numa ordered that in his case also the gods should
be consulted. He was solemnly conducted by an augur,
who was afterwards honoured by being made a State
functionary for life, to the Citadel, and took his
seat on a stone facing south. The augur seated
himself on his left hand, with his head covered, and
holding in his right hand a curved staff without any
knots, which they called a "lituus." After surveying
the prospect over the City and surrounding country,
he offered prayers and marked out the heavenly
regions by an imaginary line from east to west; the
southern he defined as "the right hand," the
northern as "the left hand." He then fixed upon an
object, as far as he could see, as a corresponding
mark, and then transferring the lituus to his left
hand, he laid his right upon Numa's head and offered
this prayer: "Father Jupiter, if it be heaven's will
that this Numa Pompilius, whose head I hold, should
be king of Rome, do thou signify it to us by sure
signs within those boundaries which I have traced."
Then he described in the usual formula the augury
which he desired should be sent. They were sent, and
Numa being by them manifested to be king, came down
from the "templum."
1.19
Having in this way
obtained the crown, Numa prepared to found, as it
were, anew, by laws and customs, that City which had
so recently been founded by force of arms. He saw
that this was impossible whilst a state of war
lasted, for war brutalised men. Thinking that the
ferocity of his subjects might be mitigated by the
disuse of arms, he built the temple of Janus at the
foot of the Aventine as an index of peace and war,
to signify when it was open that the State was under
arms, and when it was shut that all the surrounding
nations were at peace. Twice since Numa's reign has
it been shut, once after the first Punic war in the
consulship of T. Manlius, the second time, which
heaven has allowed our generation to witness, after
the battle of Actium, when peace on land and sea was
secured by the emperor Caesar Augustus. After
forming treaties of alliance with all his neighbours
and closing the temple of Janus, Numa turned his
attention to domestic matters. The removal of all
danger from without would induce his subjects to
luxuriate in idleness, as they would be no longer
restrained by the fear of an enemy or by military
discipline. To prevent this, he strove to inculcate
in their minds the fear of the gods, regarding this
as the most powerful influence which could act upon
an uncivilised and, in those ages, a barbarous
people. But, as this would fail to make a deep
impression without some claim to supernatural
wisdom, he pretended that he had nocturnal
interviews with the nymph Egeria: that it was on her
advice that he was instituting the ritual most
acceptable to the gods and appointing for each deity
his own special priests. First of all he divided the
year into twelve months, corresponding to the moon's
revolutions. But as the moon does not complete
thirty days in each month, and so there are fewer
days in the lunar year than in that measured by the
course of the sun, he interpolated intercalary
months and so arranged them that every twentieth
year the days should coincide with the same position
of the sun as when they started, the whole twenty
years being thus complete. He also established a
distinction between the days on which legal business
could be transacted and those on which it could not,
because it would sometimes be advisable that there
should be no business transacted with the people.
1.20
Next he turned his
attention to the appointment of priests. He himself,
however, conducted a great many religious services,
especially those which belong to the Flamen of
Jupiter. But he thought that in a warlike state
there would be more kings of the type of Romulus
than of Numa who would take the field in person. To
guard, therefore, against the sacrificial rites
which the king performed being interrupted, he
appointed a Flamen as perpetual priest to Jupiter,
and ordered that he should wear a distinctive dress
and sit in the royal curule chair. He appointed two
additional Flamens, one for Mars, the other for
Quirinus, and also chose virgins as priestesses to
Vesta. This order of priestesses came into existence
originally in Alba and was connected with the race
of the founder. He assigned them a public stipend
that they might give their whole time to the temple,
and made their persons sacred and inviolable by a
vow of chastity and other religious sanctions.
Similarly he chose twelve "Salii" for Mars Gradivus,
and assigned to them the distinctive dress of an
embroidered tunic and over it a brazen cuirass. They
were instructed to march in solemn procession
through the City, carrying the twelve shields called
the "Ancilia," and singing hymns accompanied by a
solemn dance in triple time. The next office to be
filled was that of the Pontifex Maximus. Numa
appointed the son of Marcus, one of the senators -Numa Marcius -and all the regulations bearing on
religion, written out and sealed, were placed in his
charge. Here was laid down with what victims, on
what days, and at what temples the various
sacrifices were to be offered, and from what sources
the expenses connected with them were to be
defrayed. He placed all other sacred functions, both
public and private, under the supervision of the
Pontifex, in order that there might be an authority
for the people to consult, and so all trouble and
confusion arising through foreign rites being
adopted and their ancestral ones neglected might be
avoided. Nor were his functions confined to
directing the worship of the celestial gods; he was
to instruct the people how to conduct funerals and
appease the spirits of the departed, and what
prodigies sent by lightning or in any other way were
to be attended to and expiated. To elicit these
signs of the divine will, he dedicated an altar to
Jupiter Elicius on the Aventine, and consulted the
god through auguries, as to which prodigies were to
receive attention.
1.21
The deliberations and
arrangements which these matters involved diverted
the people from all thoughts of war and provided
them with ample occupation. The watchful care of the
gods, manifesting itself in the providential
guidance of human affairs, had kindled in all hearts
such a feeling of piety that the sacredness of
promises and the sanctity of oaths were a
controlling force for the community scarcely less
effective than the fear inspired by laws and
penalties. And whilst his subjects were moulding
their characters upon the unique example of their
king, the neighbouring nations, who had hitherto
believed that it was a fortified camp and not a city
that was placed amongst them to vex the peace of
all, were now induced to respect them so highly that
they thought it sinful to injure a State so entirely
devoted to the service of the gods. There was a
grove through the midst of which a perennial stream
flowed, issuing from a dark cave. Here Numa
frequently retired unattended as if to meet the
goddess, and he consecrated the grove to the
Camaenae, because it was there that their meetings
with his wife Egeria took place. He also instituted
a yearly sacrifice to the goddess Fides and ordered
that the Flamens should ride to her temple in a
hooded chariot, and should perform the service with
their hands covered as far as the fingers, to
signify that Faith must be sheltered and that her
seat is holy even when it is in men's right hands.
There were many other sacrifices appointed by him
and places dedicated for their performance which the
pontiffs call the Argei. The greatest of all his
works was the preservation of peace and the security
of his realm throughout the whole of his reign. Thus
by two successive kings the greatness of the State
was advanced; by each in a different way, by the one
through war, by the other through peace. Romulus
reigned thirty-seven years, Numa forty-three. The
State was strong and disciplined by the lessons of
war and the arts of peace.
1.22
The death of Numa was
followed by a second interregnum. Then Tullus
Hostilius, a grandson of the Hostilius who had
fought so brilliantly at the foot of the Citadel
against the Sabines, was chosen king by the people,
and their choice was confirmed by the senate. He was
not only unlike the last king, but he was a man of
more warlike spirit even than Romulus, and his
ambition was kindled by his own youthful energy and
by the glorious achievements of his grandfather.
Convinced that the vigour of the State was becoming
enfeebled through inaction, he looked all round for
a pretext for getting up a war. It so happened that
Roman peasants were at that time in the habit of
carrying off plunder from the Alban territory, and
the Albans from Roman territory. Gaius Cluilius was
at the time ruling in Alba. Both parties sent envoys
almost simultaneously to seek redress. Tullus had
told his ambassadors to lose no time in carrying out
their instructions; he was fully aware that the
Albans would refuse satisfaction, and so a just
ground would exist for proclaiming war. The Alban
envoys proceeded in a more leisurely fashion. Tullus
received them with all courtesy and entertained them
sumptuously. Meantime the Romans had preferred their
demands, and on the Alban governor's refusal had
declared that war would begin in thirty days. When
this was reported to Tullus, he granted the Albans
an audience in which they were to state the object
of their coming. Ignorant of all that had happened,
they wasted time in explaining that it was with
great reluctance that they would say anything which
might displease Tullus, but they were bound by their
instructions; they were come to demand redress, and
if that were refused they were ordered to declare
war. "Tell your king," replied Tullus, "that the
king of Rome calls the gods to witness that
whichever nation is the first to dismiss with
ignominy the envoys who came to seek redress, upon
that nation they will visit all the sufferings of
this war."
1.23
The Albans reported this
at home. Both sides made extraordinary preparations
for a war, which closely resembled a civil war
between parents and children, for both were of
Trojan descent, since Lavinium was an offshoot of
Troy, and Alba of Lavinium, and the Romans were
sprung from the stock of the kings of Alba. The
outcome of the war, however, made the conflict less
deplorable, as there was no regular engagement, and
though one of the two cities was destroyed, the two
nations were blended into one. The Albans were the
first to move, and invaded the Roman territory with
an immense army. They fixed their camp only five
miles from the City and surrounded it with a moat;
this was called for several centuries the "Cluilian
Dyke" from the name of the Alban general, till
through lapse of time the name and the thing itself
disappeared. While they were encamped Cluilius, the
Alban king, died, and the Albans made Mettius
Fufetius dictator. The king's death made Tullus more
sanguine than ever of success. He gave out that the
wrath of heaven which had fallen first of all on the
head of the nation would visit the whole race of
Alba with condign punishment for this unholy war.
Passing the enemy's camp by a night march, he
advanced upon Alban territory. This drew Mettius
from his entrenchments. He marched as close to his
enemy as he could, and then sent on an officer to
inform Tullus that before engaging it was necessary
that they should have a conference. If he granted
one, then he was satisfied that the matters he would
lay before him were such as concerned Rome no less
than Alba. Tullus did not reject the proposal, but
in case the conference should prove illusory, he led
out his men in order of battle. The Albans did the
same. After they had halted, confronting each other,
the two commanders, with a small escort of superior
officers, advanced between the lines. The Alban
general, addressing Tullus, said: "I think I have
heard our king Cluilius say that acts of robbery and
the non-restitution of plundered property, in
violation of the existing treaty, were the cause of
this war, and I have no doubt that you, Tullus,
allege the same pretext. But if we are to say what
is true, rather than what is plausible, we must
admit that it is the lust of empire which has made
two kindred and neighbouring peoples take up arms.
Whether rightly or wrongly I do not judge; let him
who began the war settle that point; I am simply
placed in command by the Albans to conduct the war.
But I want to give you a warning, Tullus. You know,
you especially who are nearer to them, the greatness
of the Etruscan State, which hems us both in; their
immense strength by land, still more by sea. Now
remember, when once you have given the signal to
engage, our two armies will fight under their eyes,
so that when we are wearied and exhausted they may
attack us both, victor and vanquished alike. If
then, not content with the secure freedom we now
enjoy, we are determined to enter into a game of
chance, where the stakes are either supremacy or
slavery, let us, in heaven's name, choose some
method by which, without great suffering or
bloodshed on either side, it can be decided which
nation is to be master of the other." Although, from
natural temperament, and the certainty he felt of
victory, Tullus was eager to fight, he did not
disapprove of the proposal. After much consideration
on both sides a method was adopted, for which
Fortune herself provided the necessary means.
1.24
There happened to be in
each of the armies a triplet of brothers, fairly
matched in years and strength. It is generally
agreed that they were called Horatii and Curiatii.
Few incidents in antiquity have been more widely
celebrated, yet in spite of its celebrity there is a
discrepancy in the accounts as to which nation each
belonged. There are authorities on both sides, but I
find that the majority give the name of Horatii to
the Romans, and my sympathies lead me to follow
them. The kings suggested to them that they should
each fight on behalf of their country, and where
victory rested, there should be the sovereignty.
They raised no objection; so the time and place were
fixed. But before they engaged a treaty was
concluded between the Romans and the Albans,
providing that the nation whose representatives
proved victorious should receive the peaceable
submission of the other. This is the earliest treaty
recorded, and as all treaties, however different the
conditions they contain, are concluded with the same
forms, I will describe the forms with which this one
was concluded as handed down by tradition. The
Fetial put the formal question to Tullus: "Do you,
King, order me to make a treaty with the Pater
Patratus of the Alban nation?" On the king replying
in the affirmative, the Fetial said: "I demand of
thee, King, some tufts of grass." The king replied:
"Take those that are pure." The Fetial brought pure
grass from the Citadel. Then he asked the king: "Do
you constitute me the plenipotentiary of the People
of Rome, the Quirites, sanctioning also my vessels
and comrades?" To which the king replied: "So far as
may be without hurt to myself and the People of
Rome, the Quirites, I do." The Fetial was M.
Valerius. He made Spurius Furius the Pater Patratus
by touching his head and hair with the grass. Then
the Pater Patratus, who is constituted for the
purpose of giving the treaty the religious sanction
of an oath, did so by a long formula in verse, which
it is not worth while to quote. After reciting the
conditions he said: "Hear, O Jupiter, hear! thou
Pater Patratus of the people of Alba! Hear ye, too,
people of Alba! As these conditions have been
publicly rehearsed from first to last, from these
tablets, in perfect good faith, and inasmuch as they
have here and now been most clearly understood, so
these conditions the People of Rome will not be the
first to go back from. If they shall, in their
national council, with false and malicious intent be
the first to go back, then do thou, Jupiter, on that
day, so smite the People of Rome, even as I here and
now shall smite this swine, and smite them so much
the more heavily, as thou art greater in power and
might." With these words he struck the swine with a
flint. In similar wise the Albans recited their oath
and formularies through their own dictator and their
priests.
1.25
On the conclusion of the
treaty the six combatants armed themselves. They
were greeted with shouts of encouragement from their
comrades, who reminded them that their fathers'
gods, their fatherland, their fathers, every
fellow-citizen, every fellow-soldier, were now
watching their weapons and the hands that wielded
them. Eager for the contest and inspired by the
voices round them, they advanced into the open space
between the opposing lines. The two armies were
sitting in front of their respective camps, relieved
from personal danger but not from anxiety, since
upon the fortunes and courage of this little group
hung the issue of dominion. Watchful and nervous,
they gaze with feverish intensity on a spectacle by
no means entertaining. The signal was given, and
with uplifted swords the six youths charged like a
battle-line with the courage of a mighty host. Not
one of them thought of his own danger; their sole
thought was for their country, whether it would be
supreme or subject, their one anxiety that they were
deciding its future fortunes. When, at the first
encounter, the flashing swords rang on their
opponents' shields, a deep shudder ran through the
spectators; then a breathless silence followed, as
neither side seemed to be gaining any advantage.
Soon, however, they saw something more than the
swift movements of limbs and the rapid play of sword
and shield: blood became visible flowing from open
wounds. Two of the Romans fell one on the other,
breathing out their life, whilst all the three
Albans were wounded. The fall of the Romans was
welcomed with a burst of exultation from the Alban
army; whilst the Roman legions, who had lost all
hope, but not all anxiety, trembled for their
solitary champion surrounded by the three Curiatii.
It chanced that he was untouched, and though not a
match for the three together, he was confident of
victory against each separately. So, that he might
encounter each singly, he took to flight, assuming
that they would follow as well as their wounds would
allow. He had run some distance from the spot where
the combat began, when, on looking back, he saw them
following at long intervals from each other, the
foremost not far from him. He turned and made a
desperate attack upon him, and whilst the Alban army
were shouting to the other Curiatii to come to their
brother's assistance, Horatius had already slain his
foe and, flushed with victory, was awaiting the
second encounter. Then the Romans cheered their
champion with a shout such as men raise when hope
succeeds to despair, and he hastened to bring the
fight to a close. Before the third, who was not far
away, could come up, he despatched the second
Curiatius. The survivors were now equal in point of
numbers, but far from equal in either confidence or
strength. The one, unscathed after his double
victory, was eager for the third contest; the other,
dragging himself wearily along, exhausted by his
wounds and by his running, vanquished already by the
previous slaughter of his brothers, was an easy
conquest to his victorious foe. There was, in fact,
no fighting. The Roman cried exultingly: "Two have I
sacrificed to appease my brothers' shades; the third
I will offer for the issue of this fight, that the
Roman may rule the Alban." He thrust his sword
downward into the neck of his opponent, who could no
longer lift his shield, and then despoiled him as he
lay. Horatius was welcomed by the Romans with shouts
of triumph, all the more joyous for the fears they
had felt. Both sides turned their attention to
burying their dead champions, but with very
different feelings, the one rejoicing in wider
dominion, the other deprived of their liberty and
under alien rule. The tombs stand on the spots where
each fell; those of the Romans close together, in
the direction of Alba; the three Alban tombs, at
intervals, in the direction of Rome.
1.26
Before the armies
separated, Mettius inquired what commands he was to
receive in accordance with the terms of the treaty.
Tullus ordered him to keep the Alban soldiery under
arms, as he would require their services if there
were war with the Veientines. Both armies then
withdrew to their homes. Horatius was marching at
the head of the Roman army, carrying in front of him
his triple spoils. His sister, who had been
betrothed to one of the Curiatii, met him outside
the Capene gate. She recognised on her brother's
shoulders the cloak of her betrothed, which she had
made with her own hands; and bursting into tears she
tore her hair and called her dead lover by name. The
triumphant soldier was so enraged by his sister's
outburst of grief in the midst of his own triumph
and the public rejoicing that he drew his sword and
stabbed the girl. "Go," he cried, in bitter
reproach, "go to your betrothed with your ill-timed
love, forgetful as you are of your dead brothers, of
the one who still lives, and of your country! So
perish every Roman woman who mourns for an enemy!"
The deed horrified patricians and plebeians alike;
but his recent services were a set-off to it. He was
brought before the king for trial. To avoid
responsibility for passing a harsh sentence, which
would be repugnant to the populace, and then
carrying it into execution, the king summoned an
assembly of the people, and said: "I appoint two
duumvirs to judge the treason of Horatius according
to law." The dreadful language of the law was: "The
duumvirs shall judge cases of treason; if the
accused appeal from the duumvirs, the appeal shall
be heard; if their sentence be confirmed, the lictor
shall hang him by a rope on the fatal tree, and
shall scourge him either within or without the
pomoerium." The duumvirs appointed under this law
did not think that by its provisions they had the
power to acquit even an innocent person. Accordingly
they condemned him; then one of them said: "Publius
Horatius, I pronounce you guilty of treason. Lictor,
bind his hands." The lictor had approached and was
fastening the cord, when Horatius, at the suggestion
of Tullus, who placed a merciful interpretation on
the law, said, "I appeal." The appeal was
accordingly brought before the people.
Their decision was mainly influenced by
Publius Horatius, the father, who declared that his
daughter had been justly slain; had it not been so,
he would have exerted his authority as a father in
punishing his son. Then he implored them not to
bereave of all his children the man whom they had so
lately seen surrounded with such noble offspring.
Whilst saying this he embraced his son, and then,
pointing to the spoils of the Curiatii suspended on
the spot now called the Pila Horatia, he said: "Can
you bear, Quirites, to see bound, scourged, and
tortured beneath the gallows the man whom you saw,
lately, coming in triumph adorned with his foemen's
spoils? Why, the Albans themselves could not bear
the sight of such a hideous spectacle. Go, lictor,
bind those hands which when armed but a little time
ago won dominion for the Roman people. Go, cover the
head of the liberator of this City! Hang him on the
fatal tree, scourge him within the pomoerium, if
only it be amongst the trophies of his foes, or
without, if only it be amongst the tombs of the
Curiatii! To what place can you take this youth
where the monuments of his splendid exploits will
not vindicate him from such a shameful punishment?"
The father's tears and the young soldier's courage
ready to meet every peril were too much for the
people. They acquitted him because they admired his
bravery rather than because they regarded his cause
as a just one. But since a murder in broad daylight
demanded some expiation, the father was commanded to
make an atonement for his son at the cost of the
State. After offering certain expiatory sacrifices
he erected a beam across the street and made the
young man pass under it, as under a yoke, with his
head covered. This beam exists to-day, having always
been kept in repair by the State: it is called "The
Sister's Beam." A tomb of hewn stone was constructed
for Horatia on the spot where she was murdered.
1.27
But the peace with Alba
was not a lasting one. The Alban dictator had
incurred general odium through having entrusted the
fortunes of the State to three soldiers, and this
had an evil effect upon his weak character. As
straightforward counsels had turned out so
unfortunate, he tried to recover the popular favour
by resorting to crooked ones, and as he had
previously made peace his aim in war, so now he
sought the occasion of war in peace. He recognised
that his State possessed more courage than strength,
he therefore incited other nations to declare war
openly and formally, whilst he kept for his own
people an opening for treachery under the mask of an
alliance. The people of Fidenae, where a Roman
colony existed, were induced to go to war by a
compact on the part of the Albans to desert to them;
the Veientines were taken into the plot. When
Fidenae had broken out into open revolt, Tullus
summoned Mettius and his army from Alba and marched
against the enemy. After crossing the Anio he
encamped at the junction of that river with the
Tiber. The army of the Veientines had crossed the
Tiber at a spot between his camp and Fidenae. In the
battle they formed the right wing near the river,
the Fidenates were on the left nearer the mountains.
Tullus formed his troops in front of the Veientines,
and stationed the Albans against the legion of the
Fidenates. The Alban general showed as little
courage as fidelity; afraid either to keep his
ground or to openly desert, he drew away gradually
towards the mountains. When he thought he had
retired far enough, he halted his entire army, and
still irresolute, he began to form his men for
attack, by way of gaining time, intending to throw
his strength on the winning side. Those Romans who
had been stationed next to the Albans were astounded
to find that their allies had withdrawn and left
their flank exposed, when a horseman rode up at full
speed and reported to the king that the Albans were
leaving the field. In this critical situation,
Tullus vowed to found a college of twelve Salii and
to build temples to Pallor and Pavor. Then,
reprimanding the horseman loud enough for the enemy
to hear, he ordered him to rejoin the fighting line,
adding that there was no occasion for alarm, as it
was by his orders that the Alban army was making a
circuit that they might fall on the unprotected rear
of the Fidenates. At the same time he ordered the
cavalry to raise their spears; this action hid the
retreating Alban army from a large part of the Roman
infantry. Those who had seen them, thinking that
what the king had said was actually the case, fought
all the more keenly. It was now the enemies' turn to
be alarmed; they had heard clearly the words of the
king, and, moreover, a large part of the Fidenates
who had formerly joined the Roman colonists
understood Latin. Fearing to be cut off from their
town by a sudden charge of the Albans from the
hills, they retreated. Tullus pressed the attack,
and after routing the Fidenates, returned to attack
the Veientines with greater confidence, as they were
already demoralised by the panic of their allies.
They did not wait for the charge, but their flight
was checked by the river in their rear. When they
reached it, some, flinging away their arms, rushed
blindly into the water, others, hesitating whether
to fight or fly, were overtaken and slain. Never had
the Romans fought in a bloodier battle.
1.28
Then the Alban army, who
had been watching the fight, marched down into the
plain. Mettius congratulated Tullus on his victory,
Tullus replied in a friendly tone, and as a mark of
goodwill, ordered the Albans to form their camp
contiguous to that of the Romans, and made
preparations for a "lustral sacrifice" on the
morrow. As soon as it was light, and all the
preparations were made, he gave the customary order
for both armies to muster on parade. The heralds
began at the furthest part of the camp, where the
Albans were, and summoned them first of all; they,
attracted by the novelty of hearing the Roman
addressing his troops, took up their position close
round him. Secret instructions had been given for
the Roman legion to stand fully armed behind them,
and the centurions were in readiness to execute
instantly the orders they received. Tullus commenced
as follows: "Romans! if in any war that you have
ever waged there has been reason for you to thank,
first, the immortal gods, and then your own personal
courage, such was certainly the case in yesterday's
battle. For whilst you had to contend with an open
enemy, you had a still more serious and dangerous
conflict to maintain against the treachery and
perfidy of your allies. For I must undeceive you -it was by no command of mine that the Albans
withdrew to the mountains. What you heard was not a
real order but a pretended one, which I used as an
artifice to prevent your knowing that you were
deserted, and so losing heart for the battle, and
also to fill the enemy with alarm and a desire to
flee by making them think that they were being
surrounded. The guilt which I am denouncing does not
involve all the Albans; they only followed their
general, just as you would have done had I wanted to
lead my army away from the field. It is Mettius who
is the leader of this march, Mettius who engineered
this war, Mettius who broke the treaty between Rome
and Alba. Others may venture on similar practices,
if I do not make this man a signal lesson to all the
world." The armed centurions closed round Mettius,
and the king proceeded: "I shall take a course which
will bring good fortune and happiness to the Roman
people and myself, and to you, Albans; it is my
intention to transfer the entire Alban population to
Rome, to give the rights of citizenship to the
plebeians, and enrol the nobles in the senate, and
to make one City, one State. As formerly the Alban
State was broken up into two nations, so now let it
once more become one." The Alban soldiery listened
to these words with conflicting feelings, but
unarmed as they were and hemmed in by armed men, a
common fear kept them silent. Then Tullus said:
"Mettius Fufetius! if you could have learnt to keep
your word and respect treaties, I would have given
you that instruction in your lifetime, but now,
since your character is past cure, do at least teach
mankind by your punishment to hold those things as
sacred which have been outraged by you. As yesterday
your interest was divided between the Fidenates and
the Romans, so now you shall give up your body to be
divided and dismembered." Thereupon two four-horse
chariots were brought up, and Mettius was bound at
full length to each, the horses were driven in
opposite directions, carrying off parts of the body
in each chariot, where the limbs had been secured by
the cords. All present averted their eyes from the
horrible spectacle. This is the first and last
instance amongst the Romans of a punishment so
regardless of humanity. Amongst other things which
are the glory of Rome is this, that no nation has
ever been contented with milder punishments.
1.29
Meanwhile the cavalry had
been sent on in advance to conduct the population to
Rome; they were followed by the legions, who were
marched thither to destroy the city. When they
entered the gates there was not that noise and panic
which are usually found in captured cities, where,
after the gates have been shattered or the walls
levelled by the battering-ram or the citadel
stormed, the shouts of the enemy and the rushing of
the soldiers through the streets throw everything
into universal confusion with fire and sword. Here,
on the contrary, gloomy silence and a grief beyond
words so petrified the minds of all, that,
forgetting in their terror what to leave behind,
what to take with them, incapable of thinking for
themselves and asking one another's advice, at one
moment they would stand on their thresholds, at
another wander aimlessly through their houses, which
they were seeing then for the last time. But now
they were roused by the shouts of the cavalry
ordering their instant departure, now by the crash
of the houses undergoing demolition, heard in the
furthest corners of the city, and the dust, rising
in different places, which covered everything like a
cloud. Seizing hastily what they could carry, they
went out of the city, and left behind their hearths
and household gods and the homes in which they had
been born and brought up. Soon an unbroken line of
emigrants filled the streets, and as they recognised
one another the sense of their common misery led to
fresh outbursts of tears. Cries of grief, especially
from the women, began to make themselves heard, as
they walked past the venerable temples and saw them
occupied by troops, and felt that they were leaving
their gods as prisoners in an enemy's hands. When
the Albans had left their city the Romans levelled
to the ground all the public and private edifices in
every direction, and a single hour gave over to
destruction and ruin the work of those four
centuries during which Alba had stood. The temples
of the gods, however, were spared, in accordance
with the king's proclamation.
1.30
The fall of Alba led to
the growth of Rome. The number of the citizens was
doubled, the Caelian hill was included in the city,
and that it might become more populated, Tullus
chose it for the site of his palace, and for the
future lived there. He nominated Alban nobles to the
senate that this order of the State might also be
augmented. Amongst them were the Tullii, the
Servilii, the Quinctii, the Geganii, the Curiatii,
and the Cloelii. To provide a consecrated building
for the increased number of senators he built the
senate-house, which down to the time of our fathers
went by the name of the Curia Hostilia. To secure an
accession of military strength of all ranks from the
new population, he formed ten troops of knights from
the Albans; from the same source he brought up the
old legions to their full strength and enrolled new
ones. Impelled by the confidence in his strength
which these measures inspired, Tullus proclaimed war
against the Sabines, a nation at that time second
only to the Etruscans in numbers and military
strength. Each side had inflicted injuries on the
other and refused all redress. Tullus complained
that Roman traders had been arrested in open market
at the shrine of Feronia; the Sabines' grievance was
that some of their people had previously sought
refuge in the Asylum and been kept in Rome. These
were the ostensible grounds of the war. The Sabines
were far from forgetting that a portion of their
strength had been transferred to Rome by Tatius, and
that the Roman State had lately been aggrandised by
the inclusion of the population of Alba; they,
therefore, on their side began to look round for
outside help. Their nearest neighbour was Etruria,
and, of the Etruscans, the nearest to them were the
Veientines. Their past defeats were still rankling
in their memories, and the Sabines, urging them to
revolt, attracted many volunteers; others of the
poorest and homeless classes were paid to join them.
No assistance was given by the State. With the
Veientes -it is not so surprising that the other
cities rendered no assistance -the truce with Rome
was still held to be binding. Whilst preparations
were being made on both sides with the utmost
energy, and it seemed as though success depended
upon which side was the first to take the offensive,
Tullus opened the campaign by invading the Sabine
territory. A severe action was fought at the Silva
Malitiosa. Whilst the Romans were strong in their
infantry, their main strength was in their lately
increased cavalry force. A sudden charge of horse
threw the Sabine ranks into confusion, they could
neither offer a steady resistance nor effect their
flight without great slaughter.
1.31
This victory threw great
lustre upon the reign of Tullus, and upon the whole
State, and added considerably to its strength. At
this time it was reported to the king and the senate
that there had been a shower of stones on the Alban
Mount. As the thing seemed hardly credible, men were
sent to inspect the prodigy, and whilst they were
watching, a heavy shower of stones fell from the
sky, just like hailstones heaped together by the
wind. They fancied, too, that they heard a very loud
voice from the grove on the summit, bidding the
Albans celebrate their sacred rites after the manner
of their fathers. These solemnities they had
consigned to oblivion, as though they had abandoned
their gods when they abandoned their country and had
either adopted Roman rites, or, as sometimes
happens, embittered against Fortune, had given up
the service of the gods. In consequence of this
prodigy, the Romans, too, kept up a public religious
observance for nine days, either -as tradition
asserts -owing to the voice from the Alban Mount,
or because of the warning of the soothsayers. In
either case, however, it became permanently
established whenever the same prodigy was reported;
a nine days' solemnity was observed. Not long after
a pestilence caused great distress, and made men
indisposed for the hardships of military service.
The warlike king, however, allowed no respite from
arms; he thought, too, that it was more healthy for
the soldiery in the field than at home. At last he
himself was seized with a lingering illness, and
that fierce and restless spirit became so broken
through bodily weakness, that he who had once
thought nothing less fitting for a king than
devotion to sacred things, now suddenly became a
prey to every sort of religious terror, and filled
the City with religious observances. There was a
general desire to recall the condition of things
which existed under Numa, for men felt that the only
help that was left against sickness was to obtain
the forgiveness of the gods and be at peace with
heaven. Tradition records that the king, whilst
examining the commentaries of Numa, found there a
description of certain secret sacrificial rites paid
to Jupiter Elicius: he withdrew into privacy whilst
occupied with these rites, but their performance was
marred by omissions or mistakes. Not only was no
sign from heaven vouchsafed to him, but the anger of
Jupiter was roused by the false worship rendered to
him, and he burnt up the king and his house by a
stroke of lightning. Tullus had achieved great
renown in war, and reigned for two-and-thirty years.
1.32
On the death of Tullus,
the government, in accordance with the original
constitution, again devolved on the senate. They
appointed an interrex to conduct the election. The
people chose Ancus Martius as king, the senate
confirmed the choice. His mother was Numa's
daughter. At the outset of his reign -remembering
what made his grandfather glorious, and recognising
that the late reign, so splendid in all other
respects, had, on one side, been most unfortunate
through the neglect of religion or the improper
performance of its rites -he determined to go back
to the earliest source and conduct the state offices
of religion as they had been organised by Numa. He
gave the Pontifex instructions to copy them out from
the king's commentaries and set them forth in some
public place. The neighbouring states and his own
people, who were yearning for peace, were led to
hope that the king would follow his grandfather in
disposition and policy. In this state of affairs,
the Latins, with whom a treaty had been made in the
reign of Tullus, recovered their confidence, and
made an incursion into Roman territory. On the
Romans seeking redress, they gave a haughty refusal,
thinking that the king of Rome was going to pass his
reign amongst chapels and altars. In the temperament
of Ancus there was a touch of Romulus as well as
Numa. He realised that the great necessity of Numa's
reign was peace, especially amongst a young and
aggressive nation, but he saw, too, that it would be
difficult for him to preserve the peace which had
fallen to his lot unimpaired. His patience was being
put to the proof, and not only put to the proof but
despised; the times demanded a Tullus rather than a
Numa. Numa had instituted religious observances for
times of peace, he would hand down the ceremonies
appropriate to a state of war. In order, therefore,
that wars might be not only conducted but also
proclaimed with some formality, he wrote down the
law, as taken from the ancient nation of the
Aequicoli, under which the Fetials act down to this
day when seeking redress for injuries. The procedure
is as follows: -
The ambassador binds his head in a woollen
fillet. When he has reached the frontiers of the
nation from whom satisfaction is demanded, he says,
"Hear, O Jupiter! Hear, ye confines" -naming the
particular nation whose they are -"Hear, O Justice!
I am the public herald of the Roman People. Rightly
and duly authorised do I come; let confidence be
placed in my words." Then he recites the terms of
the demands, and calls Jupiter to witness: "If I am
demanding the surrender of those men or those goods,
contrary to justice and religion, suffer me
nevermore to enjoy my native land." He repeats these
words as he crosses the frontier, he repeats them to
whoever happens to be the first person he meets, he
repeats them as he enters the gates and again on
entering the forum, with some slight changes in the
wording of the formula. If what he demands are not
surrendered at the expiration of thirty-three days -for that is the fixed period of grace -he declares
war in the following terms: "Hear, O Jupiter, and
thou Janus Quirinus, and all ye heavenly gods, and
ye, gods of earth and of the lower world, hear me! I
call you to witness that this people" -mentioning
it by name -"is unjust and does not fulfil its
sacred obligations. But about these matters we must
consult the elders in our own land in what way we
may obtain our rights."
With these words the ambassador returned to
Rome for consultation. The king forthwith consulted
the senate in words to the following effect:
"Concerning the matters, suits, and causes, whereof
the Pater Patratus of the Roman People and Quirites
hath complained to the Pater Patratus of the Prisci
Latini, and to the people of the Prisci Latini,
which matters they were bound severally to
surrender, discharge, and make good, whereas they
have done none of these things -say, what is your
opinion?" He whose opinion was first asked, replied,
"I am of opinion that they ought to be recovered by
a just and righteous war, wherefore I give my
consent and vote for it." Then the others were asked
in order, and when the majority of those present
declared themselves of the same opinion, war was
agreed upon. It was customary for the Fetial to
carry to the enemies' frontiers a blood-smeared
spear tipped with iron or burnt at the end, and, in
the presence of at least three adults, to say,
"Inasmuch as the peoples of the Prisci Latini have
been guilty of wrong against the People of Rome and
the Quirites, and inasmuch as the People of Rome and
the Quirites have ordered that there be war with the
Prisci Latini, and the Senate of the People of Rome
and the Quirites have determined and decreed that
there shall be war with the Prisci Latini, therefore
I and the People of Rome, declare and make war upon
the peoples of the Prisci Latini." With these words
he hurled his spear into their territory. This was
the way in which at that time satisfaction was
demanded from the Latins and war declared, and
posterity adopted the custom.
1.33
After handing over the
care of the various sacrificial rites to the Flamens
and other priests, and calling up a fresh army,
Ancus advanced against Politorium a city belonging
to the Latins. He took it by assault, and following
the custom of the earlier kings who had enlarged the
State by receiving its enemies into Roman
citizenship, he transferred the whole of the
population to Rome. The Palatine had been settled by
the earliest Romans, the Sabines had occupied the
Capitoline hill with the Citadel, on one side of the
Palatine, and the Albans the Caelian hill, on the
other, so the Aventine was assigned to the
new-comers. Not long afterwards there was a further
addition to the number of citizens through the
capture of Tellenae and Ficana. Politorium after its
evacuation was seized by the Latins and was again
recovered; and this was the reason why the Romans
razed the city, to prevent its being a perpetual
refuge for the enemy. At last the whole war was
concentrated round Medullia, and fighting went on
for some time there with doubtful result. The city
was strongly fortified and its strength was
increased by the presence of a large garrison. The
Latin army was encamped in the open and had had
several engagements with the Romans. At last Ancus
made a supreme effort with the whole of his force
and won a pitched battle, after which he returned
with immense booty to Rome, and many thousands of
Latins were admitted into citizenship. In order to
connect the Aventine with the Palatine, the district
round the altar of Venus Murcia was assigned to
them. The Janiculum also was brought into the city
boundaries, not because the space was wanted, but to
prevent such a strong position from being occupied
by an enemy. It was decided to connect this hill
with the City, not only by carrying the City wall
round it, but also by a bridge, for the convenience
of traffic. This was the first bridge thrown over
the Tiber, and was known as the Pons Sublicius. The
Fossa Quiritium also was the work of King Ancus, and
afforded no inconsiderable protection to the lower
and therefore more accessible parts of the City.
Amidst this vast population, now that the State had
become so enormously increased, the sense of right
and wrong was obscured, and secret crimes were
committed. To overawe the growing lawlessness a
prison was built in the heart of the City,
overlooking the Forum. The additions made by this
king were not confined to the City. The Mesian
Forest was taken from the Veientines, and the Roman
dominion extended to the sea; at the mouth of the
Tiber the city of Ostia was built; salt-pits were
constructed on both sides of the river, and the
temple of Jupiter Feretrius was enlarged in
consequence of the brilliant successes in the war.
1.34
During the reign of Ancus
a wealthy and ambitious man named Lucumo removed to
Rome, mainly with the hope and desire of winning
high distinction, for which no opportunity had
existed in Tarquinii, since there also he was an
alien. He was the son of Demaratus a Corinthian, who
had been driven from home by a revolution, and who
happened to settle in Tarquinii. There he married
and had two sons, their names were Lucumo and
Arruns. Arruns died before his father, leaving his
wife with child; Lucumo survived his father and
inherited all his property. For Demaratus died
shortly after Arruns, and being unaware of the
condition of his daughter-in-law, had made no
provision in his will for a grandchild. The boy,
thus excluded from any share of his grandfather's
property, was called, in consequence of his poverty,
Egerius. Lucumo, on the other hand, heir to all the
property, became elated by his wealth, and his
ambition was stimulated by his marriage with
Tanaquil. This woman was descended from one of the
foremost families in the State, and could not bear
the thought of her position by marriage being
inferior to the one she claimed by birth. The
Etruscans looked down upon Lucumo as the son of a
foreign refugee; she could not brook this indignity,
and forgetting all ties of patriotism if only she
could see her husband honoured, resolved to emigrate
from Tarquinii. Rome seemed the most suitable place
for her purpose. She felt that among a young nation
where all nobility is a thing of recent growth and
won by personal merit, there would be room for a man
of courage and energy. She remembered that the
Sabine Tatius had reigned there, that Numa had been
summoned from Cures to fill the throne, that Ancus
himself was sprung from a Sabine mother, and could
not trace his nobility beyond Numa. Her husband's
ambition and the fact that Tarquinii was his native
country only on the mother's side, made him give a
ready ear to her proposals. They accordingly packed
up their goods and removed to Rome.
They had got as far as the Janiculum when a
hovering eagle swooped gently down and took off his
cap as he was sitting by his wife's side in the
carriage, then circling round the vehicle with loud
cries, as though commissioned by heaven for this
service, replaced it carefully upon his head and
soared away. It is said that Tanaquil, who, like
most Etruscans, was expert in interpreting celestial
prodigies, was delighted at the omen. She threw her
arms round her husband and bade him look for a high
and majestic destiny, for such was the import of the
eagle's appearance, of the particular part of the
sky where it appeared, and of the deity who sent it.
The omen was directed to the crown and summit of his
person, the bird had raised aloft an adornment put
on by human hands, to replace it as the gift of
heaven. Full of these hopes and surmises they
entered the City, and after procuring a domicile
there, they announced his name as Lucius Tarquinius
Priscus. The fact of his being a stranger, and a
wealthy one, brought him into notice, and he
increased the advantage which Fortune gave him by
his courteous demeanour, his lavish hospitality, and
the many acts of kindness by which he won all whom
it was in his power to win, until his reputation
even reached the palace. Once introduced to the
king's notice, he soon succeeded by adroit
complaisance in getting on to such familiar terms
that he was consulted in matters of state, as much
as in private matters, whether they referred to
either peace or war. At last, after passing every
test of character and ability, he was actually
appointed by the king's will guardian to his
children.
1.35
Ancus reigned twenty-four
years, unsurpassed by any of his predecessors in
ability and reputation, both in the field and at
home. His sons had now almost reached manhood.
Tarquin was all the more anxious for the election of
the new king to be held as soon as possible. At the
time fixed for it he sent the boys out of the way on
a hunting expedition. He is said to have been the
first who canvassed for the crown and delivered a
set speech to secure the interest of the plebs. In
it he asserted that he was not making an unheard-of
request, he was not the first foreigner who aspired
to the Roman throne; were this so, any one might
feel surprise and indignation. But he was the third.
Tatius was not only a foreigner, but was made king
after he had been their enemy; Numa, an entire
stranger to the City, had been called to the throne
without any seeking it on his part. As to himself,
as soon as he was his own master, he had removed to
Rome with his wife and his whole fortune; he had
lived at Rome for a larger part of the period during
which men discharge the functions of citizenship
than he had passed in his old country; he had learnt
the laws of Rome, the ceremonial rites of Rome, both
civil and military, under Ancus himself, a very
sufficient teacher; he had been second to none in
duty and service towards the king; he had not
yielded to the king himself in generous treatment of
others. Whilst he was stating these facts, which
were certainly true, the Roman people with
enthusiastic unanimity elected him king. Though in
all other respects an excellent man, his ambition,
which impelled him to seek the crown, followed him
on to the throne; with the design of strengthening
himself quite as much as of increasing the State, he
made a hundred new senators. These were afterwards
called "the Lesser Houses" and formed a body of
uncompromising supporters of the king, through whose
kindness they had entered the senate. The first war
he engaged in was with the Latins. He took the town
of Apiolae by storm, and carried off a greater
amount of plunder than could have been expected from
the slight interest shown in the war. After this had
been brought in wagons to Rome, he celebrated the
Games with greater splendour and on a larger scale
than his predecessors. Then for the first time a
space was marked for what is now the "Circus
Maximus." Spots were allotted to the patricians and
knights where they could each build for themselves
stands -called "ford" -from which to view the
Games. These stands were raised on wooden props,
branching out at the top, twelve feet high. The
contests were horse-racing and boxing, the horses
and boxers mostly brought from Etruria. They were at
first celebrated on occasions of especial solemnity;
subsequently they became an annual fixture, and were
called indifferently the "Roman" or the "Great
Games." This king also divided the ground round the
Forum into building sites; arcades and shops were
put up.
1.36
He was also making
preparations for surrounding the City with a stone
wall when his designs were interrupted by a war with
the Sabines. So sudden was the outbreak that the
enemy were crossing the Anio before a Roman army
could meet and stop them. There was great alarm in
Rome. The first battle was indecisive, and there was
great slaughter on both sides. The enemies' return
to their camp allowed time for the Romans to make
preparations for a fresh campaign. Tarquin thought
his army was weakest in cavalry and decided to
double the centuries, which Romulus had formed, of
the Ramnes, Titienses, and Luceres, and to
distinguish them by his own name. Now as Romulus had
acted under the sanction of the auspices, Attus
Navius, a celebrated augur at that time, insisted
that no change could be made, nothing new
introduced, unless the birds gave a favourable omen.
The king's anger was roused, and in mockery of the
augur's skill he is reported to have said, "Come,
you diviner, find out by your augury whether what I
am now contemplating can be done." Attus, after
consulting the omens, declared that it could.
"Well," the king replied, "I had it in my mind that
you should cut a whetstone with a razor. Take these,
and perform the feat which your birds portend can be
done." It is said that without the slightest
hesitation he cut it through. There used to be a
statue of Attus, representing him with his head
covered, in the Comitium, on the steps to the left
of the senate-house, where the incident occurred.
The whetstone also, it is recorded, was placed there
to be a memorial of the marvel for future
generations. At all events, auguries and the college
of augurs were held in such honour that nothing was
undertaken in peace or war without their sanction;
the assembly of the curies, the assembly of the
centuries, matters of the highest importance, were
suspended or broken up if the omen of the birds was
unfavourable. Even on that occasion Tarquin was
deterred from making changes in the names or numbers
of the centuries of knights; he merely doubled the
number of men in each, so that the three centuries
contained eighteen hundred men. Those who were added
to the centuries bore the same designation, only
they were called the "Second" knights, and the
centuries being thus doubled are now called the "Six
Centuries."
1.37
After this division of
the forces was augmented there was a second
collision with the Sabines, in which the increased
strength of the Roman army was aided by an artifice.
Men were secretly sent to set fire to a vast
quantity of logs lying on the banks of the Anio, and
float them down the river on rafts. The wind fanned
the flames, and as the logs drove against the piles
and stuck there they set the bridge on fire. This
incident, occurring during the battle, created a
panic among the Sabines and led to their rout, and
at the same time prevented their flight; many after
escaping from the enemy perished in the river. Their
shields floated down the Tiber as far as the City,
and being recognised, made it clear that there had
been a victory almost before it could be announced.
In that battle the cavalry especially distinguished
themselves. They were posted on each wing, and when
the infantry in the centre were being forced back,
it is said that they made such a desperate charge
from both sides that they not only arrested the
Sabine legions as they were pressing on the
retreating Romans, but immediately put them to
flight. The Sabines, in wild disorder, made for the
hills, a few gained them, by far the greater number,
as was stated above, were driven by the cavalry into
the river. Tarquin determined to follow them up
before they could recover from their panic. He sent
the prisoners and booty to Rome; the spoils of the
enemy had been devoted to Vulcan, they were
accordingly collected into an enormous pile and
burnt; then he proceeded forthwith to lead his army
into the Sabine territory. In spite of their recent
defeat and the hopelessness of repairing it, the
Sabines met him with a hastily raised body of
militia, as there was no time for concerting a plan
of operations. They were again defeated, and as they
were now brought to the verge of ruin, sought for
peace.
1.38
Collatia and all the
territory on this side of it was taken from the
Sabines; Egerius, the king's nephew, was left to
hold it. I understand that the procedure on the
surrender of Collatia was as follows: The king
asked, "Have you been sent as envoys and
commissioners by the people of Collatia to make the
surrender of yourselves and the people of Collatia?"
"We have." "And is the people of Collatia an
independent people?" "It is." "Do you surrender into
my power and that of the People of Rome yourselves,
and the people of Collatia, your city, lands, water,
boundaries, temples, sacred vessels, all things
divine and human?" "We do surrender them." "Then I
accept them." After bringing the Sabine war to a
conclusion Tarquin returned in triumph to Rome. Then
he made war on the Prisci Latini. No general
engagement took place, he attacked each of their
towns in succession and subjugated the whole nation.
The towns of Corniculum, Old Ficulea, Cameria,
Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, Nomentum, were all
taken from the Prisci Latini or those who had gone
over to them. Then peace was made. Works of peace
were now commenced with greater energy even than had
been displayed in war, so that the people enjoyed no
more quiet at home than they had had in the field.
He made preparations for completing the work, which
had been interrupted by the Sabine war, of enclosing
the City in those parts where no fortification yet
existed with a stone wall. The low-lying parts of
the City round the Forum, and the other valleys
between the hills, where the water could not escape,
were drained by conduits which emptied into the
Tiber. He built up with masonry a level space on the
Capitol as a site for the temple of Jupiter which he
had vowed during the Sabine war, and the magnitude
of the work revealed his prophetic anticipation of
the future greatness of the place.
1.39
At that time an incident
took place as marvellous in the appearance as it
proved in the result. It is said that whilst a boy
named Servius Tullius was asleep, his head was
enveloped in flames, before the eyes of many who
were present. The cry which broke out at such a
marvellous sight aroused the royal family, and when
one of the domestics was bringing water to quench
the flames the queen stopped him, and after calming
the excitement forbade the boy to be disturbed until
he awoke of his own accord. Presently he did so, and
the flames disappeared. Then Tanaquil took her
husband aside and said to him, "Do you see this boy,
whom we are bringing up in such a humble style? You
may be certain that he will one day be a light to us
in trouble and perplexity, and a protection to our
tottering house. Let us henceforth bring up with all
care and indulgence one who will be the source of
measureless glory to the State and to ourselves."
From this time the boy began to be treated as their
child and trained in those accomplishments by which
characters are stimulated to the pursuit of a great
destiny. The task was an easy one, for it was
carrying out the will of the gods. The youth turned
out to be of a truly kingly disposition, and when
search was made for a son-in-law to Tarquinius, none
of the Roman youths could be compared with him in
any respect, so the king betrothed his daughter to
him. The bestowal of this great honour upon him,
whatever the reason for it, forbids our believing
that he was the son of a slave, and, in his boyhood,
a slave himself. I am more inclined to the opinion
of those who say that in the capture of Corniculum,
Servius Tullius, the leading man of that city, was
killed, and his wife, who was about to become a
mother, was recognised amongst the other captive
women, and in consequence of her high rank was
exempted from servitude by the Roman queen, and gave
birth to a son in the house of Priscus Tarquinius.
This kind treatment strengthened the intimacy
between the women, and the boy, brought up as he was
from infancy in the royal household, was held in
affection and honour. It was the fate of his mother,
who fell into the hands of the enemy when her native
city was taken, that made people think he was the
son of a slave.
1.40
When Tarquin had been
about thirty-eight years on the throne, Servius
Tullius was held in by far the highest esteem of any
one, not only with the king but also with the
patricians and the commons. The two sons of Ancus
had always felt most keenly their being deprived of
their father's throne through the treachery of their
guardian; its occupation by a foreigner who was not
even of Italian, much less Roman descent, increased
their indignation, when they saw that not even after
the death of Tarquin would the crown revert to them,
but would suddenly descend to a slave -that crown
which Romulus, the offspring of a god, and himself a
god, had worn whilst he was on earth, now to be the
possession of a slave-born slave a hundred years
later! They felt that it would be a disgrace to the
whole Roman nation, and especially to their house,
if, while the male issue of Ancus was still alive,
the sovereignty of Rome should be open not only to
foreigners but even to slaves. They determined,
therefore, to repel that insult by the sword. But it
was on Tarquin rather than on Servius that they
sought to avenge their wrongs; if the king were left
alive he would be able to deal more summary
vengeance than an ordinary citizen, and in the event
of Servius being killed, the king would certainly
make any one else whom he chose for a son-in-law
heir to the crown. These considerations decided them
to form a plot against the king's life. Two
shepherds, perfect desperadoes, were selected for
the deed. They appeared in the vestibule of the
palace, each with his usual implement, and by
pretending to have a violent and outrageous quarrel,
they attracted the attention of all the royal
guards. Then, as they both began to appeal to the
king, and their clamour had penetrated within the
palace, they were summoned before the king. At first
they tried, by shouting each against the other, to
see who could make the most noise, until, after
being repressed by the lictor and ordered to speak
in turn, they became quiet, and one of the two began
to state his case. Whilst the king's attention was
absorbed in listening to him, the other swung aloft
his axe and drove it into the king's head, and
leaving the weapon in the wound both dashed out of
the palace.
1.41
Whilst the bystanders
were supporting the dying Tarquin in their arms, the
lictors caught the fugitives. The shouting drew a
crowd together, wondering what had happened. In the
midst of the confusion, Tanaquil ordered the palace
to be cleared and the doors closed; she then
carefully prepared medicaments for dressing the
wound, should there be hopes of life; at the same
time she decided on other precautions, should the
case prove hopeless, and hastily summoned Servius.
She showed him her husband at the point of death,
and taking his hand, implored him not to leave his
father-in-law's death unavenged, nor to allow his
mother-in-law to become the sport of her enemies.
"The throne is yours, Servius," she said, "if you
are a man; it does not belong to those who have,
through the hands of others, wrought this worst of
crimes. Up! follow the guidance of the gods who
presaged the exaltation of that head round which
divine fire once played! Let that heaven-sent flame
now inspire you. Rouse yourself in earnest! We, too,
though foreigners, have reigned. Bethink yourself
not whence you sprang, but who you are. If in this
sudden emergency you are slow to resolve, then
follow my counsels." As the clamour and impatience
of the populace could hardly be restrained, Tanaquil
went to a window in the upper part of the palace
looking out on the Via Nova -the king used to live
by the temple of Jupiter Stator -and addressed the
people. She bade them hope for the best; the king
had been stunned by a sudden blow, but the weapon
had not penetrated to any depth, he had already
recovered consciousness, the blood had been washed
off and the wound examined, all the symptoms were
favourable, she was sure they would soon see him
again, meantime it was his order that the people
should recognise the authority of Servius Tullius,
who would administer justice and discharge the other
functions of royalty. Servius appeared in his trabea
attended by the lictors, and after taking his seat
in the royal chair decided some cases and adjourned
others under presence of consulting the king. So for
several days after Tarquin's death Servius continued
to strengthen his position by giving out that he was
exercising a delegated authority. At length the
sounds of mourning arose in the palace and divulged
the fact of the king's death. Protected by a strong
bodyguard Servius was the first who ascended the
throne without being elected by the people, though
without opposition from the senate. When the sons of
Ancus heard that the instruments of their crime had
been arrested, that the king was still alive, and
that Servius was so powerful, they went into exile
at Suessa Pometia.
1.42
Servius consolidated his
power quite as much by his private as by his public
measures. To guard against the children of Tarquin
treating him as those of Ancus had treated Tarquin,
he married his two daughters to the scions of the
royal house, Lucius and Arruns Tarquin. Human
counsels could not arrest the inevitable course of
destiny, nor could Servius prevent the jealousy
aroused by his ascending the throne from making his
family the scene of disloyalty and hatred. The truce
with the Veientines had now expired, and the
resumption of war with them and other Etruscan
cities came most opportunely to help in maintaining
tranquillity at home. In this war the courage and
good fortune of Tullius were conspicuous, and he
returned to Rome, after defeating an immense force
of the enemy, feeling quite secure on the throne,
and assured of the goodwill of both patricians and
commons. Then he set himself to by far the greatest
of all works in times of peace. Just as Numa had
been the author of religious laws and institutions,
so posterity extols Servius as the founder of those
divisions and classes in the State by which a clear
distinction is drawn between the various grades of
dignity and fortune. He instituted the census, a
most beneficial institution in what was to be a
great empire, in order that by its means the various
duties of peace and war might be assigned, not as
heretofore, indiscriminately, but in proportion to
the amount of property each man possessed. From it
he drew up the classes and centuries and the
following distribution of them, adapted for either
peace or war.
1.43
Those whose property
amounted to, or exceeded 100,000 lbs. weight of
copper were formed into eighty centuries, forty of
juniors and forty of seniors. These were called the
First Class. The seniors were to defend the City,
the juniors to serve in the field. The armour which
they were to provide themselves with comprised
helmet, round shield, greaves, and coat of mail, all
of brass; these were to protect the person. Their
offensive weapons were spear and sword. To this
class were joined two centuries of carpenters whose
duty it was to work the engines of war; they were
without arms. The Second Class consisted of those
whose property amounted to between 75,000 and
100,000 lbs. weight of copper; they were formed,
seniors and juniors together, into twenty centuries.
Their regulation arms were the same as those of the
First Class, except that they had an oblong wooden
shield instead of the round brazen one and no coat
of mail. The Third Class he formed of those whose
property fell as low as 50,000 lbs.; these also
consisted of twenty centuries, similarly divided
into seniors and juniors. The only difference in the
armour was that they did not wear greaves. In the
Fourth Class were those whose property did not fall
below 25,000 lbs. They also formed twenty centuries;
their only arms were a spear and a javelin. The
Fifth Class was larger it formed thirty centuries.
They carried slings and stones, and they included
the supernumeraries, the horn-blowers, and the
trumpeters, who formed three centuries. This Fifth
Class was assessed at 11,000 lbs. The rest of the
population whose property fell below this were
formed into one century and were exempt from
military service.
After thus regulating the equipment and
distribution of the infantry, he re-arranged the
cavalry. He enrolled from amongst the principal men
of the State twelve centuries. In the same way he
made six other centuries (though only three had been
formed by Romulus) under the same names under which
the first had been inaugurated. For the purchase of
the horse, 10,000 lbs. were assigned them from the
public treasury; whilst for its keep certain widows
were assessed to pay 2000 lbs. each, annually. The
burden of all these expenses was shifted from the
poor on to the rich. Then additional privileges were
conferred. The former kings had maintained the
constitution as handed down by Romulus, viz.,
manhood suffrage in which all alike possessed the
same weight and enjoyed the same rights. Servius
introduced a graduation; so that whilst no one was
ostensibly deprived of his vote, all the voting
power was in the hands of the principal men of the
State. The knights were first summoned to record
their vote, then the eighty centuries of the
infantry of the First Class; if their votes were
divided, which seldom happened, it was arranged for
the Second Class to be summoned; very seldom did the
voting extend to the lowest Class. Nor need it
occasion any surprise, that the arrangement which
now exists since the completion of the thirty-five
tribes, their number being doubled by the centuries
of juniors and seniors, does not agree with the
total as instituted by Servius Tullius. For, after
dividing the City with its districts and the hills
which were inhabited into four parts, he called
these divisions "tribes," I think from the tribute
they paid, for he also introduced the practice of
collecting it at an equal rate according to the
assessment. These tribes had nothing to do with the
distribution and number of the centuries.
1.44
The work of the census
was accelerated by an enactment in which Servius
denounced imprisonment and even capital punishment
against those who evaded assessment. On its
completion he issued an order that all the citizens
of Rome, knights and infantry alike, should appear
in the Campus Martius, each in their centuries.
After the whole army had been drawn up there, he
purified it by the triple sacrifice of a swine, a
sheep, and an ox. This was called "a closed
lustrum," because with it the census was completed.
Eighty thousand citizens are said to have been
included in that census. Fabius Pictor, the oldest
of our historians, states that this was the number
of those who could bear arms. To contain that
population it was obvious that the City would have
to be enlarged. He added to it the two hills -the
Quirinal and the Viminal -and then made a further
addition by including the Esquiline, and to give it
more importance he lived there himself. He
surrounded the City with a mound and moats and wall;
in this way he extended the "pomoerium." Looking
only to the etymology of the word, they explain
"pomoerium" as "postmoerium"; but it is rather a
"circamoerium." For the space which the Etruscans of
old, when founding their cities, consecrated in
accordance with auguries and marked off by boundary
stones at intervals on each side, as the part where
the wall was to be carried, was to be kept vacant so
that no buildings might connect with the wall on the
inside (whilst now they generally touch), and on the
outside some ground might remain virgin soil
untouched by cultivation. This space, which it was
forbidden either to build upon or to plough, and
which could not be said to be behind the wall any
more than the wall could be said to be behind it,
the Romans called the "pomoerium." As the City grew,
these sacred boundary stones were always moved
forward as far as the walls were advanced.
1.45
After the State was
augmented by the expansion of the City and all
domestic arrangements adapted to the requirements of
both peace and war, Servius endeavoured to extend
his dominion by state-craft, instead of aggrandising
it by arms, and at the same time made an addition to
the adornment of the City. The temple of the
Ephesian Diana was famous at that time, and it was
reported to have been built by the co-operation of
the states of Asia. Servius had been careful to form
ties of hospitality and friendship with the chiefs
of the Latin nation, and he used to speak in the
highest praise of that co-operation and the common
recognition of the same deity. By constantly
dwelling on this theme he at length induced the
Latin tribes to join with the people of Rome in
building a temple to Diana in Rome. Their doing so
was an admission of the predominance of Rome; a
question which had so often been disputed by arms.
Though the Latins, after their many unfortunate
experiences in war, had as a nation laid aside all
thoughts of success, there was amongst the Sabines
one man who believed that an opportunity presented
itself of recovering the supremacy through his own
individual cunning. The story runs that a man of
substance belonging to that nation had a heifer of
marvellous size and beauty. The marvel was attested
in after ages by the horns which were fastened up in
the vestibule of the temple of Diana. The creature
was looked upon as -what it really was -a prodigy,
and the soothsayers predicted that, whoever
sacrificed it to Diana, the state of which he was a
citizen should be the seat of empire. This prophecy
had reached the ears of the official in charge of
the temple of Diana. When the first day on which the
sacrifice could properly be offered arrived, the
Sabine drove the heifer to Rome, took it to the
temple, and placed it in front of the altar. The
official in charge was a Roman, and, struck by the
size of the victim, which was well known by report,
he recalled the prophecy and addressing the Sabine,
said, "Why, pray, are you, stranger, preparing to
offer a polluted sacrifice to Diana? Go and bathe
yourself first in running water. The Tiber is
flowing down there at the bottom of the valley."
Filled with misgivings, and anxious for everything
to be done properly that the prediction might be
fulfilled, the stranger promptly went down to the
Tiber. Meanwhile the Roman sacrificed the heifer to
Diana. This was a cause of intense gratification to
the king and to his people.
1.46
Servius was now confirmed
on the throne by long possession. It had, however,
come to his ears that the young Tarquin was giving
out that he was reigning without the assent of the
people. He first secured the goodwill of the plebs
by assigning to each householder a slice of the land
which had been taken from the enemy. Then he was
emboldened to put to them the question whether it
was their will and resolve that he should reign. He
was acclaimed as king by a unanimous vote such as no
king before him had obtained. This action in no
degree damped Tarquin's hopes of making his way to
the throne, rather the reverse. He was a bold and
aspiring youth, and his wife Tullia stimulated his
restless ambition. He had seen that the granting of
land to the commons was in defiance of the opinion
of the senate, and he seized the opportunity it
afforded him of traducing Servius and strengthening
his own faction in that assembly. So it came about
that the Roman palace afforded an instance of the
crime which tragic poets have depicted, with the
result that the loathing felt for kings hastened the
advent of liberty, and the crown won by villainy was
the last that was worn.
This Lucius Tarquinius -whether he was the
son or the grandson of King Priscus Tarquinius is
not clear; if I should give him as the son I should
have the preponderance of authorities -had a
brother, Arruns Tarquinius, a youth of gentle
character. The two Tullias, the king's daughters,
had, as I have already stated, married these two
brothers; and they themselves were of utterly unlike
dispositions. It was, I believe, the good fortune of
Rome which intervened to prevent two violent natures
from being joined in marriage, in order that the
reign of Servius Tullius might last long enough to
allow the State to settle into its new constitution.
The high-spirited one of the two Tullias was annoyed
that there was nothing in her husband for her to
work on in the direction of either greed or
ambition. All her affections were transferred to the
other Tarquin; he was her admiration, he, she said,
was a man, he was really of royal blood. She
despised her sister, because having a man for her
husband she was not animated by the spirit of a
woman. Likeness of character soon drew them
together, as evil usually consorts best with evil.
But it was the woman who was the originator of all
the mischief. She constantly held clandestine
interviews with her sister's husband, to whom she
unsparingly vilified alike her husband and her
sister, asserting that it would have been better for
her to have remained unmarried and he a bachelor,
rather than for them each to be thus unequally
mated, and fret in idleness through the poltroonery
of others. Had heaven given her the husband she
deserved, she would soon have seen the sovereignty
which her father wielded established in her own
house. She rapidly infected the young man with her
own recklessness. Lucius Tarquin and the younger
Tullia, by a double murder, cleared from their
houses the obstacles to a fresh marriage; their
nuptials were solemnised with the tacit acquiescence
rather than the approbation of Servius.
1.47
From that time the old
age of Tullius became more embittered, his reign
more unhappy. The woman began to look forward from
one crime to another; she allowed her husband no
rest day or night, for fear lest the past murders
should prove fruitless. What she wanted, she said,
was not a man who was only her husband in name, or
with whom she was to live in uncomplaining
servitude; the man she needed was one who deemed
himself worthy of a throne, who remembered that he
was the son of Priscus Tarquinius, who preferred to
wear a crown rather than live in hopes of it. "If
you are the man to whom I thought I was married,
then I call you my husband and my king; but if not,
I have changed my condition for the worse, since you
are not only a coward but a criminal to boot. Why do
you not prepare yourself for action? You are not,
like your father, a native of Corinth or Tarquinii,
nor is it a foreign crown you have to win. Your
father's household gods, your father's image, the
royal palace, the kingly throne within it, the very
name of Tarquin, all declare you king. If you have
not courage enough for this, why do you excite vain
hopes in the State? Why do you allow yourself to be
looked up to as a youth of kingly stock? Make your
way back to Tarquinii or Corinth, sink back to the
position whence you sprung; you have your brother's
nature rather than your father's." With taunts like
these she egged him on. She, too, was perpetually
haunted by the thought that whilst Tanaquil, a woman
of alien descent, had shown such spirit as to give
the crown to her husband and her son-in-law in
succession, she herself, though of royal descent,
had no power either in giving it or taking it away.
Infected by the woman's madness Tarquin began to go
about and interview the nobles, mainly those of the
Lesser Houses; he reminded them of the favour his
father had shown them, and asked them to prove their
gratitude; he won over the younger men with
presents. By making magnificent promises as to what
he would do, and by bringing charges against the
king, his cause became stronger amongst all ranks.
At last, when he thought the time for action
had arrived, he appeared suddenly in the Forum with
a body of armed men. A general panic ensued, during
which he seated himself in the royal chair in the
senate-house and ordered the Fathers to be summoned
by the crier "into the presence of King Tarquin."
They hastily assembled, some already prepared for
what was coming; others, apprehensive lest their
absence should arouse suspicion, and dismayed by the
extraordinary nature of the incident, were convinced
that the fate of Servius was sealed. Tarquin went
back to the king's birth, protested that he was a
slave and the son of a slave, and after his (the
speaker's) father had been foully murdered, seized
the throne, as a woman's gift, without any interrex
being appointed as heretofore, without any assembly
being convened, without any vote of the people being
taken or any confirmation of it by the Fathers. Such
was his origin, such was his right to the crown. His
sympathies were with the dregs of society from which
he had sprung, and through jealousy of the ranks to
which he did not belong, he had taken the land from
the foremost men in the State and divided it amongst
the vilest; he had shifted on to them the whole of
the burdens which had formerly been borne in common
by all; he had instituted the census that the
fortunes of the wealthy might be held up to envy,
and be an easily available source from which to
shower doles, whenever he pleased, upon the
neediest.
1.48
Servius had been summoned
by a breathless messenger, and arrived on the scene
while Tarquin was speaking. As soon as he reached
the vestibule, he exclaimed in loud tones, "What is
the meaning of this, Tarquin? How dared you, with
such insolence, convene the senate or sit in that
chair whilst I am alive?" Tarquin replied fiercely
that he was occupying his father's seat, that a
king's son was a much more legitimate heir to the
throne than a slave, and that he, Servius, in
playing his reckless game, had insulted his masters
long enough. Shouts arose from their respective
partisans, the people made a rush to the
senate-house, and it was evident that he who won the
fight would reign. Then Tarquin, forced by sheer
necessity into proceeding to the last extremity,
seized Servius round the waist, and being a much
younger and stronger man, carried him out of the
senate-house and flung him down the steps into the
Forum below. He then returned to call the senate to
order. The officers and attendants of the king fled.
The king himself, half dead from the violence, was
put to death by those whom Tarquin had sent in
pursuit of him. It is the current belief that this
was done at Tullia's suggestion, for it is quite in
keeping with the rest of her wickedness. At all
events, it is generally agreed that she drove down
to the Forum in a two-wheeled car, and, unabashed by
the presence of the crowd, called her husband out of
the senate-house and was the first to salute him as
king. He told her to make her way out of the tumult,
and when on her return she had got as far as the top
of the Cyprius Vicus, where the temple of Diana
lately stood, and was turning to the right on the
Urbius Clivus, to get to the Esquiline, the driver
stopped horror-struck and pulled up, and pointed out
to his mistress the corpse of the murdered Servius.
Then, the tradition runs, a foul and unnatural crime
was committed, the memory of which the place still
bears, for they call it the Vicus Sceleratus. It is
said that Tullia, goaded to madness by the avenging
spirits of her sister and her husband, drove right
over her father's body, and carried back some of her
father's blood with which the car and she herself
were defiled to her own and her husband's household
gods, through whose anger a reign which began in
wickedness was soon brought to a close by a like
cause. Servius Tullius reigned forty-four years, and
even a wise and good successor would have found it
difficult to fill the throne as he had done. The
glory of his reign was all the greater because with
him perished all just and lawful kingship in Rome.
Gentle and moderate as his sway had been, he had
nevertheless, according to some authorities, formed
the intention of laying it down, because it was
vested in a single person, but this purpose of
giving freedom to the State was cut short by that
domestic crime.
1.49
Lucius Tarquinius now
began his reign. His conduct procured for him the
nickname of "Superbus," for he deprived his
father-in-law of burial, on the plea that Romulus
was not buried, and he slew the leading nobles whom
he suspected of being partisans of Servius.
Conscious that the precedent which he had set, of
winning a throne by violence, might be used against
himself, he surrounded himself with a guard. For he
had nothing whatever by which to make good his claim
to the crown except actual violence; he was reigning
without either being elected by the people, or
confirmed by the senate. As, moreover, he had no
hope of winning the affections of the citizens, he
had to maintain his dominion by fear. To make
himself more dreaded, he conducted the trials in
capital cases without any assessors, and under this
presence he was able to put to death, banish, or
fine not only those whom he suspected or disliked,
but also those from whom his only object was to
extort money. His main object was so to reduce the
number of senators, by refusing to fill up any
vacancies, that the dignity of the order itself
might be lowered through the smallness of its
numbers, and less indignation felt at all public
business being taken out of its hands. He was the
first of the kings to break through the traditional
custom of consulting the senate on all questions,
the first to conduct the government on the advice of
his palace favourites. War, peace, treaties,
alliances were made or broken off by him, just as he
thought good, without any authority from either
people or senate. He made a special point of
securing the Latin nation, that through his power
and influence abroad he might be safer amongst his
subjects at home; he not only formed ties of
hospitality with their chief men, but established
family connections. He gave his daughter in marriage
to Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, who was quite the
foremost man of the Latin race, descended, if we are
to believe traditions, from Ulysses and the goddess
Circe; through that connection he gained many of his
son-in-law's relations and friends.
he historian, and I have no intention of
establishing either their truth or their falsehood.
This much licence is conceded to the ancients, that
by intermingling human actions with divine they may
confer a more august dignity on the origins of
states. Now, if any nation ought to be allowed to
claim a sacred origin and point back to a divine
paternity that nation is Rome. For such is her
renown in war that when she chooses to represent
Mars as her own and her founder's father, the
nation
1.50
Tarquin had now gained
considerable influence amongst the Latin nobility,
and he sent word for them to meet on a fixed date at
the Grove of Ferentina, as there were matters of
mutual interest about which he wished to consult
them. They assembled in considerable numbers at
daybreak; Tarquin kept his appointment, it is true,
but did not arrive till shortly before sunset. The
council spent the whole day in discussing many
topics. Turnus Herdonius, from Aricia, had made a
fierce attack on the absent Tarquin. It was no
wonder, he said, that the epithet "Tyrant" had been
bestowed upon him at Rome -for this was what people
commonly called him, though only in whispers -could
anything show the tyrant more than his thus trifling
with the whole Latin nation? After summoning the
chiefs from distant homes, the man who had called
the council was not present. He was in fact trying
how far he could go, so that if they submitted to
the yoke he might crush them. Who could not see that
he was making his way to sovereignty over the
Latins? Even supposing that his own countrymen did
well to entrust him with supreme power, or rather
that it was entrusted and not seized by an act of
parricide, the Latins ought not, even in that case,
to place it in the hands of an alien. But if his own
people bitterly rue his sway, seeing how they are
being butchered, sent into exile, stripped of all
their property, what better fate can the Latins hope
for? If they followed the speaker's advice they
would go home and take as little notice of the day
fixed for the council as he who had fixed it was
taking. Just while these and similar sentiments were
being uttered by the man who had gained his
influence in Aricia by treasonable and criminal
practice, Tarquin appeared on the scene. That put a
stop to his speech, for all turned from the speaker
to salute the king. When silence was restored,
Tarquin was advised by those near to explain why he
had come so late. He said that having been chosen as
arbitrator between a father and a son, he had been
detained by his endeavours to reconcile them, and as
that matter had taken up the whole day, he would
bring forward the measures he had decided upon the
next day. It is said that even this explanation was
not received by Turnus without his commenting on it;
no case, he argued, could take up less time than one
between a father and a son, it could be settled in a
few words; if the son did not comply with the
father's wishes he would get into trouble.
1.51
With these censures on
the Roman king he left the council. Tarquin took the
matter more seriously than he appeared to do and at
once began to plan Turnus' death, in order that he
might inspire the Latins with the same terror
through which he had crushed the spirits of his
subjects at home. As he had not the power to get him
openly put to death, he compassed his destruction by
bringing a false charge against him. Through the
agency of some of the Aricians who were opposed to
Turnus, he bribed a slave of his to allow a large
quantity of swords to be carried secretly into his
quarters. This plan was executed in one night.
Shortly before daybreak Tarquin summoned the Latin
chiefs into his presence, as though something had
happened to give him great alarm. He told them that
his delay on the previous day had been brought about
by some divine providence, for it had proved the
salvation both of them and himself. He was informed
that Turnus was planning his murder and that of the
leading men in the different cities, in order that
he might hold sole rule over the Latins. He would
have attempted it the previous day in the council;
but the attempt was deferred owing to the absence of
the convener of the council, the chief object of
attack. Hence the abuse levelled against him in his
absence, because his delay had frustrated the hopes
of success. If the reports which reached him were
true, he had no doubt that, on the assembling of the
council at daybreak, Turnus would come armed and
with a strong body of conspirators. It was asserted
that a vast number of swords had been conveyed to
him. Whether this was an idle rumour or not could
very soon be ascertained, he asked them to go with
him to Turnus. The restless, ambitious character of
Turnus, his speech of the previous day, and
Tarquin's delay, which easily accounted for the
postponement of the murder, all lent colour to their
suspicions. They went, inclined to accept Tarquin's
statement, but quite prepared to regard the whole
story as baseless, if the swords were not
discovered. When they arrived, Turnus was roused
from sleep and placed under guard, and the slaves
who from affection to their master were preparing to
defend him were seized. Then, when the concealed
swords were produced from every corner of his
lodgings, the matter appeared only too certain and
Turnus was thrown into chains. Amidst great
excitement a council of the Latins was at once
summoned. The sight of the swords, placed in the
midst, aroused such furious resentment that he was
condemned, without being heard in his defence, to an
unprecedented mode of death. He was thrown into the
fountain of Ferentina and drowned by a hurdle
weighted with stones being placed over him.
1.52
After the Latins had
reassembled in council and had been commended by
Tarquin for having inflicted on Turnus a punishment
befitting his revolutionary and murderous designs,
Tarquin addressed them as follows: It was in his
power to exercise a long-established right, since,
as all the Latins traced their origin to Alba, they
were included in the treaty made by Tullus under
which the whole of the Alban State with its colonies
passed under the suzerainty of Rome. He thought,
however, that it would be more advantageous for all
parties if that treaty were renewed, so that the
Latins could enjoy a share in the prosperity of the
Roman people, instead of always looking out for, or
actually suffering, the demolition of their towns
and the devastation of their fields, as happened in
the reign of Ancus and afterwards whilst his own
father was on the throne. The Latins were persuaded
without much difficulty, although by that treaty
Rome was the predominant State, for they saw that
the heads of the Latin League were giving their
adhesion to the king, and Turnus afforded a present
example of the danger incurred by any one who
opposed the king's wishes. So the treaty was
renewed, and orders were issued for the "juniors"
amongst the Latins to muster under arms, in
accordance with the treaty, on a given day, at the
Grove of Ferentina. In compliance with the order
contingents assembled from all the thirty towns, and
with a view to depriving them of their own general
or a separate command, or distinctive standards, he
formed one Latin and one Roman century into a
maniple, thereby making one unit out of the two,
whilst he doubled the strength of the maniples, and
placed a centurion over each half.
1.53
However tyrannical the
king was in his domestic administration he was by no
means a despicable general; in military skill he
would have rivalled any of his predecessors had not
the degeneration of his character in other
directions prevented him from attaining distinction
here also. He was the first to stir up war with the
Volscians -a war which was to last for more than
two hundred years after his time -and took from
them the city of Pomptine Suessa. The booty was sold
and he realised out of the proceeds forty talents of
silver. He then sketched out the design of a temple
to Jupiter, which in its extent should be worthy of
the king of gods and men, worthy of the Roman
empire, worthy of the majesty of the City itself. He
set apart the above-mentioned sum for its
construction. The next war occupied him longer than
he expected. Failing to capture the neighbouring
city of Gabii by assault and finding it useless to
attempt an investment, after being defeated under
its walls, he employed methods against it which were
anything but Roman, namely, fraud and deceit. He
pretended to have given up all thoughts of war and
to be devoting himself to laying the foundations of
his temple and other undertakings in the City.
Meantime, it was arranged that Sextus, the youngest
of his three sons, should go as a refugee to Gabii,
complaining loudly of his father's insupportable
cruelty, and declaring that he had shifted his
tyranny from others on to his own family, and even
regarded the presence of his children as a burden
and was preparing to devastate his own family as he
had devastated the senate, so that not a single
descendant, not a single heir to the crown might be
left. He had, he said, himself escaped from the
murderous violence of his father, and felt that no
place was safe for him except amongst Lucius
Tarquin's enemies. Let them not deceive themselves,
the war which apparently was abandoned was hanging
over them, and at the first chance he would attack
them when they least expected it. If amongst them
there was no place for suppliants, he would wander
through Latium, he would petition the Volsci, the
Aequi, the Hernici, until he came to men who know
how to protect children against the cruel and
unnatural persecutions of parents. Perhaps he would
find people with sufficient spirit to take up arms
against a remorseless tyrant backed by a warlike
people. As it seemed probable that if they paid no
attention to him he would, in his angry mood, take
his departure, the people of Gabii gave him a kind
reception. They told him not to be surprised if his
father treated his children as he had treated his
own subjects and his allies; failing others he would
end by murdering himself. They showed pleasure at
his arrival and expressed their belief that with his
assistance the war would be transferred from the
gates of Gabii to the walls of Rome.
1.54
He was admitted to the
meetings of the national council. Whilst expressing
his agreement with the elders of Gabii on other
subjects, on which they were better informed, he was
continually urging them to war, and claimed to speak
with special authority, because he was acquainted
with the strength of each nation, and knew that the
king's tyranny, which even his own children had
found insupportable, was certainly detested by his
subjects. So after gradually working up the leaders
of the Gabinians to revolt, he went in person with
some of the most eager of the young men on foraging
and plundering expeditions. By playing the hypocrite
both in speech and action, he gained their mistaken
confidence more and more; at last he was chosen as
commander in the war. Whilst the mass of the
population were unaware of what was intended,
skirmishes took place between Rome and Gabii in
which the advantage generally rested with the
latter, until the Gabinians from the highest to the
lowest firmly believed that Sextus Tarquin had been
sent by heaven to be their leader. As for the
soldiers, he became so endeared to them by sharing
all their toils and dangers, and by a lavish
distribution of the plunder, that the elder Tarquin
was not more powerful in Rome than his son was in
Gabii.
When he thought himself strong enough to
succeed in anything that he might attempt, he sent
one of his friends to his father at Rome to ask what
he wished him to do now that the gods had given him
sole and absolute power in Gabii. To this messenger
no verbal reply was given, because, I believe, he
mistrusted him. The king went into the
palace-garden, deep in thought, his son's messenger
following him. As he walked along in silence it is
said that he struck off the tallest poppy-heads with
his stick. Tired of asking and waiting for an
answer, and feeling his mission to be a failure, the
messenger returned to Gabii, and reported what he
had said and seen, adding that the king, whether
through temper or personal aversion or the arrogance
which was natural to him, had not uttered a single
word. When it had become clear to Sextus what his
father meant him to understand by his mysterious
silent action, he proceeded to get rid of the
foremost men of the State by traducing some of them
to the people, whilst others fell victims to their
own unpopularity. Many were publicly executed, some
against whom no plausible charges could be brought
were secretly assassinated. Some were allowed to
seek safety in flight, or were driven into exile;
the property of these as well as of those who had
been put to death was distributed in grants and
bribes. The gratification felt by each who received
a share blunted the sense of the public mischief
that was being wrought, until, deprived of all
counsel and help, the State of Gabii was surrendered
to the Roman king without a single battle.
1.55
After the acquisition of
Gabii, Tarquin made peace with the Aequi and renewed
the treaty with the Etruscans. Then he turned his
attention to the business of the City. The first
thing was the temple of Jupiter on the Tarpeian
Mount, which he was anxious to leave behind as a
memorial of his reign and name; both the Tarquins
were concerned in it, the father had vowed it, the
son completed it. That the whole of the area which
the temple of Jupiter was to occupy might be wholly
devoted to that deity, he decided to deconsecrate
the fanes and chapels, some of which had been
originally vowed by King Tatius at the crisis of his
battle with Romulus, and subsequently consecrated
and inaugurated. Tradition records that at the
commencement of this work the gods sent a divine
intimation of the future vastness of the empire, for
whilst the omens were favourable for the
deconsecration of all the other shrines, they were
unfavourable for that of the fane of Terminus. This
was interpreted to mean that as the abode of
Terminus was not moved and he alone of all the
deities was not called forth from his consecrated
borders, so all would be firm and immovable in the
future empire. This augury of lasting dominion was
followed by a prodigy which portended the greatness
of the empire. It is said that whilst they were
digging the foundations of the temple, a human head
came to light with the face perfect; this appearance
unmistakably portended that the spot would be the
stronghold of empire and the head of all the world.
This was the interpretation given by the soothsayers
in the City, as well as by those who had been called
into council from Etruria. The king's designs were
now much more extensive; so much so that his share
of the spoils of Pometia, which had been set apart
to complete the work, now hardly met the cost of the
foundations. This makes me inclined to trust Fabius
-who, moreover is the older authority -when he
says that the amount was only forty talents, rather
than Piso, who states that forty thousand pounds of
silver were set apart for that object. For not only
is such a sum more than could be expected from the
spoils of any single city at that time, but it would
more than suffice for the foundations of the most
magnificent building of the present day.
1.56
Determined to finish his
temple, he sent for workmen from all parts of
Etruria, and not only used the public treasury to
defray the cost, but also compelled the plebeians to
take their share of the work. This was in addition
to their military service, and was anything but a
light burden. Still they felt it less of a hardship
to build the temples of the gods with their own
hands, than they did afterwards when they were
transferred to other tasks less imposing, but
involving greater toil -the construction of the
"ford" in the Circus and that of the Cloaca Maxima,
a subterranean tunnel to receive all the sewage of
the City. The magnificence of these two works could
hardly be equalled by anything in the present day.
When the plebeians were no longer required for these
works, he considered that such a multitude of
unemployed would prove a burden to the State, and as
he wished the frontiers of the empire to be more
widely colonised, he sent colonists to Signia and
Circeii to serve as a protection to the City by land
and sea. While he was carrying out these
undertakings a frightful portent appeared; a snake
gliding out of a wooden column created confusion and
panic in the palace. The king himself was not so
much terrified as filled with anxious forebodings.
The Etruscan soothsayers were only employed to
interpret prodigies which affected the State; but
this one concerned him and his house personally, so
he decided to send to the world-famed oracle of
Delphi. Fearing to entrust the oracular response to
any one else, he sent two of his sons to Greece,
through lands at that time unknown and over seas
still less known. Titus and Arruns started on their
journey. They had as a travelling companion L.
Junius Brutus, the son of the king's sister,
Tarquinia, a young man of a very different character
from that which he had assumed. When he heard of the
massacre of the chiefs of the State, amongst them
his own brother, by his uncle's orders, he
determined that his intelligence should give the
king no cause for alarm nor his fortune any
provocation to his avarice, and that as the laws
afforded no protection, he would seek safety in
obscurity and neglect. Accordingly he carefully kept
up the appearance and conduct of an idiot, leaving
the king to do what he liked with his person and
property, and did not even protest against his
nickname of "Brutus"; for under the protection of
that nickname the soul which was one day to liberate
Rome was awaiting its destined hour. The story runs
that when brought to Delphi by the Tarquins, more as
a butt for their sport than as a companion, he had
with him a golden staff enclosed in a hollow one of
corner wood, which he offered to Apollo as a
mystical emblem of his own character. After
executing their father's commission the young men
were desirous of ascertaining to which of them the
kingdom of Rome would come. A voice came from the
lowest depths of the cavern: "Whichever of you,
young men, shall be the first to kiss his mother, he
shall hold supreme sway in Rome." Sextus had
remained behind in Rome, and to keep him in
ignorance of this oracle and so deprive him of any
chance of coming to the throne, the two Tarquins
insisted upon absolute silence being kept on the
subject. They drew lots to decide which of them
should be the first to kiss his mother on their
return to Rome. Brutus, thinking that the oracular
utterance had another meaning, pretended to stumble,
and as he fell kissed the ground, for the earth is
of course the common mother of us all. Then they
returned to Rome, where preparations were being
energetically pushed forward for a war with the
Rutulians.
1.57
This people, who were at
that time in possession of Ardea, were, considering
the nature of their country and the age in which
they lived, exceptionally wealthy. This circumstance
really originated the war, for the Roman king was
anxious to repair his own fortune, which had been
exhausted by the magnificent scale of his public
works, and also to conciliate his subjects by a
distribution of the spoils of war. His tyranny had
already produced disaffection, but what moved their
special resentment was the way they had been so long
kept by the king at manual and even servile labour.
An attempt was made to take Ardea by assault; when
that failed recourse was had to a regular investment
to starve the enemy out. When troops are stationary,
as is the case in a protracted more than in an
active campaign, furloughs are easily granted, more
so to the men of rank, however, than to the common
soldiers. The royal princes sometimes spent their
leisure hours in feasting and entertainments, and at
a wine party given by Sextus Tarquinius at which
Collatinus, the son of Egerius, was present, the
conversation happened to turn upon their wives, and
each began to speak of his own in terms of
extraordinarily high praise. As the dispute became
warm, Collatinus said that there was no need of
words, it could in a few hours be ascertained how
far his Lucretia was superior to all the rest. "Why
do we not," he exclaimed, "if we have any youthful
vigour about us, mount our horses and pay our wives
a visit and find out their characters on the spot?
What we see of the behaviour of each on the
unexpected arrival of her husband, let that be the
surest test." They were heated with wine, and all
shouted: "Good! Come on!" Setting spur to their
horses they galloped off to Rome, where they arrived
as darkness was beginning to close in. Thence they
proceeded to Collatia, where they found Lucretia
very differently employed from the king's
daughters-in-law, whom they had seen passing their
time in feasting and luxury with their
acquaintances. She was sitting at her wool work in
the hall, late at night, with her maids busy round
her. The palm in this competition of wifely virtue
was awarded to Lucretia. She welcomed the arrival of
her husband and the Tarquins, whilst her victorious
spouse courteously invited the royal princes to
remain as his guests. Sextus Tarquin, inflamed by
the beauty and exemplary purity of Lucretia, formed
the vile project of effecting her dishonour. After
their youthful frolic they returned for the time to
camp.
1.58
A few days afterwards
Sextus Tarquin went, unknown to Collatinus, with one
companion to Collatia. He was hospitably received by
the household, who suspected nothing, and after
supper was conducted to the bedroom set apart for
guests. When all around seemed safe and everybody
fast asleep, he went in the frenzy of his passion
with a naked sword to the sleeping Lucretia, and
placing his left hand on her breast, said, "Silence,
Lucretia! I am Sextus Tarquin, and I have a sword in
my hand; if you utter a word, you shall die." When
the woman, terrified out of her sleep, saw that no
help was near, and instant death threatening her,
Tarquin began to confess his passion, pleaded, used
threats as well as entreaties, and employed every
argument likely to influence a female heart. When he
saw that she was inflexible and not moved even by
the fear of death, he threatened to disgrace her,
declaring that he would lay the naked corpse of the
slave by her dead body, so that it might be said
that she had been slain in foul adultery. By this
awful threat, his lust triumphed over her inflexible
chastity, and Tarquin went off exulting in having
successfully attacked her honour. Lucretia,
overwhelmed with grief at such a frightful outrage,
sent a messenger to her father at Rome and to her
husband at Ardea, asking them to come to her, each
accompanied by one faithful friend; it was necessary
to act, and to act promptly; a horrible thing had
happened. Spurius Lucretius came with Publius
Valerius, the son of Volesus; Collatinus with Lucius
Junius Brutus, with whom he happened to be returning
to Rome when he was met by his wife's messenger.
They found Lucretia sitting in her room prostrate
with grief. As they entered, she burst into tears,
and to her husband's inquiry whether all was well,
replied, "No! what can be well with a woman when her
honour is lost? The marks of a stranger, Collatinus,
are in your bed. But it is only the body that has
been violated, the soul is pure; death shall bear
witness to that. But pledge me your solemn word that
the adulterer shall not go unpunished. It is Sextus
Tarquin, who, coming as an enemy instead of a guest,
forced from me last night by brutal violence a
pleasure fatal to me, and, if you are men, fatal to
him." They all successively pledged their word, and
tried to console the distracted woman by turning the
guilt from the victim of the outrage to the
perpetrator, and urging that it is the mind that
sins, not the body, and where there has been no
consent there is no guilt. "It is for you," she
said, "to see that he gets his deserts; although I
acquit myself of the sin, I do not free myself from
the penalty; no unchaste woman shall henceforth live
and plead Lucretia's example." She had a knife
concealed in her dress which she plunged into her
heart, and fell dying on the floor. Her father and
husband raised the death-cry.
1.59
Whilst they were absorbed
in grief, Brutus drew the knife from Lucretia's
wound, and holding it, dripping with blood, in front
of him, said, "By this blood -most pure before the
outrage wrought by the king's son -I swear, and
you, O gods, I call to witness that I will drive
hence Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, together with his
cursed wife and his whole brood, with fire and sword
and every means in my power, and I will not suffer
them or any one else to reign in Rome." Then he
handed the knife to Collatinus and then to Lucretius
and Valerius, who were all astounded at the marvel
of the thing, wondering whence Brutus had acquired
this new character. They swore as they were
directed; all their grief changed to wrath, and they
followed the lead of Brutus, who summoned them to
abolish the monarchy forthwith. They carried the
body of Lucretia from her home down to the Forum,
where, owing to the unheard-of atrocity of the
crime, they at once collected a crowd. Each had his
own complaint to make of the wickedness and violence
of the royal house. Whilst all were moved by the
father's deep distress, Brutus bade them stop their
tears and idle laments, and urged them to act as men
and Romans and take up arms against their insolent
foes. All the high-spirited amongst the younger men
came forward as armed volunteers, the rest followed
their example. A portion of this body was left to
hold Collatia, and guards were stationed at the
gates to prevent any news of the movement from
reaching the king; the rest marched in arms to Rome
with Brutus in command. On their arrival, the sight
of so many men in arms spread panic and confusion
wherever they marched, but when again the people saw
that the foremost men of the State were leading the
way, they realised that whatever the movement was it
was a serious one. The terrible occurrence created
no less excitement in Rome than it had done in
Collatia; there was a rush from all quarters of the
City to the Forum. When they had gathered there, the
herald summoned them to attend the "Tribune of the
Celeres"; this was the office which Brutus happened
at the time to be holding. He made a speech quite
out of keeping with the character and temper he had
up to that day assumed. He dwelt upon the brutality
and licentiousness of Sextus Tarquin, the infamous
outrage on Lucretia and her pitiful death, the
bereavement sustained by her father, Tricipitinus,
to whom the cause of his daughter's death was more
shameful and distressing than the actual death
itself. Then he dwelt on the tyranny of the king,
the toils and sufferings of the plebeians kept
underground clearing out ditches and sewers -Roman
men, conquerors of all the surrounding nations,
turned from warriors into artisans and stonemasons!
He reminded them of the shameful murder of Servius
Tullius and his daughter driving in her accursed
chariot over her father's body, and solemnly invoked
the gods as the avengers of murdered parents. By
enumerating these and, I believe, other still more
atrocious incidents which his keen sense of the
present injustice suggested, but which it is not
easy to give in detail, he goaded on the incensed
multitude to strip the king of his sovereignty and
pronounce a sentence of banishment against Tarquin
with his wife and children. With a picked body of
the "Juniors," who volunteered to follow him, he
went off to the camp at Ardea to incite the army
against the king, leaving the command in the City to
Lucretius, who had previously been made Prefect of
the City by the king. During the commotion Tullia
fled from the palace amidst the execrations of all
whom she met, men and women alike invoking against
her her father's avenging spirit.
1.60
When the news of these
proceedings reached the camp, the king, alarmed at
the turn affairs were taking, hurried to Rome to
quell the outbreak. Brutus, who was on the same road
had become aware of his approach, and to avoid
meeting him took another route, so that he reached
Ardea and Tarquin Rome almost at the same time,
though by different ways. Tarquin found the gates
shut, and a decree of banishment passed against him;
the Liberator of the City received a joyous welcome
in the camp, and the king's sons were expelled from
it. Two of them followed their father into exile
amongst the Etruscans in Caere. Sextus Tarquin
proceeded to Gabii, which he looked upon as his
kingdom, but was killed in revenge for the old feuds
he had kindled by his rapine and murders. Lucius
Tarquinius Superbus reigned twenty-five years. The
whole duration of the regal government from the
foundation of the City to its liberation was two
hundred and forty-four years. Two consuls were then
elected in the assembly of centuries by the prefect
of the City, in accordance with the regulations of
Servius Tullius. They were Lucius Junius Brutus and
Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus.
End of Book 1