University of Virginia Library

6. Print Culture of Other Languages

The languages used in New Zealand were all brought here from overseas. The history of their use, and associated print cultures, is that of the people who came, and stayed. Mäori, the language of the tangata whenua and the oldest such language, has been considered in the preceding chapters, as has New Zealand English, the language of wider communication.

     This section covers the print culture of all languages other than Mäori and English with a New Zealand connection, and incorporates all the perspectives of the preceding sections. For example, the publishing records of newspapers in Chinese are recorded here (not under 'Publishing') as are bibliographies for Pacific Island material (not under 'Access tools' in the 'Readers and Reading' chapter). This chapter is therefore something of a microcosm.

     The patterns of immigration, geographic context, government and other (e.g. religious) administration, together with the nature of the languages themselves suggested two quite distinct groupings within the chapter:

Pacific Island languages , where the sudden impact of an imported print culture can be traced in ways similar to the impact on Mäori oral culture, and since when there has been an ongoing New Zealand-based print culture connection
All other languages which have developed their own print culture within the predominant Mäori/English culture (including print culture), or languages to which New Zealand has initiated a print culture response

These groupings are presented in more detail in the two following sections, each of which has its own introduction.

Pacific Island languages

Any atlas clearly shows New Zealand is a Pacific Island nation, and it is well known that Mäori, the tangata whenua, are a Polynesian people. Generally speaking, however, New Zealanders are not very aware of the wider Polynesian, and still wider Pacific Island economic and cultural context into which New Zealand fits. But, for most of this century, New Zealand has had a very special relationship with and responsibility for four Pacific Island (and also Polynesian) countries—Niue, Tokelau, Western Samoa and the Cook Islands—and therefore their people and cultures.

     It is the print culture connection between these four countries and New Zealand which is the main focus of this section. This field has been little explored before, and the content of the section is original research which provides a framework for further investigation. It covers language, religious and educational publishing, together with overviews of other publishing activity in this century; a summary of sources and resources for identifying and locating copies of material is appended.

     The initial special relationship from the New Zealand perspective was one of administrative and therefore wider cultural and social responsibility. For the small and scattered populations of these tiny atolls and islands, the relationship was—and still is for Tokelau (since 1948)—one of dependency. Of the three other former Pacific Island dependencies, the Cook Islands (1901-64) and Niue (1901-73) still retain some constitutional features of dependency in their external and defence relations, plus automatic New Zealand citizenship and use of New Zealand currency. Only Western Samoa (1919-61) is now fully independent.

     While New Zealand did not colonise the island territories, the administrative interrelationship certainly had a major impact in areas significant to the context of print culture such as education, and language use, although the foundations for these had been laid by the missionary 'invasions' of the early 19th century. The first half of the 20th century was not known for its active support of indigenous languages and cultures and this is reflected in the print culture evidence of that time from the territories.

     Possibly even more significant than administrative responsibility, another special relationship developed—immigration to New Zealand from the 1960s onwards in search of education, employment—and even survival, where island resources could not support growing populations (such as Niue). Today (apart from Western Samoa) by far the majority of nationals from these territories are actually resident in New Zealand; comparative 1991-92 figures are:

 

Nationality Cook Islands Niue Tokelau Western Samoa

NZ population 37,857 14,424 4,146 85,743

Island population 18,552 2,239 1,577 161,298

On the basis of these statistics, New Zealanders arguably now have an even greater print culture responsibility (language and literacy support, education, publication) towards the people of these countries than during their time of dependency, apart perhaps from Western Samoa. It is encouraging to note the work of the Ministry of Education and Learning Media Ltd and other community and private sector organisations in meeting some of these needs. In certain instances a few key individuals appear to hold the burden of responsibility for the future of languages under threat of extinction due to the overpowering influence (especially economic) of English. And, ironically, English is the shared language when groups of mixed Pacific Islanders need to communicate—in whatever medium.

     The demographics of the population figures also hold print culture messages for New Zealand in the future: while Pacific Islanders are 3.8% of the total population (mostly in Auckland (67%) and Wellington (16%)), they comprise 7.05% of the primary/secondary school population. While the Ministry of Education and Learning Media are therefore making a positive contribution to meet the print culture needs of the largest number of Pacific Islanders (i.e. school age), this situation will change as fully literate children move through to adulthood with quite different reading needs—and virtually non-existent resources to meet them at present.

     There are many challenges.

Language and religious publishing

Following the period of exploration and discovery of the Pacific, the significant new arrivals were missionaries, who established a strong connection between needing to formalise the language in order to translate and create a literature of religion. While there are still some links between documenting the language and religion, today much of the major work on language is associated with research institutions and governments, with the private sector (including community groups) publishing course books and grammars for learners. However, the Methodist Church continues to have a strong specialist role in the islands as the only current bookshop owners, and offering both general and religious stock as well as stationery.

     The London Missionary Society (LMS) provided the first missionaries, establishing stations in the territories as follows: Cook Islands (1820s), Western Samoa (1830), Niue (1846), Tokelau (1860s). Since then there have been many missionaries and churches of other religions, and differences between the religions practised by nationals in the islands and those in New Zealand. Partly because of the strong oral traditions, especially in religion, there appears to have been little published in the indigenous languages apart from the Bible and prayer and hymn books, but this is a topic that could be followed up in more detail.

     The sections which follow tend to have an emphasis on the work of the early missionaries (because of their groundwork in formalising the languages) and the predominant religion. Further research into the publications of other churches, such as the Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter Day Saints (Mormon Church), and Seventh Day Adventists, remains to be done. For example, the Mormon Church printed hundreds of items in Pacific Island languages (especially Tongan and Samoan) in Auckland between 1968 and the mid 1980s. Any such publications are useful resources for tracking language use in addition to their primary religious purpose or bibliographic interest.

Cook Islands Mäori

Cook Islands Mäori is the language of the majority of Cook Islanders, most of whom are from the island of Rarotonga, the dialect of which has become predominant. The two other distinct languages in this island group are Pukapukan and English (Palmerston Island). Efforts to preserve Pukapukan are supported in New Zealand by children's books published from the Mataaliki Press, which also has a Pukapukan dictionary forthcoming.

     Work on recording Cook Islands Mäori began with arrival of the LMS missionary John Williams on Aitutaki in 1821. In 1823 his entourage, which included the Tahitian Papehia, arrived on Rarotonga, and in 1827 Williams returned with Charles Pitman. Both could already speak Tahitian, the language used by the missionaries for their religious work, and were able to learn Rarotongan, devising the 13-letter alphabet and written vocabulary during this time, and composing the first hymns in the vernacular. Aaron Buzacott arrived in 1828, allowing Williams to focus on translating the Bible (Te Bibilia Tapu)—initial translations commenced in 1828, with a complete text published first in 1851. Buzacott's Te Akataka Reo Rarotonga (published 1854-69) long remained the authoritative grammatical resource.

     The missionaries were initially responsible not only for religious affairs, but were also instrumental in formal education as well as civil law—in 1827 Williams and Pitman formulated a Western-style code of laws which was accepted and signed by the assembly of local chiefs.

     By the early 1830s, coastal settlements were established and the printing press was in full operation under Buzacott's guidance, consequently 90% of the Rarotongan population was able to gain access to religious literature in their own language. By the mid 1850s most Rarotongans were able to read, though the pace on the outer islands was slower. Literature during this early period was the Bible, books and notes of sermons, mission periodicals and catechisms in both Cook Islands Mäori and English. Literature of an educational nature was initially accessible to the Western missionary families and to children of the local aristocracy. While the language of education during the missionary period was Cook Islands Mäori, after that time English was and still is used.

     The Bible remains as the most comprehensive published body of literature in Cook Islands Mäori. The various current denominations in the Cook Islands (including Cook Islands Christian Church, Catholic, Mormon) translate and often develop their own educational resources for their adherents which includes material for children. Material developed by specific denominations is not widely known outside the denomination, and often is not clearly identified as to date and source. Examples include the Catholic hymnbook Kia Puroro te Reo . . . , which also shows dialectal signs of having been translated from Tahitian, apparently a fairly common practice. Within New Zealand, the Pacific Islanders Presbyterian Church (PIC) is the predominant denomination of Cook Islanders, but it does not produce material in Cook Islands Mäori. As in the secular field, no major research has been conducted to collate and assess religious material in Cook Islands Mäori.

     Key language reference works include dictionaries by Savage (1962), now superseded by the long-awaited work by Buse and Taringa (1995). Buse also published several articles in the 1960s on grammatical aspects of the language which are still regarded as authoritative. C.R.H. Taylor's Pacific Bibliography (1965, p.119) lists a number of earlier articles and publications on languages of the Cook group.

     Taira Rere's work, mainly in the 1970s and early 1980s, is still used in the teaching of the language, for example Maori Lessons for the Cook Islands . The paucity of textbook literature available in New Zealand prompted Carpentier and Beaumont to prepare their 1995 Kai Körero course book. Language nests and courses offered through community institutions either develop their own resources, utilise those published by bodies such as Anau Ako Pasifika, or rely on texts already in existence. Cook Islands Mäori Studies at Victoria University of Wellington, disestablished at the end of 1996, offered language courses using the texts already mentioned above, as well those developed by the course coordinator.

     Such is the dominance of the English language through the impact of trade, tourism and the formal education system, the future of Cook Islands Mäori language is considered to be threatened in both New Zealand and the Islands. However, a community-based Cook Islands language group is currently looking at developing a language curriculum for adoption within New Zealand schools which may well necessitate the compilation of new language texts to support its survival.

Niuean

The major impact on the Niuean language has been English, originally as a result of the work of missionaries and (initially) use of English as the language of education. This influence is so strong that indigenous Niueans are close to being naturally bilingual. More recently, large scale immigration to New Zealand has lead to an increasing proportion of New Zealand-born Niueans for whom Niuean is not a first language, nor a language which will provide employment.

     LMS missionaries were active in Niue between 1846 and 1890, and were responsible for formalising the alphabet and producing a complete Bible ( Ko e Tohi Tapu ) and hymnbook ( Ko e Tau Lologo Tapu ) in Niuean, both of which are still in print. Following the missionary period, Niuean religion became Congregationalist (to 1969) and then either mostly Presbyterian (in New Zealand) or Ekalesia Niue (in Niue). Although church services (in English first, under the LMS) are now conducted in Niuean, there is no printed prayerbook or other religious publications (e.g. readers for children) apart from occasional items produced about ten years ago by the Presbyterian Church in New Zealand.

     Several notes on vocabulary and grammar were published in the Journal of the Polynesian Society between 1893 and 1907, but the first substantial dictionary (with a few pages of supporting grammar) was J.M. McEwen's Niue Dictionary (1970) which was selective and based on non-standard spelling (using 'ng' rather than 'g').

     Since 1989, Lagi Sipeli has been working on a comprehensive dictionary of current usage in consultation with Niueans both in New Zealand and on the island itself. Some differences appear to be developing between the language as it is used in Niue and that used in New Zealand. William Seiter's thesis Studies in Niuean Syntax (1980) is the only identified major piece of linguistic research into Niuean, but there is no standard reference grammar, nor any such work underway.

     The most recent course book for studying the language is Aiao Kaulima and Clive Beaumont's First Book for Learning Niuean (1994), based on materials produced for adult classes at the Pacific Islanders' Educational Resource Centre in Auckland.

     Niuean is not taught as part of the formal New Zealand education system, although Learning Media Ltd produces children's stories for use in schools in the language. However, work actively continues to ensure that the language is not lost—through compiling the comprehensive dictionary and a new version of the hymnbook, and in community-based language nests in Auckland and Wellington. Niueans in New Zealand have become more conscious of their shared culture and collective interests and responsibility than the village-based society of the island encouraged, though the latter is changing.

     In Niue itself, decolonisation has strengthened awareness of the distinctiveness of Niuean culture and language, and the indigenous language is now used in preschool and secondary education. It is essential that such efforts are maintained if the Niuean language is to survive and develop.

Tokelauan

Ever since Christianity was established in the Tokelaus between the late 1860s and early 1870s, virtually all religious functions were conducted in the Samoan language. Samoan missionaries—Catholic, London Missionary Society, and later Presbyterian—working in the Tokelauan communities established mission schools on the islands, with the Samoan language as the medium of instruction. Gradually this introduced language permeated the local cultural arenas to such an extent that all important Tokelau cultural functions were eventually conducted in Samoan. Consequently the local language was confined to unimportant and 'mundane' spheres of the culture. Even at home, family prayers were conducted in Samoan.

     The importance attached to the acquisition of the Samoan language was further given impetus with the introduction in 1951 of the state schools with Samoan as the medium of instruction. When Western Samoa was declared independent in 1962, Tokelau opted to remain under New Zealand, and the language gradually became one of the topical points for discussions in various village circles in Tokelau. In the early 1960s English became the language of education until Tokelauan was used from the 1970s.

     Undoubtedly individuals used their own versions of an alphabet when the urge to write a 'fatele' or dancing song motivated them. However, after a drawn-out debate, an alphabet was produced and ratified in 1967 by the Fono Fakamua (governing body of Tokelau) to be adopted for use in schools. The Fono also decided that a dictionary should be prepared, and a translation of the English Bible into Tokelauan. Both these major projects were undertaken simultaneously, and Ropati Simona's Tokelau Dictionary (which also includes a grammar) was published in 1986. A specialist dictionary, Angelo and Kirifi's Law Lexicon (1986), was compiled for legislative purposes. Other significant research into Tokelauan syntax are theses by Peter Sharples (1989) and Robin Hooper (1993). The only published course book, Even Hovdhaugen's Hand-book (1989) is too expensive for general use.

     The Bible project was more complex. Each island formed its own Bible Review Committee, to receive translated material from Ropati Simona at Auckland University, via the Office for Tokelau Affairs in Apia, Western Samoa. The Bible Society supported the project and offered free expert consultancy service, under the auspices of its Fiji branch. From time to time, booklets containing biblical stories in Tokelauan (some in comic format) were sent to the islands. However, communication problems between the translator

and the Tokelau-based reviewing committees finally led to the dwindling of inputs from the committees and eventually to a full stop.

     Fortunately religious groups continued producing material in Tokelauan. In 1983 the Tokelau Catholic community in Wellington started work on translating the Catholic Missal ( Tuhi Miha hä Muamua-Faitauga . . . ) into Tokelauan, taking only two years to complete it. On the other hand, the Tokelau Pacific Island Presbyterian Church in Auckland started translating and composing hymns in Tokelauan under Reverend Tepou, Ropati Simona as facilitator, and Lutu Epati as musical director. The group achieved its goal in 1990 with the publication of Ko nä Pehe ma nä Vïkiga o te Atua —translations of Protestant Samoan hymns with some original Tokelauan ones.

     Due to renewed interest raised by the National Tokelau Association in New Zealand in translating the Bible, Tokelauans in New Zealand and in the home islands decided to again enter into a joint venture for this project. This time the New Zealand Bible Society would provide free consultancy and technological expertise, while the Tokelau people themselves via the cooperating churches (Protestant and Catholic) would translate and review the materials. The project, launched in June 1996, is being carried out by Ioane Teao, Father Penehe Patelesio and Loimata Iupati.

     The Bible project is seen as an important step in preserving the Tokelauan language, which is currently taught in New Zealand at language nests and some primary schools.

Western Samoan

The first significant linguistic material in Samoan was collected after the arrival of the LMS in August 1830. By the time these missionaries arrived in Samoa, their linguistic training, difficulties and experience in translating the Bible in other Pacific Islands (such as Tonga and Tahiti) benefited the Samoan translators greatly in translating both the Bible and other religious material. One of the major tasks of the LMS was to devise an orthography, and the first Samoan imprints were distributed in Samoa by 1834. By 1839 Samoa had its own press in operation producing parts of the New Testament although a complete Bible ( O le Tusi Paia ) was not published until 1862, since when there have been several different editions. Other religions arrived slightly later: Wesleyan (1835), Catholic (1845), with Mormons and Seventh Day Adventists at the end of the century. Today the main religions practised by Samoans in New Zealand are Congregational, Pacific Islanders Presbyterian Church (PIC), Catholic, Mormon and Seventh Day Adventist.

     Religious material in Samoan such as the Bible, prayer books, theology (as well as the history of some denominations) is produced by several organisations such as the Bible Society of the South Pacific in Fiji; Bible Society in New Zealand, Wellington; Methodist Church in Western Samoa; the Arch-diocese of the Catholic Church in Western Samoa and the Presbyterian Church of Aotearoa New Zealand in Wellington. There are hardly any readers for children based on religious stories, although a limited number of these were published in American Samoa a number of years ago. No research into religious publications in Samoan has been identified.

     During the earliest period, no published grammar or Samoan dictionary was available, and the first such work, by George Pratt of the LMS, did not appear until 1862. However, Horatio Hale's major analysis of Samoan had appeared in 1846 as a result of the United States Exploring Expedition of 1838-42. Taylor (1965, pp.280-83) records a significant number of publications on aspects of the language, many in German and dating from the German colonial period. A.K. Pawley's work, published 1961-67, offered the earliest grammatical framework for Samoan, based on the work done on Mäori by Bruce Biggs. John Mayer, author of a useful 1976 American Peace Corps course book Samoan Language (no longer in print) is currently carrying out major research into Samoan at the University of Hawaii at Manoa.

     Samoan is one of the stronger languages among Pacific Island populations, reflecting its larger population base, and Samoan has always been used as the language of religion and education in the islands, including during the missionary period. Consequently there are a number of current key reference works: Pratt's Grammar and Dictionary , Downs's Everyday Samoan , Mosel and Hovdhaugen's Samoan Reference Grammar , Milner's Samoan Dictionary , and Allardice's Simplified Dictionary . For learners, Alfred Hunkin's course book (with cassette) Gagana Samoa (1988) is the main resource.

     In 1996 the New Zealand Ministry of Education published a bilingual curriculum document for teaching Samoan language in the New Zealand education system from the pre-school to tertiary levels. This document, Taiala mo le Gagana Samoa has become an important document for the teaching of spoken and written Samoan in New Zealand where Samoan is now taught from pre-school up to university levels with quite a number of Samoan pre-schools in the main centres of Auckland and Wellington, and a few others in smaller centres such as Christchurch, Dunedin, Tokoroa and Wanganui. A growing number of primary and secondary schools are teaching Samoan.

     Current initiatives include a teachers' development programme (in Auckland and Wellington) for preschool, primary and secondary schools so that teachers can understand and use the curriculum for classroom programmes. Research by Hunkin on a Samoan word frequency count from a sample of 300,000 mainly secular spoken and written examples is underway at Victoria University of Wellington. In due course this will help teachers in the classroom to teach the most frequently used words in the Samoan language.

Educational publishing

The two major influences on secular educational publishing in Pacific Islands languages are migration from the Islands to New Zealand from the late 1960s onwards, and the dominant role of the Department (later Ministry) of Education from the late 1940s, through its School Publications Branch (corporatised in 1989 as Learning Media Ltd).

     While New Zealand acquired the four Pacific Island territories of Cook Islands, Niue, Western Samoa and Tokelau between 1900 and 1926, there is no evidence so far of secular educational publications in their languages published in New Zealand before 1947, and this is an area for further research. Independence (for the first three) saw responsibility pass to the islands' own education departments, though recently New Zealand agencies have resumed production of some of their educational resources.

     The School Publications Branch of the New Zealand Department of Education published resources in Samoan, Cook Islands Mäori, Tokelauan, and Niuean for use in schools in the territories—but nothing, apparently, in Pukapukan (a second Cook Islands language).

     While these publications ranged across the curriculum, most were reading resources—usually School Journal -like periodicals, often sharing part of their contents, in translation, with the School Journal . Towards the end they increasingly included material by indigenous writers. The titles of these journals were:

Samoan : Tusitala mo A'oga Samoa , 1947-54 (38 issues); split into Tusitala mo Vasega Laiti Samoa and Tusitala mo Vasega Tetele Samoa , both 1955-62 (21 issues of each).
Niuean : Tohi Tala ma e tau Aoga Niue , 1950-58 (26 issues); split into Tohi Tala ma e Fanau Ikiiki Niue , 1959-64 (12 issues) and Tohi Tala ma e Fanau Lalahi Niue , 1959-66 (13 issues).
Cook Islands Mäori : Te Tuatua Apii o te Kuki Airani , 1950-66 (70 issues).
Tokelauan : Tala mo A'oga i Tokelau , 1951-58 (11 issues, those to 1954 being in Samoan, the then language of education; in 1954 Tokelauan appeared for the first time in print in this publication); Tuhi Tala mo Tamaiti , 1959-64 (5 issues).

Other government agencies also published educational material in these languages, including the departments of Island Territories, Mäori and Island Affairs, and External Affairs. Many were actually produced by the Department of Education through its School Publications or Island Education units. One substantial output was the translation of nearly a dozen children's classics (e.g. Defoe's Robinson Crusoe ) into Niuean in the 1960s and 1970s. A 1957 Unesco study, The New Zealand School Publications Branch , describes its activities to that time (see especially pp.28-30).

     Major immigration by Pacific Islanders to New Zealand from the 1960s onwards (especially to Auckland and Wellington) led to a growing number of children of Pacific Island ancestry attending school in New Zealand and a dramatic shift in publishing patterns. The New Zealand Department of Education (a 'Ministry' after 1989) began publishing resources for New Zealand schools in five languages: Samoan, Cook Islands Mäori, Tokelauan, Niuean, and Tongan. Virtually all these were initially for preschool and primary school use and mainly for recreational reading, but a trend towards material for secondary school levels and more formal instruction is developing, supported by Pacific Island language curricula (e.g. for Samoan, 1996).

     School Publications Branch/Learning Media Ltd produced more than 200 items in the 20 years to 1996, and with increasing frequency—five publications during 1983; one publication every 12 days in 1996. It has also published books in Tuvaluan, Tokelauan, Samoan and Fijian for use in those islands. Major local use publications during this period included bilingual social studies resources in Cook Islands Mäori, Samoan and Tokelauan and the Tupu series with accompanying cassettes. Up to 25 picture books (usually 8-16 pages) and five read-along cassettes are currently published annually in the Tupu series which began in 1988, most in five separate language editions. The stories are written by Pacific Island writers and feature the lives of Pacific Island children in both New Zealand cities and in the islands. All these publications are supplied free of charge to New Zealand schools.

     Over the same period other publishers produced a further 100 items, including the only publications in Pukapukan (from Mataaliki Press) and the Pasifika Press series of dictionaries and/or language course books in Samoan, Cook Islands Mäori and Tongan. A summary of this activity is described in Don Long's 1993 article 'Publishing in Pacific Island community languages for New Zealand schools'.

     The Crown-owned Learning Media Ltd is the most prolific publisher of educational materials in Pacific Island languages through its contracts with the Ministry of Education, and arrangements with education departments in Samoa, Niue, Tokelau and Tuvalu. This very active publishing role of the Ministry contrasts with similar agencies in Australia and America. In 1997 Learning Media Ltd produced A Guide to the Pacific Learning Material 1976-96 , a guide to the Ministry's Pacific publications.

     Other publishers of resources (particularly in Samoan) include Anau Ako Pasifika, Pasifika Press (formerly Polynesian Press), Penguin (in its Puffin Books), and Scholastic (formerly Ashton Scholastic). The most prolific after the Ministry is PIERC Education (formerly the Pacific Islanders' Educational Resource Centre) in Auckland and WMERC Inc. (formerly the Wellington Multicultural Educational Resource Centre). Catalogues are generally available from these publishers. Preschool groups, especially in Samoan, and other small publishers are also becoming established.

     A specialist Auckland bookshop Books Pasifika (formerly Polynesian Bookshop) provides libraries and other purchasers with catalogues and a means of acquiring material which would otherwise be difficult to locate.

     The New Zealand and Tokelauan national bibliographies both include educational publications, though the former has very limited coverage for the period to 1960.

     A shift towards the more formal inclusion of Pacific Island languages within New Zealand education was indicated in the 1993 New Zealand Curriculum Framework and followed through into the Samoan curriculum published in 1996. This approach results from the growing percentage of school-age children with Pacific Island ancestry, and the desire of their parents for their children to receive a bilingual education, or at least the teaching of their own languages at school. (As reported by Kerslake and Bennie in their 1990 Survey of the Needs for Resources in Pacific Islands Languages and the MRL Research Group's research report, Maori and Pacific Island Language Demand for Educational Services , 1995.)

     Educational publishing will continue to develop in this direction. The Ministry of Education plans to continue to play a strong role, together with other general educational publishers and specialist smaller Pacific Island language publishers.

Colonial consolidation, 1900-1960

During the main period of New Zealand's administration of Pacific Islands territories there is little evidence of publishing activity in the indigenous languages in fields other than religion and education (discussed in preceding sections). Only about 50 items have been identified in the main institutional collections, fewer than half published in New Zealand.

     The Polynesian Society appears to have been the most significant publisher. M.P.K. Sorrensen notes in his centennial history of the Society (p.33) that its Journal had published relevant papers both in the indigenous language and English translation since the first issues in 1892. In its second decade, for example, there were articles in Niuean, Tahitian, and Rarotongan, on topics such as traditional tales and chants. The Society occasionally reprinted these articles separately, for example Wyatt Gill's Rarotonga Records (1916). The scattering of other publications printed in New Zealand were mostly grammars and dictionaries, including Tregear and Smith's Vocabulary and Grammar of the Niue Dialect (1907), and Whitcombe's Tongan Phrase Book (c.1945).

     Most vernacular publishing during the period occurred in the Cook Islands and Western Samoa. It appears that almost nothing was published in Niue or Tokelau—the latter being already supplied with Samoan language material.

     In Western Samoa, the long-established LMS printery at Malua at times supplemented its religious and educational output with commercial printing work. It printed a little annual calendar in the years around 1915-20, O le Kalena Samoa , which in 1918 carried an advertisement seeking more local work for its printing, bookbinding and paper ruling establishment. In 1922, it produced a pamphlet in English and Samoan on the Duties of Officials , and in 1930, O le Tusi Faalupega o Samoa , a guide to Samoan ranks and names. Samoan versions of some classic European tales were also printed, including Stories from the Arabian Nights (1925) and Stevenson's The Bottle Imp (1926). From 1948 annual reports of the Department of Island Territories are sources for details of information services, printing and publishing (e.g. AJHR A.4, 1955, p.116 for the Malua printery).

     Local politics and government administrative duties produced some publications in both Western Samoa and the Cook Islands. Many were bilingual; some had parallel texts, while in others, the English and vernacular texts covered quite different subjects. In the Cook Islands, the political paper Ioi Karanga (1898-1901) and the administration's Cook Islands Gazette (1898-1926) and Cook Islands Review (1954-70) are examples. The Government Printer in Rarotonga also printed such items as a Translation of the Cook Islands Act 1915 into Rarotonga Maori (1915), Trotter's Glossary of English and Rarotongan (c.1917), and H. Bond James's Rough Notes on Rarotongan (1923).

     From 1905, the Western Samoan government published O le Savali monthly in Samoan for officials, continuing throughout the colonial period. English was used for most government publications until the later 1940s and early 1950s, when the Western Samoa Gazette (1920-), some ordinances and legislation, and at least one departmental circular were produced in both Samoan and English. Proposals for constitutional development in the 1950s were bilingual.

     The weekly independent local newspaper the Samoa Bulletin (1950-67) was also published in both languages. New Zealand's Department of Island Territories reported in 1957 that the Samoa Printing and Publishing Co., publishers of the Samoa Bulletin , undertook a variety of other work, including government publications. The New Zealand government was at this time assisting the Samoan government with equipment and technical assistance in setting up its own printing press, which began operation early in 1958.

Current: official and trade

With the wave of immigration from the Pacific Islands in the 1960s and early 1970s, successive governments began to provide funding for translations of material into the languages of these new immigrants. Pamphlets and information sheets were published by many government departments, primarily in the areas of electoral information, housing, law, social welfare and health. The Department of Mäori and Island Affairs was responsible for several in the early 1970s, such as 'Life in New Zealand' in Samoan and Tokelauan. When Pacific Island Affairs was removed from the functions of the Department this work was taken over by other agencies.

     The Housing Corporation was especially active, producing several series of pamphlets informing tenants of their rights and responsibilities. The Department of Social Welfare published brochures on benefits, and the Justice Department produced material on disputes tribunals, bail, parole, and information for prisoners. Every three years parliamentary election booklets and posters were produced to inform electors of the arrangements for voting. The Ministry of Consumer Affairs published a comprehensive set of pamphlets in 1990 defining such terms as layby and door-to-door selling. The major languages used were Samoan, Tongan and Cook Islands Mäori, with Tokelauan, Niuean and Fijian also appearing frequently.

     After 1990, cuts in public sector spending were reflected in a sharp decline in the production of such material. Notable exceptions have been information about the elections and the census. In particular, explanatory material about the referendum on changes to the voting system in 1995 was published in the major Polynesian languages. The Statistics Department has also regularly produced translations for its ongoing surveys of New Zealand households. Another main area has been health, with a number of campaigns on childhood diseases, AIDS, vaccination and so on.

     It has been rare for the private sector to initiate publications of translated material. However, some interesting initiatives by non-government agencies include a 1988 SPCA pamphlet on pets in New Zealand, and the New Zealand Scouts' Association description of scouting in Western Samoa (1986), both in Samoan. Trade union organisations have occasionally put out material such as glossaries of relevant terminology. The Pacific Islanders' Educational Resource Centre in Auckland published two sets of pamphlets in 1978-89 on 'Buying a Home' and 'Mother's Jobs'.

     The Tokelaus have received special attention under New Zealand government administration and there has been a major investment in communicating in Tokelauan with the population of the atolls. A quarterly newsletter Te Vakai Tokelau (in both Tokelauan and English) was published by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 1976 and then by the Office of Tokelauan Affairs. The State Services Commission also put out regular reports on the Tokelauan public service, including a guide to dealing with the Tokelau public service titled Ko te Vaka Tokelau (1987) which uses the analogy of a traditional outrigger canoe to represent the structure of the administrative system.

     One project stands out. Since 1988 the Law Faculty of Victoria University of Wellington, with funding from the United Nations Development Programme, has been publishing a comprehensive series of translations of Tokelauan legislation, ranging from shipping, post office and customs regulations to immigration, plants, and the law of the sea. This translation work was carried out by Hosea Kirifi, Special Projects Officer for the Tokelau Administration.

     Because virtually all the material referred to is ephemeral in form, it is poorly documented and difficult to track down, although some is included in bibliographies of Samoan and Tokelauan material (see section below 'Sources and resources'). To date there is no record of any research into these Pacific Island publications, but King's 1996 conference paper discusses aspects of translation work in this context, including Mäori.

     Most material referred to was translated by the Department of Internal Affairs during the mid 1970s to mid 1980s, and more recently by the New Zealand Translation Centre Ltd, a Wellington-based company which holds a large collection of translated public information in Pacific Island languages.

     Current trends, including the reduced role of government in many aspects of New Zealand life, seem to indicate that the future emphasis will be on the maintenance and survival of the Polynesian languages through education, and that the era of large scale publicly-funded translation into these languages is over. As if to underline this tendency, Jeffrey Waite's Aoteareo , a 1992 national language policy document, recommended that priority be given to 'English as a second language' programmes for immigrants ahead of providing funds for translation and interpreting services.

Current: community and creative

Pacific Island languages can be heard on the radio but not seen in the bookshops. Print culture in 'trade publishing' is virtually non-existent—there are no commercial publishers even on the islands themselves. For centuries, Pacific storytelling has been passed on through images, chants, song and dance. One would therefore expect to see the emergence of a truly indigenous written culture, but there are few signs that this is developing. The needs, difficulties and opportunities confronting the development of Pacific Island language resources are discussed in Robert Holding's 'O tusi i le gagana Samoa' (1991 Churchill Report). While Samoa is the primary focus, the research provides a useful model contribution to discussions on literacy and associated issues. The challenges are even bigger for the other language groups, where the populations are so much smaller.

     Newspapers (usually in Samoan) have occasionally and briefly come and gone in the Auckland area but are usually versions of Samoa-based publications. It is also relevant to note that when mixed groups of Pacific Islanders communicate (in word or print) they do so in English, due to the language differences. English therefore continues to be a threat to Pacific Island languages, especially in New Zealand. An example of a combined Pacific Island newspaper is the monthly Wellington-based give-away Pacific Network Newspaper (1994-) in which advertisements and about half the content is in English, with the remaining content in various Pacific Island languages.

     There is only one identified creative writing competition in New Zealand for Pacific Island languages, held annually by Manukau City Libraries, Auckland, and there are no special awards or recognition to encourage writers and publishers. Books Pasifika and Pasifika Press provide the only commercial outlet, while the occasional entrepreneur faces all the difficulties experienced by self publishers.

Sources and resources

This section describes the major local collections of Pacific Island language material and the most useful bibliographic sources relating to New Zealand's publishing history, together with a brief summary of the development of library services in the islands.

Major collections

While most libraries report their current holdings of books and serials to the New Zealand Bibliographic Network (NZBN) database, and its predecessors, this is not always the case with Pacific Island language publications. It is important for researchers to approach libraries individually with enquiries about such material as some holdings are only available as in-house listings, and many other catalogue entries are too brief to be informative. There is no comprehensive listing of national holdings of official publications.

     The major local collections of Pacific Island language material produced in New Zealand and its island territories are:

Alexander Turnbull Library, National Library of New Zealand: large historical collection including religious works, ethnology, and language, also more recent educational readers, serials and newspapers

Auckland Public Library: strong in religious publications

Auckland Institute and Museum Library: Oceanic languages collection, strongest in Samoan and Cook Islands publications

University of Auckland Library, New Zealand and Pacific Collection: significant holdings of Pacific official publications and current materials. It compiles the South Pacific Official Publications database

University of Canterbury, Macmillan Brown Library: strongest in holdings of post-1970 official publications

Some public libraries have developed services specifically for Pacific Islanders—Manukau Library and Information Services has separate reference-only Polynesian collections in its branch libraries at Otara and Mangere, as does Porirua Public Library.

Bibliographies and indexes

No single bibliography covers New Zealand's print culture in Pacific Island languages, and relevant items must be sought from general listings for New Zealand or the four island territories. Many bibliographies are not annotated, so items must be examined in order to identify the language. There is a need for annotated bibliographies with comprehensive subject access and which also note the language used.

     General bibliographic reference tools such as Bagnall's New Zealand National Bibliography to 1960 and its successor the annual current National Bibliography are useful starting points for Pacific Island language material, together with (for periodical articles) the Index to New Zealand Periodicals and associated electronic databases.

     Significant specialist bibliographies and indexes include:

W.G. Coppell, 'A bibliography of the Cook Islands' (1971). More comprehensive than James, but the only identified copy in New Zealand is at Victoria University of Wellington

——, 'Bibliographies of the Kermadec Islands, Niue, Swains Island and the Tokelau Islands' (1975): Appendix A: 61 items in Niuean.

Hawaii Pacific Journal Index (database): indexes over fifty journals, including the Polynesian Society Journal from 1892 onwards. Available on the Internet at: http://www2.hawaii.edu/lib/

Lowell D. Holmes (ed.), Samoan Islands Bibliography (1984): American and Western Samoan works, including unpublished items; subject access but no annotations or index

H. Bond James, A Bibliography of Publications in Cook Islands Maori (1953): incomplete listing; 134 annotated entries. More readily available than Coppell

Polynesian Society, Journal (1892-): three main indexes: Centennial Index 1892-1991 : author and subject index; previous indexes, to vols.1-75 (1892-1966) and vols.76-90 (1967-81) include additional title information

H. Roth, South Pacific Government Serials (1973) notes items not in English, or bilingual. Updated by South Pacific Official Publications database at University of Auckland Library

Samoa: A National Bibliography (1996) approx 2,500 published and unpublished items, including serial articles; no subject index or annotations. Based on holdings of a number of Western Samoan libraries and organisations, it omits many items held elsewhere

C.R.H. Taylor, A Pacific Bibliography , 2nd ed. 1965: chiefly ethnographic and historical works; indigenous language items mainly grammars and dictionaries

Tokelau National Bibliography (1992): 228 items; books and unpublished typescripts published in/about Tokelau, by Tokelauan authors, or in Tokelauan, no date restriction; indexed. Also available on NZBN database with items published since 1992.

Library services and education

The 1950s and 1960s saw the beginning of public library services for residents in the island territories. By 1955 the Cook Islands had a small public library built by volunteers, supplied with a regular exchange of books by the New Zealand Country Library Service. In Apia, Western Samoa, a public lending and reference service was established in 1957 in temporary accommodation. The New Zealand government assisted with funding for a new building constructed in 1959. A library opened in Niue in 1923, with donated materials. In the 1950s the Country Library Service provided the circulating library in Niue with books, then in 1962 assisted with setting up a small public library. Tokelau has small libraries in its schools, but no public library.

     The National Library of New Zealand is a member of several Pacific Island library and archives networks. It offers bibliographic support to the University of the South Pacific Library and the Cook Islands and has provided professional assistance in a conservation workshop and with collection organisation. Major bibliographical publications relating to Pacific Island countries include the Tokelau National Bibliography (1992) and Sally Edridge's Solomon Islands Bibliography (1985).

     Although only one person (a Cook Islander in 1965) is known to have studied in New Zealand under the then Government Training Scheme, the National Library has hosted some Pacific Islanders in training placements over the last decade.

Languages other than English, Mäori and Pacific Island

This section surveys the print cultures of many of the diverse non-Polynesian immigrant groups who have settled in New Zealand since the earliest days of European settlement. It also considers two of the languages of learning that have been brought to this country.

     The approach taken has been dictated by the nature of the topic. Since expertise was to be found chiefly among those familiar with a particular language or family of languages, individual contributors were sought for those languages in which a significant print culture might exist in New Zealand. For most, but not all of the obvious candidates, separate studies have been obtained. These are, in the order of arrangement, Chinese, Croatian, Dutch, French, Gaelic, Greek (ancient) and Latin, German, Polish, and Scandinavian languages. For various reasons, some language groups are not represented: African, Asian (other than Chinese), Hebrew, Indian and Middle Eastern. However, exclusion should not be taken as necessarily reflecting lack of importance within New Zealand.

      Studies of immigration as distinct from print culture may be found in Stuart William Greif (ed.) Immigration and National Identity in New Zealand (1995). The National Ethnic Communities Directory , published by the Race Relations Office jointly with the Department of Internal Affairs, Ethnic Affairs Service, the most recent issue being for 1995-96, gives an indication of New Zealand's ethnic diversity. New Zealand International Migration: A Digest and Bibliography (eds. Trlin and Spoonley), Department of Sociology, Massey University, no.1 (1986), no.2 (1992), is also a useful source about immigrant groups.

     The purpose of this survey is mainly to introduce readers to material available about the print cultures of languages other than English and Mäori in New Zealand, and to indicate directions for further enquiry. The result should be a better understanding of New Zealanders whose cultures and traditions do not fit into the bicultural focus of the country.

     This book will suggest answers to many questions. What physical forms has the print culture of languages other than English taken? What subjects does it cover? Where are the printed materials located? Is the material in public collections or in private hands? How much of it was printed and published in New Zealand, and how much imported? If it came from overseas, who brought it here, when, and why? Fruitful areas for further exploration will be revealed, such as the connection between print culture and the history of different religions.

     The print culture of the many languages in question varies, as do the settlement histories of the immigrant groups themselves. The many forms assumed by the printed word: books, newsletters, songbooks, hymnbooks, mottoes etc., are not equally spread across all languages. The diversity is also in subject matter, and in how and when the printed materials arrived in New Zealand. Some groups, the French for example, have been in New Zealand since the days of earliest European settlement; others are comparatively recent arrivals. The printed materials surveyed are not only in libraries—our contributors on Scandinavian languages considered holdings in different libraries of books—but, to an extent hard to estimate, in the possession of individuals and societies scattered throughout the country.

     Each immigrant group in New Zealand has its own distinctive print culture history. Many of these histories, particularly of recent immigrants from Asia and the Middle East, are not yet documented. For example, New Zealand's most recent settlers, Somali and Ethiopian refugees, have brought with them printed materials from refugee camps: songbooks written in Somali, Oromo and Amharic languages. The studies presented here may therefore fairly be described as pioneering, revealing for perhaps the first time efforts made by different groups to plant or transplant printed materials into a new country. Some of this material is interesting in itself; often it is more so for what it can be made to show about the lives of the people who produced it. It is perhaps significant, for instance, that some of it is religious—the Dutch newsletter De Schakel from 1951 is a good example.

     However, there are also similarities in the fates of the print cultures of many of the immigrant groups, chiefly in the common struggle to survive. Learned languages have struggled, too, though for different reasons. Frequently only remnants remain: hymn cards with Latin text, mottoes in Latin, song books in Scots Gaelic and other languages; also the newsletters of the different immigrant groups which reflect the specific circumstances of their life in New Zealand.

     Ironically, it may be noted that, at certain times in New Zealand's history, a considerable amount of racist and anti-racist printed material in English has been provoked by immigration: cartoons, pamphlets, newspaper and magazine articles and books. For example, in the 1930s, A.N. Field was a prolific writer and publisher of anti-Semitic material, such as Today's Greatest Problem , 1938.

     Why have immigrant print cultures not flourished more in New Zealand? Why has more substantial material not been produced? There are various reasons. Over the years, immigration policy has favoured 'kin migration', that is, recurring immigration from the original source, usually Great Britain (McKinnon, 1996), and has excluded the non-British, especially racial minorities such as the Chinese, Indians and Jews. The Chinese, for example, who came as sojourners in the 1860s to work on the goldfields, were subject to a series of legislative acts preventing their permanent settlement and that of their wives and children. These and other discriminatory policies have resulted in the overwhelming majority of New Zealand's population being of British origin—until World War II 96% of non-Mäori New Zealanders were of British extraction.

     After World War II, more non-British immigration was permitted because there were not enough immigrants from the British Isles available to meet labour requirements. Immigrants from northern European countries were preferred because they were seen as similar to the British and therefore likely to assimilate more readily. Other groups also entered the country in small numbers from eastern and southern Europe and from Asia. Immigration restrictions against Chinese women and children were a little relaxed at this time, to allow the settlement of family units. However, non-British immigration was still modest, compared for example to post-war Australia. By 1961, foreign-born European residents who were not of British origin were less than 2% of the population; Asians and Pacific Islanders not born in New Zealand together accounted for less than 1% of the population (Brooking and Rabel in Greif, 1995).

     In the early 1970s, immigration from the traditional source countries of Britain and the Commonwealth continued to be preferred, on the grounds that immigrants whose social and cultural heritage differed markedly from our own would tend to keep to themselves and be unwilling to assimilate. It is only since the Immigration Act 1987 that immigrants have been selected on the basis of their skills and personal qualities and not their ethnic or national origin. Since that time, immigrants from diverse countries—from Asia, the Middle East and Africa—have been settling in New Zealand in greater numbers.

     Immigration policy favouring British immigrants has contributed to the fate of other languages' print cultures in a number of ways. Most importantly, it has meant that the non-British immigrant groups have simply been too small numerically to be able to maintain their own culture. In the 1870s, for example, Scandinavians were the most significant of the non-British groups, but they were never more than 1.25% of the population.

     Groups were not only too small, they were scattered. For some groups, there was concentration in the first generation, then a tendency to scatter with later generations. Except for Pacific Islander groups, the small communities were not bolstered by continuing new arrivals. Another factor affecting some groups was unstable population: people came but did not stay to build up the strong community life than makes cultural maintenance possible. In the case of Jews, for example, if everyone who had come stayed, more viable communities might have been established. The fact that immigration policy discouraged family settlement also contributed to the difficulties many groups had in preserving a separate identity. Refusal to allow the entry of wives and children had serious impact on culture and language maintenance, women so often having primary responsibility for the transmission of culture to the next generation. Gender imbalance and the smallness and scattering of immigrant groups have led to high rates of marriage outside the immigrant community, bringing problems for cultural transmission to the next generation.

     At the same time as immigration restrictions made it difficult to establish viable communities, the small groups of non-British settlers also faced strong pressures to assimilate. Only a small minority believed that the retention of the immigrants' culture could make a valuable contribution to the way of life of New Zealanders. 'We must make new Britishers: by procreation and by assimilation: by making suitable aliens into vectors of the British way of life that has still so much to give to the world' wrote R.A. Lochore in 1951, and his words aptly summarise attitudes throughout the period.

     Immigrants and children of immigrants interviewed by the writer have recalled the pressures to give up their languages and other aspects of their former cultures after settling in New Zealand. Whatever the language spoken in the privacy of their own homes, the public language of all had to be English. Nor were other cultural differences welcomed by the New Zealanders with whom they came into contact (Ann Beaglehole, 1990).

     Cultural minorities from the British Isles, the Irish, for example, felt similar pressures in relation to the majority Anglo Saxons. According to one of our contributors, 'anglophone cultural hegemony' affected Scots Gaelic in much the same way as Dutch or Hungarian or other immigrant minority languages were affected, all suffering a 'rapid demise within the space of one generation'.

     Visibly different immigrant groups experienced particularly strong pressures. Public hostility towards Chinese and Indians encouraged them to keep a low profile. But all groups were affected by a social climate in which, among other difficulties, immigrants' voluntary organisations were treated with suspicion and seen as obstacles to assimilation (Trlin and Tolich in Greif, 1995).

     Hostility and suspicion notwithstanding, ethnic associations did form to provide mutual support, particularly after World War II. From the 1950s, for example, Chinese language schools mushroomed, but did not continue to thrive. Seeing them as likely to hinder eventual assimilation, the government declined entry to Chinese teachers. Funding too was short.

     Refugee settlers from South East Asia in the early 1980s faced severe obstacles in maintaining their languages and cultures. Refugees at that time were 'pepperpotted'—i.e. sent to live in widely separated provincial areas where they felt culturally and linguistically isolated. Assimilation was sometimes pursued spontaneously by the groups because they felt they need to belong to the mainstream to be successful. The consequences are, according to Man Hau Liev writing of cultural erosion in the Cambodian community, that 'the children appear to be strangers who have lost their ethnic cultural values and identity. They speak English at home with their siblings, and they reject their ethnic arts and songs' (Greif, 1995). Man Hau Liev has written of the struggle to try to maintain Cambodian culture: of the costs, the loneliness, the failures and the occasional successes, represented for instance by the publication of community newsletters.

     The failure of many of the immigrant groups to develop a flourishing and lasting print culture can perhaps also be explained by the characteristics of some of the immigrants who came. Some of those who came tended to have predominantly oral cultures. They were willing and sometimes eager to assimilate as quickly as possible. The perceived ability of German and Scandinavian immigrants to fit into colonial British society and that of the Dutch into 1950s New Zealand was the reason for their recruitment in the first place. Jews who cared deeply about retaining their culture were less likely to come to New Zealand to settle; these preferred to stay in centres of larger Jewish population.

     Future patterns may differ. The numbers of immigrants who have settled in New Zealand in the late 1980s and early 1990s may be large enough to enable cultural maintenance and cultural transmission to occur more easily than in the past. The new Asian wave of immigrants from Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore and Malaysia appear less interested in keeping a low profile than earlier Chinese and Indian immigrant groups. By 1994, they had formed 62 associations in Auckland alone and started no fewer than nine Chinese free newspapers in Auckland (Manying Ip in Greif, 1995).

     In 1990s New Zealand there is greater acceptance of cultural diversity than in previous decades, though there is also considerable anti-Asian or anti-immigrant sentiment. It remains uncertain whether one of the vital conditions for the growth of vibrant communities, for cultural maintenance and for the development of printed materials in languages other than English will be present, namely the opportunity for established immigrant communities to be replenished by more immigration in the years ahead.

Chinese

The 19th century

The 19th century was the era of the Chinese goldseekers in Otago and on the West Coast. They were rural male Cantonese who first came over from Victoria, Australia, and later direct from China. Initially, in 1865, they were responding to invitations to rework the Otago goldfields; from there they spilled over to the West Coast. Their numbers reached a peak of over 5,000 between 1874-81. Despite their peasant background they were intrepid and determined adventurers. Sojourners by choice, their competitiveness, different racial origin and culture generated opposition. Their aim was to save about 100 pounds to take home to China; their strategy to adapt only as much as necessary until they left. They survived by their cooperative groupings of kinsfolk, clan and counties of origin.

     The next wave, who came from the late 1880s, also established themselves throughout New Zealand in small businesses, capable of supporting families. From the turn of the century this led to the growing wish, despite the 'white New Zealand' policy, to bring their families here out of danger.

     Although generally illiterate, they valued learning and even printed paper itself. Alexander Don described, for instance, how his Chinese teacher collected scraps of lettered paper to be burned later with ceremony ( New Zealand Presbyterian , 1 July 1884, p.3). However, taking into account their illiteracy, their relatively small, scattered number and their temporary outlook here, it is not surprising that the Chinese print culture in 19th-century New Zealand was limited. They wrote no books and founded no newspapers. What local print culture existed was mostly hand-executed and little has survived. In fact, what is known about Chinese life in New Zealand in those days derives largely from the writings and photography of Don, who was Presbyterian missionary to them from 1879 to 1913. Don's papers are chiefly to be found in Dunedin, in the Hocken and Knox College libraries, and in private hands. Other important collections include those of G.H. McNeur (Hocken Library), and of James Ng. For comprehensive bibliographies of sources and authorities, see James Ng, Windows on a Chinese Past (vols.1 and 4 1993, vol.2 1995).

     Their only commercial printing in this country was by means of lithography. The one example that has survived (in the Otago Settlers Museum) is the lithographed minutes of the meeting of the Cheong Shing Tong (Poon Fah Association), held after the sinking of S.S. Ventnor in 1902, which resulted in the loss of 499 exhumed bodies being returned to China.

     Of handwritten Chinese, rather more survives. However, it should be understood that unless otherwise stated, the examples given in the course of this brief survey represent a small selection from a more comprehensive documentation compiled by James Ng. James Shum, a miner, wrote autobiographical accounts for both Don and G.H. McNeur. Fragments remain among Don's writings, and are reproduced in Jean McNeur's thesis 'The Chinese in New Zealand' (1930). The papers of Benjamin Wong Tape OBE, JP, were deposited in the Hocken Library, Dunedin, by his son in 1969.

     Correspondence in Chinese must have been plentiful enough. The Statistics of New Zealand (1866) record a total of 534 letters from Hong Kong in the Otago mail. The texts of a few family letters have survived and been printed: for example, Don printed translations of four family letters, including one from the leper Kong Lye to his mother ( New Zealand Presbyterian , 1 October 1884). A boxful of envelopes, some containing letters regarding the Cheong Shing Tong's first exhumation (completed in 1884) was found in a shed in Sew Hoy's store, Dunedin, in 1992. The envelopes had fascinating chop imprints, in various artistic forms enclosing the name. In his diary Don has described other Chinese letters; he also collected 'queer addresses' from mail sent to him by the Post Office to decipher (see his Diary 1899-1907, items 334, 408 and 442, etc.).

     Legal or quasi-legal documents had their mixture of English and Chinese. Among these were petitions, such as that addressed in 1878 to the Otago Provincial Council concerning goldfield Warden R. Beetham's alleged unfairness. The petition was written in English, but the subscription list of names was in Chinese (National Archives, Wellington).

     Notices, official and business, are another class of document. Don translated notices in Chinese, including rules of the anti-opium Cherishing Virtue Union ( New Zealand Presbyterian , 1 December 1888). A bilingual official notice on the Mines Act of 1877 is referred to in the Dunstan Times of 27 January 1882. Reward posters were printed in 1880 in both English and Chinese for information leading to the arrest of the murderer of Mrs Mary Young (a European)—copies are in the Naseby Museum and National Archives, Wellington.

     Pakapoo lottery tickets are plentiful in Otago museums, as are Chinese coins, but appear to have been printed in China—illustrated in Windows on a Chinese Past (vol.1 1993).

     Handwritten and stamped calling cards in red were presented at the time of the Chinese New Year ( New Zealand Presbyterian , 2 April 1883, p.184). None of the cards seem to have survived, and the New Year custom of leaving visiting cards has ceased in New Zealand.

     The Chinese goldseekers attached red paper inscriptions bearing felicitous phrases and poetical couplets on walls, doors, shrines, meat safes, and in any auspicious place in a house. They may be seen in Don's photographs. Again, none have survived. Gambling dens had white paper inscriptions. See for instance, Don's Annual Inland Tour 1896-97 (1897).

     Wood provided a common alternative writing surface to paper, in the shape of wooden signs, commemorative plaques and presentation pairs of vertical boards bearing poetical couplets, often with the donors' names carved in smaller characters. For example, living memory recalls the walls of the Poon Fah Association's Lawrence Joss House hung with flags and wooden plaques. Don similarly described the Round Hill Joss House interior in the New Zealand Presbyterian , 1 August 1890. John Ah Tong carved for the Queenstown Anglican Church in 1874, and the presence of other Chinese carvers in the goldfields is confirmed by Don and in census records. Probable examples of their work include two large yellow on red and two small yellow on black vertical Chinese boards, each pair bearing poetical couplets from the Poon Fah Association's Lawrence Joss House, and now in the Otago Settlers Museum; also the Chinese Church sign, originally hung outside the Dunedin Chinese Mission Church in Walker, now Carroll Street, 1897, and since transferred to the outside of the Dunedin Chinese Presbyterian Church in Howe St.

     The Chinese goldseekers also used cloth banners with embroidered or stitched-on characters, ordered from China. One such work is the long horizontal banner in Hanover St Baptist Church in Dunedin, presented by its Chinese class at the turn of the century.

     The only known 'Chinese' newspaper produced in New Zealand last century was Don's weekly Kam lei Tong I Po . Kam lei Tong was the rented premises in which Don preached at Riverton, and 'I Po' means newspaper. The first issue appeared on 12 May 1883; it seems to have been a handwritten sheet which he pasted up on the Round Hill Mission Church. Don must have had the help of his Chinese teacher. The latest mention of it is in October 1883, when Chinese condemned its information on the Sino-French War as contrary to their own, derived from overseas newspapers and letters, which they also pasted up ( New Zealand Presbyterian , 1 September 1883).

     Other overseas Chinese newspapers and magazines circulated in New Zealand in the 1880s and 1890s, including the daily China Mail ; the weekly Chinese Australian Herald ; the monthlies Review of the Times , Missionary Review ; and the Chinese Illustrated News , the Chinese Globe Magazine —these two printed in Shanghai; the dailies Kwang Pao and the Wa Tz Yat Pao . These titles are mentioned in contemporary issues of the Christian Outlook and the New Zealand Presbyterian , and in Don's diaries. Copies of some of the above magazines are among that part of the Chinese library of the Dunedin Chinese Presbyterian Church which was deposited c.1984 in the Hocken Library.

     Surviving books in Chinese, printed in China, from the period include two almanacs in the Graham Sinclair collection. The Sinclair farm was next to the Adams Flat Chinese Camp. A book on acupuncture was found in Sue Him's orchard shed in Alexandra (now in the Alexandra Museum). The literate used to read to the illiterate, and their books were read 'till they fall to pieces' ( New Zealand Presbyterian , 1 January 1885). Novels read at Round Hill, according to Don, included: Koo sz king lam (Ancient matter—a forest of gems); and 'Vast, vast is the mist on the ocean, while the concubine is buried in sadness'. Classics at Round Hill and elsewhere, according to Don ( New Zealand Presbyterian , 1 October 1884), included the Saam tsz king (Three character classic), Saam Kwok, Lit Kwok, History of the feudal states, and Mencius with commentary. The Chinese pharmacopoeia was used at Round Hill, according to the same source.

     In 1881 Walter Paterson was distributing the New Testament in Wanli or conventional Chinese script or in English, matched line for line by colloquial Cantonese, transcribed into roman script by Paterson and a Dunedin Chinese named Mattai. No doubt such copies were more for the use of Europeans reading to the Cantonese goldseekers. No copies are known to have survived, though Don noted the wide distribution of these bibles. Paterson also published bilingual religious tracts, two of which are preserved in Knox College Library.

     Don himself printed three bilingual booklets of hymns (Knox College Library). His most important legacy, however, was his handwritten notebook 'Roll of the Chinese in New Zealand 1883-1913'. It records in Chinese and English the 3628 Chinese Don met from 1896-1913 and, in English only, some others he knew from 1883. Because Don entered names and villages of origin in Chinese, and brief individual histories in English, most of those named can be identified. For example, Ng confirmed from the Roll much of the movements of the Ngs from Taishan county in this period. The notebook is reproduced in Ng, Windows on a Chinese Past (vol.4 1993).

     New Zealand has probably the finest cache of photographs on the Chinese goldseekers and their origins, thanks to Don, whose hobby was photography. Some are bilingually labelled. His collection was dispersed, but is now largely reassembled in the Hocken and Knox College libraries, Dunedin.

     Gravestones may also be included as print culture. Chinese examples were usually inscribed in Chinese, bearing the name, county and village of origin, and the time and date of death. The earlier gravestones dated the year by the emperor's reign. Sometimes the name and date of death were added in roman script. The Chinese also used wooden grave markers, but none remain, and many gravestones have been vandalised or illegally removed. The last Chinese to die on the goldfields were probably buried in paupers' unmarked graves, but many others are unaccounted for. The Dunedin Genealogical Society has drawn and recorded in a booklet the Chinese gravestones in the Southern Cemetery, Dunedin. Mrs B. Hayes has photographed the Cromwell Chinese graves (private collection), and Len Smith likewise those at Naseby (Hocken Library).

     All the Otago museums have items relating to their local Chinese, including items bearing print or script. The West Coast museums are poor by comparison. The most comprehensive collection of Chinese goldseekers' memorabilia is that built by Graham Sinclair. The bulk of this collection, which includes musical instruments, mining rights documents, photographs, two almanacs, newspaper articles, all to do with the Adams Flat goldfield, has been donated to the Museum of New Zealand, Wellington.

The 20th century

Over the last 100 years the Chinese in New Zealand have undergone a remarkable change in fortune. Starting the century as a besieged underclass, Chinese are now ending the century as a group of diverse and healthy communities. Their story, and the aspirations of successive generations of Chinese New Zealanders, can be traced through the surprisingly active print culture maintained throughout this century.

     Historically, 20th century Chinese New Zealand print culture can be divided into three periods, 1900-49, 1949-87 and post-1987.

     Given the hardship faced by Chinese in that first period, it is remarkable anything was published at all. A small and transient community, labour-intensive occupations, and the need to support families back in China were all obstacles to the time-consuming and expensive process of publishing. The other obstacle was the physical difficulty of printing Chinese characters. A characteristic of pre-1949 publications was that they were almost all hand-written and cyclostyled.

     What also particularly marks this period is the total focus on mainland Chinese politics. At this time the community mostly comprised urban-dwelling males (3,374 at its peak in 1926) who, marginalised and beset by racism, dreamed of returning to their families in China with enough money to secure a comfortable living. To this end, politics in the troubled homeland was at the forefront of community concerns with political groups in New Zealand echoing those in China itself.

     From 1900 to 1915, five Chinese New Zealand political organisations were set up. One was the Chinese Association founded in 1909 by the official Chinese consul to New Zealand to undermine the anti-government activities of the other community organisations. During this time it was common for political factions in China to court overseas Chinese communities for the funds they could generate. The Chinese Association's annual report published in 1911 became this century's first publication in Chinese. Printed in China, it contained the Association's aims, activities and names of founding members. Its purpose was to gain support for the Chinese government.

     How successful it was is academic as the government was overthrown that same year by the republican revolution. China quickly fell into a long period of civil disorder with the new government in Beijing and the rival Nationalists in Guangdong vying for control of the country. The community here mirrored these rivalries, with active organisations representing both sides.

     The Nationalist Koumintang (KMT) enjoyed less New Zealand support but was more sophisticated in its activities. In 1915 it recruited a full-time branch organiser and in 1921 the KMT newspaper, the Man Sing Times , became New Zealand's first Chinese-language newspaper. Published in Wellington every ten days, the paper advocated support for the KMT cause in China. It was handwritten and cyclostyled with a separately printed full-colour cover. Lack of funds caused its demise after only one year. The Auckland KMT branch also tried its hand at publishing in 1930, issuing the Min Hok Times of which only one issue is known to have been published.

     The community's political differences were set aside at the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937 with all flocking to the common cause. The same year a new New Zealand Chinese Association (NZCA) started its Wellington-based New Zealand Chinese Weekly News . It contained war news and reports of NZCA war effort activities. It also exercised social control on the community. During the war years the NZCA instituted a compulsory percentage of income levy on all able-bodied male workers. Money from the levy went to the Chinese Relief Fund and lists of defaulters were printed in the paper. Advertising revenue also went to the Chinese Relief Fund. A similar paper, the Q Sing Times , was set up in 1938 by the NZCA Auckland branch. Like the Man Sing Times , both NZCA papers were handwritten and cyclo-styled, produced by full-time professional journalists and continued to the end of the war in 1946.

     The postwar period brought dramatic changes to New Zealand's Chinese community. Discrimination eased and in 1947 Fraser's Labour Government allowed the wives and families of long-time residents to join them in New Zealand. Many had been separated for 20 years or more. In addition, the dream of returning to China to live was marred by the Chinese Communist revolution in 1949. For better or worse New Zealand was now considered home. These changes, and those wrought by the needs of the next two generations of local-born Chinese, were again reflected in the community's print culture from 1949 to 1987.

     The early part of this period was marked by a number of ephemeral publications usually serving very specific purposes. County groups (welfare and support groups set up by migrants from particular geographic areas in rural Guangdong) had been active since the 1920s. After the war, however, they began publishing their aims, constitutions and histories (Poon Yu and Seyip Associations, 1945, 1947). For the first time the NZCA published the proceedings of its AGM (1947), possibly to assert its continued post-war relevance. Other community issues were also reflected in print. Now that it was no longer possible to send young people back to China for their education, Chinese language and culture maintenance became a priority. Schools were set up to teach language and culture to locally-born children. One , the Wellington Chinese Free School, founded in 1957, published its own magazine in 1958 with material written by parents, teachers and students.

     The political situation overseas, however, continued to haunt the community. Communists on the mainland and the Nationalists in Taiwan vied for overseas Chinese support. Rivalry was most intense in the decade following the 1949 Communist victory. Pro-Nationalist groups, supported by the majority in the community, issued publications such as the New Zealand Chinese Monthly Special of 1950 and the Kui Pao/Chinese News Weekly of 1951 which actively supported the Taiwan position. The mainland Communist cause was championed by the New Zealand Chinese Cultural Society which published a monthly newsletter as well as several one-off publications such as a 1958 May Day special. The Cultural Society's one-off papers were unusual in that, unlike other cyclostyled publications of the period, these publications were typed on a Chinese typewriter and printed by photolithography.

     As Chinese came to identify as New Zealanders, overseas issues gradually receded. One publication that spanned this entire transition period (from 1949-1972) was the New Zealand Chinese Growers' Monthly Journal . Published by the Dominion Federation of New Zealand Chinese Commercial Growers (originally set up at the request of Fraser's Labour Government to ensure New Zealand could maintain its supply of produce to American Forces in the Pacific), the journal also had a full-time editor who used a Chinese offset printing press which cost the Federation £4,000. Although supposedly restricting itself to agricultural topics, it soon became the de facto voice of the community, focusing for the first time on local issues and stories. This was especially so after 1960 when the government, as part of its general assimilation policy, insisted all foreign news be dropped from the journal. The issue dated 30 June 1960 carries an account of the forceful ministerial letter which suggested the journal drop its overseas news.

     Apart from the Growers' Journal , activity during the 1960s and 1970s was limited to small-scale newsletters mostly written in English, by then the main language of Chinese New Zealanders. Amongst them were church newsletters like the bilingual Wellington-based Chinese Anglican (196?-), community newsletters like Auckland Chinese Hall (1961-) and sporting publications like the Wellington Chinese Sports and Cultural Centre Newsletter (1974-).

     A real revolution in print culture came in 1987 when, in line with economic internationalism, the Labour Government opened the door to a fresh wave of Chinese immigrants. Between 1987 and 1996, when public outcry forced the door shut again, the Chinese population rose from 19,506 to around 82,000. The majority of the new migrants, who settled mostly in Auckland, were urbanised, sophisticated Taiwanese and Hong Kong Chinese. Within three years of their arrival three Auckland Chinese language papers were being published. By 1996 there were eight other Auckland papers. Included in these are the Sing Tao Daily , (formerly Weekly, 1989-), a subsidiary of Hong Kong-based media empire Sing Tao Holdings, and New Zealand Chinese Weekly (1994-), initiated by the New Zealand Herald but sold in March 1997. Such big-business involvement demonstrates the economic power the new migrants are seen to have. At present all but one paper ( Hwa Hsia , the magazine of Taiwanese immigrants) are being published by Hong Kong new migrants. Published weekly, the papers are typeset using standard Chinese computer software and contain local and overseas news along with useful information on New Zealand customs and processes. The papers vary in quality but the majority tend to be lightweight in content and carry a large amount of advertising.

     More specialist publications include the annual Chinese Handbook and Chinese-English Business Directory (both begun 1992), providing goods and services information, New Zealand Chinese Magazine (1992-), containing stories on Hong Kong pop and movie culture, and the New Zealand Federation of Chinese Medical Science Journal (1995-), catering to the growing number of traditional Chinese medical practitioners.

     The Christchurch Chinese Monthly News (1993-) and the Dunedin Asian Monthly News (1996-) are the only new migrant magazines not based in Auckland. A small number of publications aimed at new migrants have been produced by the host community, including publications on crime prevention and Customs and arrival procedures. Most, if not all, were produced at the request of the migrants themselves.

     Of course, the new wave of migrants did more than cause a revolution in print culture. Public outcry over Asian immigration and a rise in anti-Asian feeling in the wider community forced a response from the English-language publications of the established Chinese community. Although small in number, publications like the Wellington Chinese Association Newsletter (1989-), began seriously addressing issues of racism and identity. In 1994 a publication aimed at the wider community was initiated. Chinese Voice (1994-), a six-weekly supplement in Wellington's community paper City Voice , carries news, entertainment and commentary aimed at improving the wider community's understanding of Chinese New Zealanders.

     The commentary related above shows how each generation of Chinese New Zealanders has used the printed word to fulfil its needs and articulate its aspirations. Supplied free to a tiny readership, the publications maintained a precarious existence. Their very existence, however, particularly in the early period, shows how passionately the community felt about the issues its publications addressed. Primarily, all arose out of a need to convey vital information and, with several exceptions in the modern period, they were not meant to provide leisure or entertainment. The utilitarian nature of Chinese New Zealand print culture, even today, may be seen as a reflection of the struggle the community has undergone to survive in this country.

Further research and access

Research into Chinese New Zealand print culture in the 20th century is still in its infancy. Charles Sedgwick made passing reference to several publications in his 1982 PhD thesis on the social history of the Chinese community, and an article on the Man Sing Times by Manying Ip was published in the 10 May 1990 issue of Sing Tao Weekly . A thesis on the subject is currently being researched by an MA student at Victoria University. Besides this, little or nothing has been written. A major difficulty for researchers in this field is that few of the original publications survive in public institutions. Even the Chinese language newspapers currently published in Auckland and Christchurch are not being comprehensively collected. Many of the older publications are incomplete or only known through references. Much of the material from the 1950s mentioned in this essay only came to light in the collection of material donated to the Alexander Turnbull Library in 1996 by Chan Lai-hung. Included in the collection is an almost complete set of the New Zealand Chinese Weekly News , which ran from 1937 to 1946. Prior to this only one issue was publicly available. While other institutions have small holdings of Chinese New Zealand publications, the major source of 20th century Chinese New Zealand publications is the Alexander Turnbull Library, which holds complete and almost complete runs of every serial publication mentioned in this essay as well as monographs and supporting manuscript material. It is hoped that further research into this area will be undertaken in the near future.

Croatian

The foundations of Croatian settlement in New Zealand have been traced to at least the early 1860s with the documented arrival and/or residence of pioneer adventurers, sailors and goldminers. There have since been five significant 'waves' of immigration: a strong flow from the early 1890s until World War I (approximately 5,000 arrivals); a short burst during the 1920s (around 1,600 arrivals) before the onset of the Depression; a small 1930s inflow (about 600 arrivals) between the tail end of the Depression and World War II; a fluctuating flow from the late 1940s until the early 1970s (approximately 3,200 arrivals) that included a small number of post-war displaced persons plus refugees in the late 1950s and early 1960s; and finally, during the 1990s, a flow of skilled migrants and their dependants.

     Young single males, most of whom had no intention of permanent residence prior to the 1930s, accounted for the vast majority of arrivals. Their return migration (many of these sojourners appear to have visited New Zealand on more than one occasion), coupled with immigration restrictions from 1926 onwards and the natural attrition of an aging population, limited the growth of the community from 1,500 foreign-born members in 1921 to a peak of no more than 3,500 by the early 1970s. Given the unbalanced ratio of males to females, and difficulties in securing the entry of prospective brides, intermarriage has long been a feature of this immigrant population with attendant consequences for language and culture maintenance.

     With the exception of both the arrivals in the 1990s, typically seeking refuge from conflict in former Yugoslavia, and the earlier refugees and displaced persons, the 'waves' of immigration have been dominated by chain migrants (i.e. persons sponsored and financially assisted by relatives and friends already in New Zealand) from a relatively small region on the central Dalmatian coast. Located south of Split, the region consists of a 70-kilometre coastal strip from the town of Makarska to the Neretva River estuary, the immediate hinterland districts (Vrgorac, Metkovic), the adjacent islands (Korcula, Hvar, Brac and Vis) and part of the Peljesac Peninsula. Like other Croats, these migrants were Slavs with a culture and history heavily influenced by Italy and Austria—hence their Catholicism and use of a Latinate rather than Cyrillic script. Dalmatia was under Austrian control for all but a brief period (1806-1813, when occupied by Napoleon's army) throughout the 1800s and until the creation of Yugoslavia at the end of World War I.

     Before the advent of tourism in the 1950s and 1960s, the economy of central Dalmatia was one of peasant subsistence farming, viticulture, fishing, quarrying and seafaring with few opportunities for other types of employment. The transition from a purely peasant society was under way throughout Dalmatia by 1900, and by 1921 only half of those aged 10 years and over were illiterate. However, although most of the larger villages had an elementary school by 1921, not every child could attend, much less advance to higher levels of learning. Among families living on the margins of subsistence, it was taken for granted that a child was a productive worker by age seven.

     Against this background, the breadth and quality of Croatian print culture in New Zealand has been remarkable. For the purpose of this review attention will be focused upon: (a) newspapers, published 1899-1949; (b) poetry and fiction; and (c) other literature. Excluded from the latter category are posters, pamphlets, handbills and a range of 'grey material' printed in either Croatian or a mixture of English and Croatian by clubs in Auckland, Dargaville, Kaitaia, Whangarei, Hamilton and Wellington. An extensive collection of this material, produced to record or announce various activities and issues of interest to members of voluntary associations, is held by S.A. Jelicich (S.A.J.) the co-author of this study, as are (unless stated otherwise) copies of the newspapers and other literature identified in this review.

Newspapers

For newspapers, two distinct periods can be identified. During the first period (1899-1919) nine newspapers were published, the known details of which are as follows:

Bratska Sloga (Brotherly Unity), Auckland; proprietor Ante Bulat; editor Matthew Ferri; four issues, 15 May-26 June 1899, published in both Croatian and English (copies Alexander Turnbull Library and S.A.J.)

Danica (Morning Star), Auckland; proprietors Ivan Segetin, Ivan Pavlinovich and Baldo Marusich; editor Ivan Segetin; number of issues unknown, published over nine months, 1899 (no known holdings)

Hrvatsko Glasilo (Croatian Herald), Auckland; proprietor and editor Peter Luksich; six to eight issues, 1903 (no known holdings)

Napredak (Progress), Auckland; proprietor British and Austrian Newspaper Co.; editor Matthew Ferri; published 1906-1909 (copies, two bound volumes, Auckland Public Library)

Hrvatsko Trubilo (Croatian Bugle), Kaitaia; proprietor unknown; editor Anton Sulenta; number of issues unknown, published 1908 (no known holdings)

Glas Istine (The Voice of Truth), Dargaville; proprietors and editors Tony Suvaljko and Grgo Ravlich; number of issues unknown, published 1908-10 (no known holdings)

Sloga (Unity), Auckland; proprietor and editor Tony Suvaljko; estimated 20 issues, published 1912-1913 (one copy held, issue no.19 (18 October 1912), S.A.J.)

Zora (Dawn) and (from May 1916) Zora, The Dawn, The Southern Slav Bulletin, Auckland; proprietor Croatian Publishing Co. Ltd; editors George Scansie, Bartul Mihaljevich, Andrew Frankovich and John Petricevich; numerous issues, partly in English, published August 1913-January 1917 (holdings Auckland Museum Library, S.A.J. and other private collections)

Novi Svjet (New World), Auckland; proprietor and editor Matthew Ferri; number of issues unclear, one or more in English, published 1919 (holdings, one copy, S.A.J.)

Until 1921 the vast majority of the Croatians were scattered over the Northland and Auckland regions, with over 80% classified as rural dwellers (typically young males engaged in gum-digging, though a shift onto farms, orchards and vineyards was well under way) while the bulk of the remainder lived and worked in Auckland city. Such a population, mobile, unskilled and hard-working, explains in part the short-lived existence of most of these newspapers; even Napredak and Zora , the two most successful ventures which had roving agents appointed to sell subscriptions and gather news, had only 500-600 subscribers. More important, however, were the personalities of the proprietors and/or editors, their 'missions' and the often intense rivalry or hostility between them. Matthew Ferri, for example, probably lost readers for reasons which included: the use of too much English (in Bratska Sloga ); content that identified him as an Austrophile rather than a clear-cut Croat patriot; pressing too hard with a message on the virtue of permanent settlement (out of step with the aspirations of sojourners working as gum-diggers); and his scathing attacks on rivals Ivan Segetin ( Danica ) and Tony Suvaljko ( Glas Istine ), as well as items (in Napredak ) on various 'enemies of the people' such as Auckland boarding-house keepers. Ferri was not unique. Even Zora , distinguished by its wartime anti-Austrian, pro-Croat and pro-South Slav union (i.e. Yugoslav) stance, was marred by its editorial attacks on so-called 'enemies' with opposing views, not to mention the presentation of too much content in English in the later stages.

     The second period of newspaper publication (1920-49) was one of rather less activity, perhaps because of the Depression years. There were four papers, the details of which were as follows:

Jedinstvo (Unity), Auckland; proprietor and editor Joseph Alach; number of issues unknown, published 1942 (holdings, two copies, S.A.J.)

The United Front , Auckland; proprietor the Slavonic Council; editor Bohuslav Pospisil; published monthly, 23 January 1942-10 July 1943, much in English (holdings, copies of some pages S.A.J. and also the Totich papers)

Slavenski Glasnik (Slav Herald), Auckland; proprietor All Slav Union; no regular editor; number of issues unknown, irregular publication 1943-49, some issues with substantial sections in English (holdings, three copies S.A.J.)

Vjesnik (Messenger), Auckland; proprietor and editor Joseph Alach; number of issues unknown, published irregularly 1946 (no known holdings)

Clearly World War II was a significant stimulus. The United Front (ed. Pospisil, a Czechoslovak) was the official organ of the Slavonic Council that included representatives from the various Yugoslav (Croatian) clubs, as well as Czechoslovak, Russian and Polish representatives. It promoted Slav unity in New Zealand, cooperation with Slavonic organisations abroad, support for the Allied cause and loyalty to New Zealand. Following the withdrawal of the Russian and Polish representatives, who were at loggerheads with each other, the Slavonic Council became the All Slav Union, in essence a Yugoslav (Croatian) dominated body. The patriotic activities and interests of this new organisation were recorded in Slavenski Glasnik , which was primarily directed toward Yugoslav (Croatian) readers. Like the two papers edited by Joseph Alach, Slavenski Glasnik had a definite left-wing orientation.

Poetry and fiction

Works of poetry and fiction, published over the years 1906-86, represent a second major facet of New Zealand's Croatian print culture. Details of these items, two of which were printed and published abroad, are as follows:

Amelia Batistich, Pjevaj Vilo u planini (Sing Vila in the mountain), Zagreb: Matica Iseljenika Hrvatske, 1981 (widely distributed, copies held by S.A.J. and others); English language edition Auckland, Hodder and Stoughton, 1987)

Ante Kosovic, Dalmatinac iz tudjine (From a Dalmatian in exile), Split, The Author, 1908 (copies held by: Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington; S.A.J. and others)

——, Uskrsnuce Jugoslavije (Resurrection of Yugoslavia), Auckland, The Author, 1920 (copies held by S.A.J. and others)

——, Dalmatinci diskusiraju formu konja prija utrke (Dalmatians discussing the form of horses before the races), Auckland, The Author, 1946 (copy held by S.A.J.)

——, Uskrsnuce Slavena (Resurrection of the Slavs), Auckland, The Author, 1947 (copies held by S.A.J. and others)

Ante Pucar-Ribicic, Pjesme sa Pacifika (Poems from the Pacific), Auckland, The Author, 1915 (copy held by S.A.J.)

Mato Stula, Od Novi Zeland domovini (From New Zealand to the homeland), Auckland: the author, 1906 (copies held by the Stula family and S.A.J.)

Slavko Zarnic, Rastanak (The parting), Auckland, The Author, 1986 (widely distributed, copies held by A.D. Trlin and others)

Amelia Batistich is the exception in this collection—a woman, New Zealand-born and a short story writer (rather than a poet) whose first novel ( Pjevaj Vilo u planini ) was completed late in her literary career. Written in English, translated and published in Zagreb by Matica Iseljenika Hrvatske (a state-funded organisation that worked to maintain contacts between Croatia, the émigrés and their descendants), this novel was the first in a new library of emigrant writings. Incorporating a marked autobiographical element, it deals with a Dalmatian family in Dargaville in the 1920s as seen through the eyes of Stella, one of the family's three New Zealand-born children. Here, as in her numerous short stories, all written in English, Batistich captures the nostalgia of immigrants, the hardships encountered and adjustments made by newcomers to these shores, and the many facets of their lives and relationships.

     Among the poets, each dealing with one or more themes common among emigrants—the pain of separation from loved ones (e.g. Zarnic's Rastanak ), a longing for the homeland, experiences abroad (e.g. Stula's Od Novi Zeland domovini )—Ante Kosovic was the most accomplished. Of the four volumes listed, the two published in 1920 and 1947 are long epic poems that mark national resurrection after World War I and II respectively, while Dalmatinci diskusiraju formu konja . . . (1946) is a clever, humorous picture of the Dalmatians' love of horse racing, the inevitable betting and their mixed Croatian-English speech. The best known work of Kosovic (thanks to the inclusion of an adapted extract in English in Wedde and McQueen's Penguin Book of New Zealand Verse (1985) is his Dalmatinac iz tudjine . Addressed to the youth of Dalmatia, he warns them against coming to this faraway land with his moving accounts of homesickness, suffering and prejudice on the gumfields, and the fate of young migrants.

Other literature

Two other publications of interest are:

George Scansie, Hrvatska bozicna rucna knjizica (Croatian Christmas Handbook), Auckland, Croatian Publishing Co., 1915 (copies held by S.A.J. and others)

Ivan Cizmic, Iz Dalmacije u Novi Zeland (From Dalmatia to New Zealand), Zagreb, Globus, Matica Iseljenika Hrvatske, 1981 (widely distributed, copies held by S.A.J. and others)

The handbook by Scansie includes a Christmas message, reflections and statistics on the war in Europe, and facts about New Zealand—material of interest to his Croatian readers. Cizmic's book is a history of Yugoslav (Croatian) settlement in New Zealand, as seen by a contemporary Yugoslav historian, that gives particular attention to political and social activities of the immigrants both within New Zealand and in relation to their homeland. His sources were mainly New Zealand (Croatian) and Yugoslav newspapers, as well as material from the archive of the Zavod za Migracije i Narodnosti (Institute for Migration and Nationalities) in Zagreb. For Croatian-language readers it is a valuable alternative to Andrew Trlin's Now Respected, Once Despised: Yugoslavs in New Zealand , Dunmore Press, 1979.

     Imported Croatian print material such as Ante Kosovic's first volume of poetry, Amelia Batistich's novel and Cizmic's history of settlement, is by no means rare. On the bookshelves of Croatian households, especially in Auckland, one may often find a Croatian-English dictionary, an atlas, tourist books (some wholly or partly in English) on Dalmatia and other more demanding texts on Croatian history and culture. Croatian newspapers from the homeland, Australia and the United States continue to meet the needs and interests of some Croatian-born readers, as do the monthly magazine Matica (Motherland) and the Hrvatski iseljenicki zbornik (Croatian Emigrant Yearbook)—the latter previously titled Iseljenicki kalendar (Emigrant Calendar)—both published in Zagreb by the new (post-1990) Hrvatska Matica Iseljenika organisation. The two latter publications occasionally include some items on (and by) New Zealand residents, but unless the items are in English they are typically beyond the reading skills of those born in New Zealand of Croatian descent. The latter group does, however, create a market for courses and material geared to the learning of Croatian. At the University of Auckland, for example, a Croatian language course has been successfully offered since 1976 by Associate Professor Hans-Peter Stoffel. Without a locally-produced text, this course has relied on texts produced in Croatia.

     Coupled with less formal language classes offered by the Croatian Cultural Society and the Dalmatian Cultural Society in Auckland, the continuing popularity of the course at the University of Auckland, though obviously not in the same league as the nationwide teaching of other European or Asian languages, suggests a continuing future for Croatian print culture. Nevertheless, it is clear from the evidence presented in this review that Croatian immigrants made their most significant contributions to print culture in New Zealand during the first half of the 20th century.

Dutch

Although the first contingent of Dutch settlers arrived here in the late 1940s, mostly from the East Indies, immigration from the Netherlands did not properly begin until 1951. Of all immigrant groups this century, the Dutch assimilated most readily into Päkehä, English-speaking culture and were the least passionate about passing on their language to their offspring. There were two reasons for this. First, the majority of the assisted immigrants of the 1950s and early 1960s were young working-class people of relatively low literacy levels, eager to learn English as fast as they could. Secondly, a large proportion married 'out', i.e. found themselves other than Dutch, English-speaking partners. As Albertine Kroef showed in her 1977 MA thesis, language loss among the children of Dutch immigrants was very high, and close to 100% in the next generation. Considering this, it is surprising how many local and national Dutch and bilingual publications, mostly in newsletter or tabloid form, have been in circulation for many years, although recently some of the major widely-distributed ones have folded.

     Emigration as a partial solution to economic problems in the early post-World War II years was actively supported by the Dutch government, after the loss of its major overseas dominion (Indonesia, independent since 1948). Dutch society was strongly religious, and there was concern among the clergy about their flocks dispersed so far from home. So it is not surprising that some of the earliest Dutch newsletter-type publications here were pastoral in nature. De Schakel (The Link) was the first, published from 1951 on by the order of the Assumptionists in Wellington, to give moral support to newly arrived Roman Catholic immigrants. The New Zealand establishment of the Assumptionists, originally a French order, included monks from the southern province of Brabant, from where a large number of farming immigrants, notably Waikato sharemilkers, had also come.

     Dutch Protestants were soon similarly served; the Reverend Bert Denee and his wife Mia established the newsletter Protestants Contact in 1954. Publication was continued by Wim de Ruiter and Coos (Jacoba) Goldschmidt until it petered out in the late 1960s, by which time the bulk of Protestant settlers had integrated into local Presbyterian and Methodist congregations.

     Meanwhile, the enterprising and sociable Henk Willemsen, who initially settled in Wanganui and imported magazines and books for a Dutch-speaking and reading clientele, had begun in 1952—within a year of his arrival—to publish a secular Dutch-language tabloid, called The New Zealand Hollander . It was a 50:50 mixture of 'news from home' and items of local interest. The publishing rights in this paper were bought out during the 1960s by Louis Kuys, then secretary of the Auckland Netherlands Society Oranje, founded in 1948. Since the mid 1950s this society had been circulating a cyclostyled bilingual newsletter called Holland Bulletin , devoted largely to local news, although it often also included interesting articles. Two features of this early publication deserve mention: more than half of its content was in English (an August 1959 issue even contains an English translation of a short poem by ship-surgeon poet Jan Slauerhoff), and it provided an English précis of topical news items earlier printed in Dutch. Also, it regularly issued a list of the Dutch-language books, including children's literature, held in the Grafton public library in Mount Eden Road. It should be noted, however, that the range of imported Dutch literature to be found in the Auckland University Library since 1992, the year it finally became a subsidiary subject in the department of Germanic Languages, is much more extensive and up to date.

     However, in 1969 the Auckland Netherlands Society Oranje Inc. adopted a more ambitious tabloid format for its monthly publication, The Windmill Post . This featured a calendar of events nationwide, as well as items of important news from 'home' and the world at large (such as the first moon landing). However, Louis Kuys regarded The Windmill Post as his personal property and, after his dismissal from the Society's secretarial post, carried on publishing it as the organ of his 'Link' business, which organised charter flights to and from the Netherlands for settlers and their relatives. It continued to appear, eventually on a bi-monthly basis, until Kuys sold out to the much more comprehensive Australian Dutch Weekly (in fact a fortnightly bilingual newspaper) which, since 1993, has covered news affecting the Dutch communities in New Zealand as well as Australia.

     Upon Kuys's dismissal and in competition with The Windmill Post , the Auckland society began to publish its own tabloid, called Oranje News (1970-1973) and from 1974 (the year in which it and other Dutch clubs from Whangarei to Invercargill became affiliated with the national Federation of Netherlands Societies) De Oranje Wimpel (The Orange Banner). Over the years its editorship rotated widely, moving as far afield as New Plymouth and Balclutha, but returning to Auckland in the early 1990s. By then, with the help of sponsorship by KLM Royal Dutch Airlines, which provided the eye-catching glossy cover photographs, it had developed into an elegant and entertaining two-monthly A4-sized magazine. Its editor from December 1991 was Jack van Bavel and its designer Rick Quaadgras, but in 1994 ill health forced van Bavel (who died in Hamilton in December 1996), to hand over the editorship to Coby van Leeuwen in Rotorua. The magazine, under yet another title, De Nieuwe (New) Oranje Wimpel , continued until the 95th issue of October 1996 when, for financial reasons, the Federation's executive abruptly stopped publication.

     This was widely regretted, particularly by older settlers, for De Oranje Wimpel was a much more sophisticated periodical than The Windmill Post . The latter, as a conveyor of 'news from home', gradually settled into a reactionary 1950s groove, confining itself to information cut and pasted mostly from the populist, conservative Dutch daily Telegraaf , a close cousin to the British Sun . Its attention to political and social issues in the Netherlands, considered to be of little interest to the aging pioneers, was kept to a minimum. It mainly confined itself to 'infotainment' of a sporty and sensational nature, besides the latest about the Dutch Royal family, highly regarded in all Dutch publications. Its Australian successor is an improvement, featuring more about what is really going on in the Netherlands, and about its place in Europe and the world.

     Quite a different kind of periodical was the glossy, if slim, quarterly Vogelvlucht (Bird's Flight), distributed since the mid 1960s by KLM (which, although without landing rights in New Zealand, has for many years run charter flights from Australia and Indonesia). This bilingual magazine was primarily designed to lure established immigrants into European holidays. It never concerned itself with politics, but focused on tourist attractions and cultural matters in the mother country. The material for it originated from the company's Amsterdam head office and was passed on to all major Dutch migration destinations (Canada, the US, Australia, South Africa) for local assembly and distribution, with some local information about travel arrangements on the back page. In the course of the 1990s, it diminished from four to two issues a year until, like De Nieuwe Oranje Wimpel , it ceased publication altogether in 1996.

     This does not mean that the Dutch community now lacks indigenous publications wholly or partly in the mother tongue. A number of local newsletters continue, to name a few:

The Echo , produced by the Netherlands Society in Christchurch (probably the oldest, beginning in 1967, and still going strong)
Koetjes en Kalfjes (Little Cows and Calves) in Hamilton
Van Alles en Nog Wat (About Everything and Something Else) in Palmerston North
Double Dutch in Wellington
The Tasman Gazette in Invercargill

Also, a modest national two-monthly newsletter continues to be run from a Wellington base, called, like the Assumptionist Fathers' first newsletter mentioned above, De Schakel . But Schakels of this kind may by now seem an unnecessary luxury to second generation and younger Dutch settlers in this country. The pioneers of the 1950s still alive are elderly now, and their descendants and successors, the well-educated, well-heeled new immigrants of the last twenty or so years, may be more or less fluently bilingual, but are perfectly happy to read about matters that affect them in English.

     There are some charming small-scale hardy survivors. Aucklander Bas van Hof reports that the Netherlands Veterans Legion (akin to the RSA, with which it staunchly marches on Anzac Day dawn parades), consisting of fighters of World War II, the post-colonial action in Indonesia and the UN intervention in Korea, has managed to keep its quarterly organ De Ouwe Hap (The Old Bite) going from 1954 till the present day, although its members are dwindling rapidly. Then there is De Dorpskrant (The Village News), circulated around the Dutch retirement village 'Ons Dorp' in Henderson—so inward-looking by now, for most of its residents and readers are well into their eighties and nineties, that not even supporters and contributors from the Dutch Friendly Support Network remain on its mailing list.

     By New Zealand lights, the Dutch have been seen as ideal immigrants, readier than others to melt into the wallpaper of Päkehä society. Hence their presence in print in their mother tongue is likely to be of an ephemeral nature, despite their important contribution to the New Zealand economy and culture.

French

Although New Zealand has received visits from French travellers since the 18th century, and French immigrants since at least the 1830s, they have never been sufficiently numerous in any one place, at any one time, or sufficiently stable, to generate a print culture of their own. Not even at Akaroa, the site of the only Francophone settlement in this country, does there appear to have been any French-language printing.

     The importance of French missionaries and priests in the early history of 19th century Catholicism has meant that there is a substantial body of manuscript material in French created in New Zealand, but this falls outside the limits of this publication.

     French texts printed in New Zealand, written by and/or for native speakers, seem to be few in number. Examples identified are an advertisement published in a Wellington newspaper in 1843, targeting the officers and crew of a visiting French warship ( New Zealand Gazette and Wellington Spectator , 20 May 1843, p.3), and a letter of thanks written by the ship's commander which appeared in translation (31 May 1843) and in its original French (3 June 1843), in the same newspaper. A wide search in the press may reveal other similar texts, but there is yet no way of gauging their number or interest.

     Paradoxically perhaps, and as a reflection of cultural patterns imported from Britain, French has occupied a position in New Zealand's education system (at secondary and tertiary levels) and New Zealand's cultural life out of proportion to the number of native speakers living in the country. This is reflected in the interlocking areas of education, scholarship and general cultural activity.

     The substantial market for teaching materials which this created has usually been served by imported books but sometimes by indigenous productions—textbooks, for instance, and supplementary reading materials. The evolution of pedagogical strategies, the introduction of new technologies (records, radio, computers) and curricular changes can be plotted in these works. Still more recently, literary texts which have fallen outside copyright restrictions have been produced by various technologies for university course work. The following titles are only a sampling of the materials which have been sighted:

Victor B. Nicourt, The Otago French Primer for Beginners , Dunedin? 1866
Edmond de Montalk, A Few Preliminary Lessons in French , Dunedin, 1875 (no copy has been located, but its erstwhile existence is proved by newspaper reviews)
Gordon S. Troup, French Broadcasts to Schools, 1961-63 , Wellington, Department of Education for the New Zealand Broadcasting Service, 1960
Peter F. Wells, Let's Learn French: A Course for Forms I and II , Auckland and Hamilton, Blackwood & Janet Paul Ltd, 1963, reprinted 1965 (printed in the UK). There also exists a teacher's book. This book was accompanied by gramophone records
Pierre Petit, ed. Franñais et audio-visuel à l'authentique , Auckland, Department of Romance Languages, University of Auckland, 1985
J.C. Davies, ed. Contes modernes: An Anthology of Contemporary French Prose , Wellington and Auckland, Reed, 1965. Co-published with an Australian publisher and printed in Australia
John Dunmore, ed. Aventures dans le Pacifique , Wellington, Auckland, Sydney, Reed, 1965
Ken Allott, ed. L'Affaire Greenpeace dans la presse franñaise , Christchurch, University of Canterbury, Department of French, 1986.
Ron Leask at al, Meri , Christchurch, Canterbury Education Centre, 1988

A teaching text was produced during World War I to serve a highly specific market, namely New Zealand soldiers serving in France: Hélène Cross (Hélène Fodor), Soldiers' Spoken French , Whitcombe & Tombs, 1917. This went through three editions and one reprint and had a total print run of (probably) over 6,000 copies. The teaching strategies are unexceptional for the time, but word lists, vocabulary, phrases and model texts are carefully focused. Whether any comparable publications were produced during World War II is not known.

     Within the universities there exist scholarly journals which occasionally publish articles in French, and students at Massey University have for a number of years produced an entirely French-language magazine; the bilingual journal Antipodes seeks to satisfy both academic and general readers; published conference proceedings occasionally contain texts in French; some New Zealand resident academics have written scholarly works in French but, as far as is known, only one has been published in this country.

AUMLA (originally, and again more recently, edited within the French Department, University of Canterbury), 1953-

New Zealand Journal of French Studies (French Department, Massey University), 1980-

Francophilia Massey (French Department, Massey University), 1989-

Antipodes (French Department, University of Otago), 1995-

Edmund de Montalk, Elements of French Literature , Christchurch, 1879

Some periodicals and newsletters produced by or for groups of language teachers are wholly or partly in French. Two examples are Polyglot , Dunedin, Otago and Southland Association of Language Teachers (1975-); and Lettre du BCLE , Wellington, Bureau de Coopération Linguistique et Educative, French Embassy (1996-).

     Often on the fringes of the world of secondary schools and universities, are newsletters and magazines, some of which have used both English and French, produced by cultural groups such as branches of the Alliance Franñaise. For example, Alliances , Waikanae, newsletter of the Fédération des Alliances Franñaises de Nouvelle-Zélande (1991-).

     Even more ephemeral are menus, posters and theatre programmes. One such, with a synopsis in French, is the programme for a production of Marivaux, L'Ile de la raison , Globe Theatre, Dunedin, July 1996.

     The ambitious but short-lived Auckland newspaper, Le Néo-Zélandais: Journal Littéraire et Artistique , 1-18 (1882-86) containing some political commentary, but also articles on literary history and materials for learners of French, catered for a diverse readership. No full set is known to exist but a handful of issues are held by the Hocken Library and the Auckland Institute Museum Library. But to which public did Louis Direy direct his commentary on and partial translation into French of Shakespeare's sonnets (Gisborne, 1890)? The Dunedin monthly, The Triad , which reviewed recent French literary works, did not hesitate to quote in French.

     The number and inherent quality of materials in French known to be printed (or published) in New Zealand belie the true extent of the presence of language-and text-based French culture in New Zealand society. Focused within the education system (and often swamped by imported materials), or at its fringes in the in-house publications of cultural groups, the corpus identified to date contains a high proportion of trivial and insubstantial items, although further investigations may well force a revision of this preliminary assessment.

     Readily accessible evidence lies in published library catalogues, and 19th-century booksellers' advertisements, auction catalogues, and marks of ownership in individual books all contribute to a broader picture. The picture this material reveals will be usefully supported by a consideration of translations from the French imported into and read in New Zealand: the popular status of Jules Verne and Alexandre Dumas in the 19th century, and the influence of writers like Albert Camus and Jean-Paul Sartre in the 1940s, are potentially rewarding areas of investigation into New Zealand social and intellectual history. The linguistic support is not the same, but the transmission of intellectual and æsthetic values remains a valid area of inquiry.

     Finally, it is appropriate to acknowledge the printing of French for export. Labels and packages on products destined for markets in the Pacific for instance, or the compilation and production of tourist materials and official publications—thinly disguised propaganda—should not be overlooked but may be difficult to document since so much of it is ephemeral. A polished example is Portrait de la Nouvelle-Zélande (New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 1995; earlier eds. 1987 and 1991).

     Equally elusive, but of interest for the evidence it provides of commercial and cultural exchanges, is the work of New Zealand printers for Pacific Island publishers. Thus, a handsome collection of short stories by a New Caledonian author was reportedly printed in Auckland, but the book carries no evidence of this. Nicolas Kurtovitch (1994), Forêt, terre et tabac , Les éditions du Niaouli, Nouméa.

Gaelic (Scots)

From about 1840 when organised European settlement of New Zealand began, the westernmost Celtic fringe peoples of the British Isles, that is, those of Ireland, the Scottish Highlands, Cornwall, Wales and the Isle of Man, contributed in varying proportions to the immigrant population of New Zealand. To date, quantitative analysis of these British immigrants is confined to three national groups: the Irish, according to county of origin; the Scots, also according to county of origin, but with no clear distinction made between the two cultural regions: the Lowlands, characterised linguistically by various dialects of English, and the Highlands where the Scots Gaelic language predominated; the Cornish, Welsh and Manx, although similarly identified by county of origin, lumped with the English simply as 'English and Welsh'.

     While the Irish were most numerous of the Celtic immigrant peoples, little seems to be known of the prevalence of the Irish Gaelic language, or of any printed texts they may have brought with them. The Scottish Highlanders, who spoke another distinctive form of Gaelic, emigrated to New Zealand in significantly fewer numbers than the Irish and constituted only about one-fifth of the total Scots immigrant population. One of the particular difficulties in considering the print culture of the Celtic peoples in New Zealand is their heavy reliance on traditional processes of oral transmission, especially in relation to the Gaelic cultures of both Ireland and the Scottish Highlands. Nevertheless, a surprising variety of printed matter in Scots Gaelic is extant in parts of New Zealand.

     The oldest appears to be of a religious nature in the form of Bibles (both Old and New Testaments combined), New Testaments, Psalms and Paraphrases, hymnbooks, catechisms, variously published by the Edinburgh Bible Society, the National Bible Society of Scotland and the British and Foreign Bible Society. Almost without exception these texts were published in the 19th century and appear to have been brought with Gaelic-speaking immigrants between the mid 19th century and early 20th century. Both the Otago Settlers Museum, Dunedin, and the House of Memories, Waipu, Northland, hold examples.

     The intentional translation from English into Gaelic of such texts reflects the Church of Scotland missionary activities among the Gaelic speakers. Possession of a Gaelic Bible ( biobull ) served as a talisman and, together with two other elements of domestic Highland culture—bagpipes ( piob mhor ) and locally-distilled whisky ( uisge beatha )—not infrequently adorned the kitchen table simultaneously. In a culture dominated by oral traditions a Bible may have been the only printed domestic Gaelic text.

     Other religious texts include those probably held and used by ministers and officers of the church: McLauchlan (1873), commonly called John Knox's Liturgy, which was translated directly into Gaelic from the 1567 Latin text, and MacDhomnuill's (1804) Confession of Faith seem central to the propagation of Presbyterianism in New Zealand. Less doctrinal titles include the writings of Boston (1887), Dyer (1884) and Guthrie (1845), held in the residual collection of the Dunedin-based Gaelic Society of New Zealand.

     In their religious worship Dunedin's Gaelic speakers, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, were able to link religious instruction with the maintenance of their language, at least with MacLeoid's Friend of the Gael (1867) and Book of the Hills, Old and New (1898).

     Other than the Gaelic Society's monthly meetings, opportunities to sustain the language were limited. Oral Scots Gaelic, along with many other minority immigrant languages confronted by an anglophone cultural hegemony, declined within a generation. Gaelic societies attempted to retain the language, particularly in song. At the 1899 Annual Gathering of the Gaelic Society of New Zealand, chief John MacKenzie reported a renaissance in the language. The Highlanders of Dunedin and their colonial-born children had no excuse to neglect their language, its literature and music when such resources as the recently imported Gaelic song books A Choisir Chiuil , the Celtic Monthly and Mactalla newspapers, the use of a large Gaelic library, and the privilege of hearing a Gaelic sermon every month, were available.

     That library included fiction titles in Gaelic published in Scotland: Mac-Dhomnhuill (n.d.); MacCormaig (1908); Le K.W.G. (1911); Mhic Pharlain (1912), and collections of Gaelic poems and songs from the Highlands: Blair (1882), Morrison (1889), Maceacharn (1904, 1910), MacFadyen (1890), MacPhaidein (1890, 1921), together with MacLeoid (1916), MacDhomhnuill (1920) and MhicDhughaill (1936) representing the outer Hebridean Isle of Lewis. All are Scottish publications whereas MacGregor (1897), honorary Bard to the Clan MacGregor, was published in London. Robertson (1927) is the only New Zealand publication. Although principally in English, it does, however, include six Gaelic poems written by Robertson, sometime bard to the Gaelic Society. McLauchlan's (1902) collection of Ossian's poems was previously privately owned in South Canterbury.

     The Society's choir still performs from the A Choisir Chiuil song books. However, some Gaelic-language text remains enshrined in the names of Highland bagpipe tunes, especially those of the earliest genre, ceol mor , now generally referred to as piobaireachd or, in its anglicised form, pibroch. While these tunes continue to be published according to both their Gaelic and English titles, few pipers have sufficient knowledge of the language to refer to the tunes in Gaelic.

     In an effort to sustain the Gaelic language, publications in the form of grammars emerged, mostly post-World War II, and largely in Scotland, where Macleod (1979) reflects the use of television to regenerate the language. Parsons (1989) was published in Cape Breton, Nova Scotia. The Gaelic Society's library holds only the pre-World War II publications: MacLaren (n.d.); Reid (1902); Calder (1923); and Mackechnie (1934); some ten titles published post-World War II are held privately.

     Dictionaries found are likewise 20th-century publications: Dwelly (1902); McAlpine (1903); MacLennan (1925); Renton and MacDonald (1979); Thomson (1981); Clyne (1985, 1991); McKay (1990)—all held privately. It appears that while Bibles and other religious materials were consigned to library and archival repositories, publications which promoted use of the language were retained privately.

     Subscription to newspapers permitted, and still permits, contacts with 'home'. Both the Stornoway Gazette (published on the Hebridean Isle of Lewis), and the Oban Times (published in Oban, Argyllshire) contained Gaelic-language portions and were posted from their respective places of publication to subscribers in Dunedin. A second-generation family member now living in Christchurch maintains his subscription to the Oban Times .

     This manner of contact was augmented by a variety of periodicals, initially those published in Scotland. The monthly magazine of An Commun Gaidhealach (The Gaelic Society of Scotland), variously entitled An Deo-Greine (The Sun God), Gailig' (Gaelic) and An Gaidheal , was a bilingual, English-Gaelic publication. Irregular issues between vols.9 (1914) and 26 (1931) are held in the Gaelic Society's collection; the Society also subscribed to the Scottish Highlander . There is evidence of private subscription by the Society's members to these titles and to the Celtic Monthly , but no copies remain.

     Historic migratory and familial connections between Nova Scotia and Waipu, in Northland, New Zealand, are witnessed by copies of Mac-Talla , a Gaelic language newspaper published in Sydney, Nova Scotia, for several years. The House of Memories, Waipu, holds issues from vols.5 and 6, dated 1897 and 1898; the Gaelic Society also subscribed.

     The first New Zealand-published periodical to include Gaelic material, albeit limited to a page or two, began in 1912 as The New Zealand Scot . This was succeeded by The Scottish New Zealander , and ultimately became The New Zealand Scotsman & Caledonian in 1927, which ran until 1933. These titles appear to have had limited circulation among members of such culture-specific interest groups as St Andrews, Gaelic, Celtic and Caledonian societies. Auckland Public Library holds a complete set of issues of The New Zealand Scot and The Scottish New Zealander ; the Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, holds a complete set of The New Zealand Scotsman & Caledonian and the Hocken Library, Dunedin, a partial set.

     The bilingual Gaelic-English An Ghaidheal; Paipeir-Naidheachd agus Leabhar-sgeoil Gaidhealach , published in Glasgow, served a dual function as both newspaper and Gaelic schoolbook. The four volumes (1873-76) which remain in the Gaelic Society library predate the Society's formation in 1882, but would have helped to sustain the language. Similarly, the quarterly issues of Guth na Bliadhna (Wind of the Year) Books 4 (1906-07), 5 (1908) and 7 (1910), storybooks mostly in Gaelic, but with a lesser proportion in English, provided another such resource. This title appears to have been imported and retailed by a Timaru bookseller; the South Canterbury region attracted a demonstrable Highland and therefore Gaelic-speaking presence, notably in the inland Mackenzie country.

     Arguably, the most pervasive reminder of the contribution made by Gaelic speakers to the evolving New Zealand colonial landscape is visible in geographical terms, through such Gaelic place names as Balmoral, Benmore, Ben Nevis, Benhar, Craigellachie, Dalmore, Dunedin, Dunoon, Duntroon, Glencoe, Glendhu, Glenfalloch, Glenorchy, Glenquoich, Kinloch, Lochiel and Lochindorb. Names such as these serve as a permanent memorial to the brief currency of an immigrant minority language.

German

The Germans were the second largest immigrant group in New Zealand after the British up to 1914, yet there was no German print culture to speak of in New Zealand during that period. The reasons for this have to do with the type of German immigrants and the nature of the settlements they founded. Although the German settlements in New Zealand were numerous, they were not large enough to support a print culture of their own. This is quite unlike Australia, where there were, and still are, German-language newspapers.

     The first organised German settlements in New Zealand, in the Moutere and Waimea valleys of Nelson and the Rangitïkei district, were strong Lutheran communities with their own German churches and schools. German was an accepted language in these communities right up to 1914, when anti-German sentiment forced the closure of German schools and the abandonment of church services in German. Descendants of these early settlers have Lutheran Bibles and German diaries among their family heirlooms, but there is no evidence of a local German print culture from this period.

     The main thrust of German settlement was in the 1870s, when Vogel's assisted immigrant scheme specifically targeted Germans and Scandinavians to help with public works schemes. In Europe, agents of the New Zealand Government recruited workers who could help with the clearing of bush and the building of railways. These immigrants—mainly farm workers and labourers—were as a rule not literate, although their children had begun to benefit from the Prussian compulsory school system. In the case of one immigrant group of 16 families, all of whom came from the West Prussian village of Kokoschken and many of whom settled in Taranaki, it is said that only one adult of the group could read, and it was he who had read about New Zealand and persuaded the rest to emigrate. Although German settlements sprang up all round the country at that time—in Halcombe, Inglewood, Norsewood, Carterton, Gore, Waimate, Jackson's Bay, and Marshlands, just to name a few—the type of immigrants and the nature of the work with which they were involved was not conducive to the establishment of a German print culture.

     Furthermore, the vast majority of German settlers did not join German settlements. They tended to assimilate quickly into the English-speaking majority society and were 'submerged' into the New Zealand English culture. The Germans' perceived ability to integrate rapidly into colonial British society was one of the main reasons for their recruitment in the first place. In those German settlements which continued to exist beyond the first few years of German immigration, German continued to be spoken among the older residents up to the 1960s, but this was an oral tradition, not a written one. The Bohemian settlement of Puhoi still takes pride in keeping alive some of the German dialect expressions of its founding fathers.

     World War I brought a rapid stop to German immigration, and the only German 'settlements' during the ensuing decades were the German internment camps on Motuihe and Somes Islands. During World War II, the Somes Island internment camp produced a newspaper of sorts—the Deutsche Stacheldraht-Post , which informed internees of internal and external developments—the fortnightly issue for 11 April 1942 is numbered 14A.

     German print culture as such is a relatively recent phenomenon in New Zealand. This is due to three main factors: the growing number of German immigrants to this country over the last few years, the teaching of German at schools and universities, and New Zealand's popularity among Germans as a tourist destination.

     Over recent years various newsletters and newspapers in the German language have been established to serve German-speaking immigrants in New Zealand. In many of the larger cities there are German, Austrian, and Swiss clubs which publish newsletters in German. Areas which have a concentration of recent German settlers—Golden Bay, Coromandel, Bay of Islands, West Auckland—often have community or church newsletters with contributions in German. The Methodist church in Massey (near Henderson) had an annual Christmas service in German for three years from 1993.

     There are Goethe Societies in Auckland, Hamilton, Palmerston North, Wellington, Christchurch, and Dunedin, all devoted to the nurturing of German culture and language at schools and universities, which bring out various newsletters in German. The Goethe Institute in Wellington also produces material in German for teachers of German in New Zealand. Its best known publication is GANZ —short for 'German in Aotearoa New Zealand'—a newsletter principally in the German language aimed at teachers of German at schools, technical institutes, and universities. As far as tourism is concerned, there are countless brochures, leaflets and books produced by the New Zealand tourist industry to cater for the large numbers of German, Austrian, and Swiss visitors to our shores. There have been various attempts to establish German newspapers for German-speaking immigrants and tourists, but they have been by and large unsuccessful.

     The universities and their libraries are the main guardians of German print culture in New Zealand. The Otago, Canterbury, Victoria, Massey, Waikato and Auckland University libraries have large collections of books in German, many of them dealing with German language, literature, and civilisation. The language, literature and culture of the German-speaking countries are part of the curricula at all these universities, and academic staff in the German sections and departments at these institutions frequently publish in the German language, though their books and articles are normally published in Germany. The locally-printed monograph series, Otago German Studies, under the editorship of E.W. Herd and August Obermayer, has produced nine volumes between 1980 and 1997.

     The highly-regarded periodical Seminar: A Journal of Germanic Studies , a joint venture by the German section of the Australasian Universities Language and Literature Association and the Canadian Association of University Teachers of German, publishes articles in German. For many years Seminar had a New Zealand associate editor, and two members of the present editorial committee are from New Zealand universities. The general journal of the Australasian Universities Language and literature Association, AUMLA , partly based at the University of Canterbury, also publishes articles in German.

     Though small in relation to the proportion of German-speaking immigrants, German print culture in New Zealand is nonetheless a significant contribution to the diversity of print culture in New Zealand.

Greek (Ancient) and Latin

In the 19th century, and for many centuries before, education in European cultures meant an education in Classics. It was natural, therefore, that immigrants to New Zealand should bring personal libraries of Greek and Latin texts with them, and that institutions such as schools, universities, theological colleges and public libraries should set about establishing collections. Some of these were subsequently enriched by donations of personal libraries, and collections of particular interest, notable especially for the number of incunabula, are to be found in Auckland, Wellington and Dunedin.

Collections

Auckland Public Library is the repository of the Grey Collection, which includes manuscripts of Greek and Latin texts and incunabula (among others, Cicero, Epistolae , 1477; Justinian, Institutiones , 1499).

     The library of the University of Auckland holds the personal libraries of three former professors of Classics: C.A.M. Pond (1,300 books, bequeathed in 1894. Pond also advised Grey on selection of classical texts); A.C. Paterson (2,000 books, bequeathed in 1932, covering 'practically the whole range of Greek and Latin authors'); W.K. Lacey (a working classicist's collection over the years 1950-1990). Not all these works are in the classical languages.

     In Wellington, the Alexander Turnbull Library holds small Rare Latin and Rare Greek collections, including 15 manuscripts. Most of the 100 or so incunabula are in Latin or Greek. The former General Assembly Library developed an extensive collection in and on the classical languages; most of the material published before 1801 has been transferred to the Turnbull, although at the time of writing (March 1997) it had not yet been catalogued there.

     Victoria University of Wellington Library received the collections of two major donors, A.R. Atkinson and Professor Sir John Rankine Brown, who were both collecting editions and commentaries in the last quarter of the 19th century. Atkinson's collection comprised 800 volumes. Rankine Brown's was his working library of about 500 volumes (with some French literature as well as Latin and Greek).

     In Dunedin, the University of Otago has two significant collections. The Shoults Collection, on deposit from Selwyn College, and donated in 1893 by an English cleric who had never been in New Zealand, has 3,500 volumes, many of them in Latin, including 16th-century editions of Ovid, Terence and Pliny, and Graevio's Thesaurus antiquitatum Romanarum (1674). The de Beer Collection (1946 to the 1980s), centred on European culture from the Renaissance to the end of the 18th century, contains a number of works in Latin, including Grotius' De iure belli et pacis (1719 edition) and Newton's Philosophiae naturalis principia mathematica (Cote's 1726 edition). Most of the university's collection of 34 incunabula are in Latin, among them Boccaccio's De Genealogiis Deorum Gentilium (Venice, 1497) and Lucan's Pharsalia (Venice, 1486). The university also has a collection of 39 manuscripts. Notably absent from the University of Otago's holdings are books from the personal library of George Sale, Professor of Classics from 1870 to 1907. Sale retired to England, taking his books with him.

     The Dunedin Public Library holds the Alfred and Isabel Reed Collection of rare books and manuscripts. The Latin Bible is particularly well represented, from portions on parchment and vellum from the 10th century onward to printed bibles of the 15th and 16th centuries. The Hewitson Library, Knox College, holds over 300 volumes in Latin in its Rare Books Collection of pre-1800 imprints.

     Information on the above collections may be obtained from the following:

H. Brett, General Catalogue of the Grey Collection (1888) and supplements

Early Imprints in New Zealand Libraries (1995)-this covers the Wellington region (unpublished catalogues for other regions are held in the Turnbull and locally, at the universities of Otago, Canterbury and Auckland)

H.G. Kaplan, A First Census of Incunabula in Australia and New Zealand (1966)

M. Manion, V. Hines & C. de Hamel, Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in New Zealand Collections (1989)

A.H. Reed, Rare Books and Manuscripts: The Dunedin Public Library's Alfred and Isabel Reed Collection (1968)

J.E. Traue, Committed to Print (1991)

The provenance of the works in these and similar collections was European and to a lesser extent, North American. In this they are completely representative. The active use of both Ancient Greek and Latin in New Zealand has always been limited and peripheral. Greek appears in excerpt in printed works, publication of numismatic legends, and sepulchral inscriptions; Latin, in addition to these, as monographs and in mottoes.

Monographs

Latin and Greek were part of the foundation curriculum of New Zealand's first four universities. Both were taught also at metropolitan high schools, and Latin, which is still taught to reduced numbers, at many schools outside the metropolitan areas. Yet their place in education has left little mark on print publication in this country. The predominance of the European book market, the limited size of the academic community, which imposed the need to reach an international audience, and the fact that the majority of classicists working in New Zealand were expatriates for whom the world of serious scholarship lay elsewhere, discouraged local publication in or on the classical languages. Thus no Greek monographs printed in New Zealand are known, and those in Latin are a very rare exception. The only identified book is Exules Siberiani , by H.D. Broadhead. This is an abridged version in Latin of La jeune sibérienne , published in an edition of 1,000 copies by Whitcombe & Tombs (1932). Broadhead appended to his translation 'some original Latin verse of a light and ephemeral character', most of which had 'already appeared in the Canterbury College Review '. Beyond this, the only Latin 'monographs' were minor and occasional. Until 1962, when Latin was replaced in Catholic services by the vernacular, hymn cards with Latin texts were occasionally published by the New Zealand Tablet (1878-1996). The printery of Holy Cross College, Mosgiel, also produced chapel cards and vesting prayers in Latin for local use, and ordination cards with English text and appropriate Latin quotation. A curiosity from this printery was the vellum it printed with Latin text which was deposited under the foundation stone of the Verdun Memorial Chapel at the college (14 September 1960). If any Latin was printed on early missionary presses, it would presumably have been on a comparable scale.

Texts in excerpt

The most frequent form of publication of Greek and Latin is not as monograph, but in excerpt. Extensive passages of the Latin texts of Roman authors form the basis of three series of textbooks published since the 1970s in response to changes in the schools' Latin curriculum:

Topic(s) for School Certificate Latin , Christchurch, Canterbury Education Centre, 1987-91 (five titles)

Topic(s) for New Zealand Universities Entrance in Latin , Christchurch, Panicprint Multicopy Shoppe, 1974 (three titles)

Module(s) for the New Zealand Bursaries Examination in Latin , Christchurch, Department of Classics, University of Canterbury, 1990-91 (four titles)

The Greek and Latin texts of poems 'imitated' by New Zealand poets appear in Richard J.H. Matthews, Classical New Zealand Poetry Based on Greek and Latin Models (1985).

     In monographs on classical subjects published in New Zealand the original languages naturally appear in quotation, as, for instance, in

Bulletins (7) published under the imprint of Auckland University College/Auckland University, 1949-71

E.M. Blaiklock, The Male Characters of Euripides , Wellington, New Zealand University Press, 1952

B.F. Harris (ed.), Auckland Classical Essays Presented to E.M. Blaiklock , Auckland, Auckland University Press, Wellington, Oxford University Press, 1970

E.M. Badian, Publicans and Sinners , Dunedin, University of Otago Press, 1972

The Teacher's Guides and Study Materials published by the Classics Department, University of Otago (Dunedin, 1979-1991) contain no more Greek and Latin than the occasional key word, but should be noted in this survey. They represent the most comprehensive publishing enterprise in Classics ever undertaken in New Zealand: 28 titles covering aspects of classical culture from Homer's Odyssey to Roman religion.

     Pressure of space in overseas journals and the expansion of New Zealand universities in the 1950s, and Classical Studies in schools in the 1970s, led to the establishment of three locally-published journals which have become the main repository of 'illustrative' quotation: AUMLA , French Department, University of Canterbury, Christchurch (1953-), Prudentia , Auckland University Bindery, Auckland (1969-) and the NZACT Bulletin , New Zealand Association of Classical Teachers, Auckland (1974-).

     The original languages also appear in extensive quotation in theses and dissertations presented for postgraduate degrees in Classics. Since 1974 these have been listed in Research in Classics for Higher Degrees in New Zealand , Department of Classics, Victoria University, Wellington (1974-).

     A specialised use of Latin is in the nomenclature of botany, zoology and palaeontology, which is still cast in a conventional Latinised form. Full Latin descriptions of genera etc., seem never to have been published in New Zealand, even by 19th century scholars such as William Colenso, who ends an essay on 'The geographic and economic botany of the North Island of New Zealand' with a quotation from Virgil's Georgics (Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute) , Wellington, vol.1, 1868).

Numismatic legends

The texts of Greek and Roman coins in New Zealand collections have been published in the New Zealand Numismatic Journal , Royal Numismatic Society of New Zealand, Wellington (1931-), especially in articles by C.T.H.R. Ehrhardt from vol.14, no.3 (Oct. 1977)) on. Ehrhardt has also compiled a Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the Otago Museum , Classics Department, University of Otago, Dunedin (1974-81; a photocopied typescript in six parts, including an Appendix Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the Southland Museum, Invercargill ).

Sepulchral inscriptions

If Dunedin practice can be taken as representative (and an informal survey of members of the Genealogical Society suggests that it can) the only common Latin inscription is the formulaic R.I.P. It is used predominantly, perhaps exclusively, on Catholic grave sites. In a few cases (ten of the 55 noted in an unsystematic examination of Dunedin's two oldest graveyards) the formula is inscribed in full: requiesca(n)t in pace . The most recent instance is dated 1902. Even the single word aetat . is exceptional, and only one near complete epitaph in Latin was found: In memoriam William James Dempsey obiit 23 June MDCCCLXVIII , and two inscriptions which were more than formulaic: Laboro, spero, exspecto (1995), and Hic iacet Bache Parsons Harvey . . . Abeunt illuc omnia, unde orta sunt Cic. 'De Sen.' (1919). An Auckland inscription which deserves particular mention is that on the stone of Professor A.C. Paterson. It was suggested by his pupil, later colleague and successor in the Chair of Classics at Auckland University, E.M. Blaiklock: non omnis obiit , an apt and touching variant on Horace's non omnis moriar .

     The only Greek inscription sighted is the stylised first three letters of 'Jesus': IHS , and only on stones carrying R.I.P .

Mottoes

Mottoes in Greek are very rare. However, until the recent revival of Mäori, Latin was considered the natural language of mottoes in New Zealand, with a predominance of roughly 5:3 even over English. Latin was, and still is, used in a very wide range of social contexts: by educational institutions ( Caelum certe patet , Pakuranga College), local bodies ( Festina lente , Maniototo County Council), individuals ( Fortuna favet audaci , A.H. Turnbull's bookplate), insurance companies ( Amicus certus in re incerta , AMP), sports clubs ( Vis unita fortior , Alhambra-Union Rugby Football Club, Dunedin), newspapers ( Nihil utile quod non honestum , The Press , Christchurch), vintners ( In vino felicitas et caritas , Montana Wines), brewers ( Huc tendimus omnes , McCashin's Breweries), pizza-bar T-shirts ( Carpe diem , Filadelfio's, Dunedin) and Scots clans ( Per mare per terras , Clan Donald).

     Notes have been written on some New Zealand mottoes by Will Richardson in The New Zealand Armorist and some have been published in the NZACT Bulletin . The most comprehensive collection consists of those included by Richardson in his 'A new offspring: a checklist of mottoes used by individuals and institutions in New Zealand' (unpublished). As a result of work on this contribution to this book, Dr Douglas Little has made a start on supplementing Richardson's list, convinced that if a comprehensive collection is to be compiled at all, it should be done soon. Some institutions have in recent years adopted English or Mäori versions of their mottoes; others have gone out of existence, taking the record of their motto with them. Social changes, such as the amalgamation of local bodies, have accelerated this process considerably over the past decade.

Polish

Polish belongs to the family of Slavonic languages. A number of immigrant groups in New Zealand speak languages belonging to this family—for Croatian see the section earlier in this chapter. Slavonic languages generally are not international languages like French or German, and this makes a huge difference to their print culture. For obvious political and historical reasons Russian is the most important of Slavonic languages, and it is the one commonly taught in New Zealand universities. In the last 20 years there have been efforts to establish Polish as a school and university subject, but without success. However, because of the tragic history of the Polish homeland since the 18th century, a Polish print culture has long been established abroad wherever Poles have settled as migrants and refugees. New Zealand is no exception to this pattern.

     In New Zealand writing, printing and reading in Polish is limited to the circle of Polish-speaking immigrants and their families. The language's association with a relatively small immigrant population and their particular interests has a great deal of bearing on the type of Polish material found in New Zealand. This essay deals mostly with the type of printed matter that Poles have produced here, not with material that they brought with them or later imported.

     Polish immigration to New Zealand has occurred in several distinct phases related primarily to political and economic conditions at home. First, like some other European immigrant groups to New Zealand, Poles were assisted to settle here in the 1870s to work on public works schemes. They formed settlements in Taranaki, the Manawatü, and the Wairarapa, at Marshlands and on the Taieri. Very little historical information exists on these early settlements, but the people were probably of peasant origin. It is difficult to gauge the level of literacy in these communities and the resources they may have had to print their own material. If they could read they may have brought only a few books with them, primarily religious texts such as prayer books.

     The second major wave of Polish migrants was part of the massive displacement of Europe's population as a result of World War II. Those who finally landed in New Zealand came by various routes. Often forced from Poland by the war and the Nazi and Soviet occupations, all found themselves at the war's end outside the newly-established post-war boundaries of Poland. After the Yalta conference of 1945, when Poland became part of the Soviet sphere of influence, many chose not to return to a land controlled by a communist state. All shared a sense of exile and a longing for a return to a free and independent Poland. Much of what they wrote and printed here was devoted to this cause.

     First to arrive were the 'Polish Children', refugees from the Soviet occupation of eastern Poland, who had been banished to camps in the eastern USSR. When the Nazis invaded Russia in 1941, the Poles were released from their imprisonment and some, including the 'Children' reached Persia (Iran) and later, in 1944, were invited to New Zealand. It was anticipated that the 'Children' would return to Poland at the end of the war. To this end they were educated entirely in Polish according to a Polish syllabus and curriculum. Of course 1944 was only a year before the end of the war; however Pähiatua camp where they were housed remained in operation until 1949. The 'Polish Children' have been a significant group in the history of Polish immigration to New Zealand. Their education in Polish and the promotion of Polish patriotism in their early years has had important consequences for the retention and continued use of their mother tongue not only among themselves, but also their children.

     One of the Polish teachers who came with the 'Children', Krystyna Skwarko, wrote an account of their 'story'— Osiedlienie mlodziezy polskiej w Nowej Zelandii w roku 1944 (translated and published in English as The Invited ). The book was published with the help of the Polish Historical Society in Adelaide, although the author lived in Hamilton.

     The printed legacy of the Polish Children's Camp in Pähiatua has found its way into New Zealand archives and libraries. The camp files from the administration were finally deposited in the National Archives. A significant proportion of those documents were written in Polish because the Polish schools were run by Poles. Printed material such as grammars, dictionaries and histories, which helped New Zealanders to learn about Poles and Poland, had to be imported. This meant that good collections of Polish books were formed at the General Assembly Library and the Victoria University of Wellington Library.

     The Polish post-war émigrés, ex-servicemen connected to the 'Children' and displaced persons, formed an association in Wellington in the 1950s which published a newsletter, Wiadomosci Polskie , which continues in print to this day. Polish language has been a symbol of Polish national identity since the 19th century, and maintaining the language has always been an important aspect of the life of the Polish Association. Initially Wiadomosci Polskie was published entirely in Polish, but today there is material in English. In the early life of the Association, it also published several year books (1951-55). Included in these were reprints of classic Polish history and literary texts as well as original articles written by Poles in Wellington.

     Over the years the Polish Association has been involved with other publications through subgroups of its membership. For the 40th anniversary of the deportation of Poles to the Soviet Union, the Miedzyorganizacyjny Komitet Obchodu Czterdziestej Rocznicy Deportacji do ZSRR (a committee specially set up to organise commemoration activities for this anniversary) published Polacy w Nowej Zelandii: Wspomnienia deportacji do ZSRR, 1940-80, w czterdziesta rocznice (Poles in New Zealand: Memoirs of the Deportation to the USSR,1940-80, on the Fortieth Anniversary). The book includes a collection of memoirs by survivors as well as reprinted material by established authorities on the history of the deportation. It is printed entirely in Polish.

     More recently the Polish Women's League ( Kolo Polek ) have published their own set of memoirs, Wiazanka mysli i wspomnien (A Bouquet of Thoughts and Reminiscences). Every member of the League was encouraged to contribute something, original or not, to the volume—a cherished poem or prayer was also acceptable. This volume also documents the work of the League from 1965-91. Every piece is published both in Polish and English.

     Other activities of the Polish Association include the Saturday schools for teaching children Polish. The schools are organised by a Parents' Committee. Dorota Gibbs, one of the parents and teachers at one Saturday school, herself a second generation Pole with New Zealand teacher training, produced a Polish primer called Moja pierwsza czytanka (My First Reader) in 1983. The text was tailored to her particular classes where children of mixed Polish and English speaking parents learnt Polish with their parents in the classroom.

     The most recent wave of Polish immigrants arrived from the 1980s onwards either from camps (in Austria) or directly from Poland. They have generated another body of publications. Klub Polski (NZ) Inc., based in Auckland, began publishing a newsletter, Kraj (Country) in 1992. From 1994 onwards it was published by Polska Oficyna Wydawnica 'Kraj' (Polish Printing House 'Kraj'), but publication ceased in 1996. This newsletter, printed entirely in Polish, initially covered the political situation in Poland, but then became more focussed on Poles in New Zealand. The last editor of Kraj , Roman Antoszewski, published Zbior wiadomosci niezwyklych, szokujacych, madrych . . . choc nie zawsze . . . (Collection of Data: Unusual, Shocking, Sagacious . . . Albeit Not Always . . .). Another publication, a bimonthly newsletter, also based in Auckland, Solidarnosc na Antypodach (Solidarity in the Antipodes), began publishing in 1984 and has continued ever since. These two are likewise focused on political issues affecting Poland. The latter also has articles in English, intended to inform English-speaking readers about Poland.

     The printing of newspapers and journals has been especially important to the Polish diaspora since the great emigrations of the 19th century. Much of this printed material hinges on political debate about Poland and its destiny. This debate has been very lively in the post-war period especially during periods of political unrest in Poland. Much Polish material printed in New Zealand belongs in this category. A second important category of printed material is memoirs. Memoir-writing among Poles has been fuelled by W.I. Thomas and F. Znaniecki's famous study of The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (1918-21); so much so that memoir writing is now well recognised as a research tool in Poland and abroad. Other sorts of publication include the unusual Teoria magnokraftu (Theory of Magnocraft) published in 1986 by the author, Jan Pajak, a Polish engineer who lives in Invercargill.

     The Poles in New Zealand are a small community seemingly isolated for long periods from their beloved Polska. Isolated or not, their activities in print belong to the flow of literature generated by the Polish diaspora.

Scandinavian

There has been a small but regular influx of Scandinavians into New Zealand in the two centuries since Swede Daniel Solander first visited with Cook. Swedes alone numbered about 4,000 immigrants in the period up to 1940 (Aminoff, 1988). In the last five years (1991-96) 500 Scandinavians have immigrated to New Zealand, according to figures supplied by the Department of Immigration. Again, Swedes have been the most numerous, followed by Danes and Norwegians.The major wave of immigration, however, took place in the 1870s, as a direct result of Sir Julius Vogel's public works policy, to Hawkes Bay, Manawatü and the Wairarapa (Laurenson, 1955). A gathering to celebrate the 125th anniversary of the arrival of the first Scandinavian settlers was organised by the Dannevirke Scandinavian Club in early 1997.

     There are at least a dozen Scandinavian clubs or societies in New Zealand and other gatherings have taken place in Norsewood, Masterton, Hastings, New Plymouth, Foxton and Auckland, where the Scandinavian Club (Inc.) was founded in July 1939 (according to its July 1979 newsletter, held in the Hocken Library, Dunedin).

     Despite the level of Scandinavian immigration, and the obvious interest in their Scandinavian ancestors shown by many of the members of these clubs and societies, there is but little evidence of an active Scandinavian print culture in New Zealand. George Conrad Petersen (1956) records four short-lived periodicals in Scandinavian languages: Brevduen (The Carrier Pigeon), a religious monthly edited by Edward Nielsen in Mauriceville in 1875; Skandia , a newspaper edited by a Palmerston North bookseller and produced by the Manawatu Times at the end of the same year; and two more religious papers: Pastor Georg Sass's Evangelical Lutheran Monthly (1881), and Pastor D.G.M. Bach's The Scandinavian Lutheran Weekly , which was published alternately in Danish and English from June 1915 until Bach left Mauriceville in 1916.

     As regards more literary texts, all Petersen has to offer is poet Lars Andersen Schou, who wrote 'En ny sang' (A new song) in 27 verses in the early years of immigration, and 'Fremad paany' (Onward again) in 1910 (Petersen, pp.114-117).

     In contemporary New Zealand literature, Scandinavia is represented solely by texts in English. Yvonne du Fresne (b.1929) makes good use of her cultural heritage in her short stories featuring Astrid Westergaard, a young girl of Danish ancestry growing up in the Manawatü; du Fresne also sets part of her novel Motherland (1996) in Denmark. Carin Svensson (b.1942), on the other hand, is a Swedish immigrant who has chosen to write her own fiction in English, publishing a volume of short stories and a novel before returning to Sweden. She has also contributed to the cultural exchange with her native country by translating Janet Frame's Living in the Maniototo (1979) into Swedish: Bodde alltid i Maniototo (1990).

     What printed works in the Scandinavian languages are held by New Zealand libraries? In early 1997, enquiries were sent to public libraries in the four main centres in New Zealand, as well as three other centres. Replies were received from Auckland, Wellington, Christchurch and Invercargill. Auckland Public Library and the Canterbury Public Library have the largest holdings: Auckland held 104 books in all the Scandinavian languages (Danish, Icelandic, Norwegian and Swedish), though only two were in Icelandic, while Canterbury listed 67, with Swedish-and Danish-language books making up the bulk of them. There were only 11 books in Swedish in Wellington, and none in any of these languages in the smaller centre of Invercargill.

     By far the most extensive collection of books in the Scandinavian languages is that in the University of Auckland Library. The only university course in Scandinavian studies in New Zealand is that which was set up (as part of the Department of Germanic Languages and Literature) at the University of Auckland in 1965, though Old Icelandic is taught from time to time at other universities (primarily Otago and Massey). Since that time, the library has built up a collection which would be no disgrace to a public library in a reasonable-sized Swedish town.

     Given the likelihood that the earliest printed materials in the Scandinavian languages to arrive in New Zealand were religious ones, the New Zealand National Union Catalogue was searched for Bibles, hymnbooks and prayer books in those languages. A number of early Bibles were listed, many of them published by the British and Foreign Bible Society in the various Scandinavian capitals. The earliest Scandinavian Bible found was one published in Copenhagen in 1607. It is held in the Hewitson Library at Knox College in Dunedin, as are several of the others: one from 1835 which, judging by the publication details, is probably Danish, though it is catalogued as Swedish; and Swedish ones from 1814 and 1867. Auckland Public Library holds a Norwegian Bible from 1860, a Swedish one from 1864, and the only Icelandic one found, published in 1866 in London by Brezka og Erlanda Biblínfélags (the ubiquitous British and Foreign Bible Society again).

     The Union Catalogue and the Auckland University Library catalogue were then searched for books by the most prominent Scandinavian authors prior to this century, and some authors of the early to mid 19th century. Most of the oldest editions held proved to be translations into English, such as one of Nina by Swedish author Fredrika Bremer (1801-65) published in London in 1844, and History of the Swedes by Erik Gustaf Geijer (1783-1847) from the following year (both at Auckland University). Auckland Public Library holds the memoirs of Danish playwright Ludvig Holberg (1684-1754) translated from Latin into English and published in 1827.

     Of works in the original languages, the oldest editions held at Auckland University were works by Swedish poets P.D.A. Atterbom (1790-1855), Svenska siare och skalder: eller Grunddragen af svenska vitterhetens häfder , (2nd ed. 1862-63); and Geijer, Samlade skrifter (1873-77). The earliest non-translated work by Holberg was in Latin: Nicolai Klimii iter subterraneum (Havniae: Sumptibus Societatis ad Promovendas Literas Danicas Conditae, 1866). Elsewhere, Auckland Public Library holds Holberg's Den danske skueplads in an edition from 1876.

     The giants of mid 19th century Scandinavian literature were well represented in the University of Auckland Library collection, but again, the earlier holdings tend to be English translations, which suggests that those in the original languages were added to the collection after the Scandinavian Studies section was established. There are 82 items by Norwegian playwright Henrik Ibsen (1828-1906), but the earliest items in Norwegian are his collected works, published in 1906-07 (apart from a Festschrift in honour of his 70th birthday from 1898). Elsewhere, the National Library holds an 1884 edition of Kærlighedens komedie , and the Parliamentary Library reported an 1886 edition of Peer Gynt , hopefully edifying reading for our elected representatives past, present and future. This library also listed an 1876-80 edition of Samlede skrifter by Denmark's Hans Christian Andersen (1805-73). Auckland University Library has no fewer than 152 items by Ibsen's great Swedish rival, August Strindberg (1849-1912), but none predates his death. From a slightly later era, Norwegian Nobel Prizewinner Knut Hamsun (1859-1952) is represented by 34 items, none published before 1913, and from a slightly earlier one, there are no works by Norwegian playwright Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson (1832-1910) from before the same year.

     The above is just a brief sampling of New Zealand library holdings in the Scandinavian languages: those in the University of Auckland Library are obviously the most extensive. In the absence of evidence of many materials actually produced in the Scandinavian languages in New Zealand, by earlier or more recent immigrants or others, the fine library collection developed over more than 30 years by those teaching in the University of Auckland's Scandinavian Studies section must stand as the one substantial example of Scandinavian print culture in this country.