University of Virginia Library

For a particular account of this journey, See Book VI. of the Æneid.

Richard Brothers and Polly Davis, well known personages, whose missions and voyages, to the world of spirits, have caused much speculation among some very knowing ecclesiastics, whom one would suppose were rather of the lying, than the standing order.

See Barlow's “Vision of Columbus,” and “Trumbull's McFingal,” in which the heroes of the poems respectively, after the manner of the ancients, take a peep into futurity.

Numa Pompilius was a King of the Romans, who pretended to intimacy with a female spirit, whom he named Egeria, and whose monitions were probably as prophetic as those of our invisible lady.

We have before observed, Vol. I. p. 10, that we have no private nor party views to subserve in this poem. We have no interest distinct from the good of our country, and no patron but the public.

Our leading Demagogues, are quite as likely to be offered as victims at the shrine of Democracy as the Federalists. Governor McKean, who was active in bringing about a Democratic order of things in Pennsylvania, stands on very slippery ground, and is in danger of being denounced by the Aurora-man, who is the Wat Tyler of the Pennsylvania Democrats.

To enumerate the most prominent measures of the Federal Administration, and the benefits which have resulted to the nation from the Federal system, would require volumes. We shall slightly advert to a few particulars, by way of elucidating this fact.

The Federalists found the country without permanent revenue, and without money in the Treasury sufficient to defray the necessary expences of Government; upwards of seventy-six millions in debt; the securities of Government selling at two shillings on the pound; the nation distracted at home and despised abroad—

Such was the state of things when they commenced their operations.

They liquidated the public funds for the extinction, of the national debt; punctually paid the interest and part of the principal.

They fortified our harbours.

They sought for and obtained indemnity for British and French spoliations.

They suppressed insurrections.

They built and purchased a Navy of thirty-six armed ships.

They secured peace abroad.

They established a Government at home.

They exalted our national character: under their auspices Agriculture flourished, Commerce was protected, a Revenue created without burthening the people, and Two Millions and an Half Dollars left in the Public Treasury.

McFingal.

If any of our readers are not yet fully acquainted with the despicable means by which our Jacobins attained the great end of destroying the Federal Administration, they are referred to Mr. Bayard's speech on the Judiciary Bill, spoken February 19, 1802. We should be happy to insert that part of it which relates to a vindication of the measures of the Federal Administration, did not its length exceed our limits. One sentence, however, relative to the clamour, which the Antifederalists have raised against direct taxation, the abolition of which, according to Mr. Jefferson's late speech, (March, 1805) is one of the measures so highly commendable in the gentlemen now at the head of our affairs, we cannot forbear to quote.

“Will gentlemen say that the direct tax was laid in order to enlarge the bounds of patronage? Will they deny that this was a measure to which we had been urged for years, by our adversaries, because they saw in it the ruin of the Federal power?”

This is the way they have managed—cunningly clamoured the Federal Administration into measures, which they foresaw might be rendered obnoxious to the people, and then took advantage of the odium which such measures had excited!

These laws were among the measures of the late Administration, which were obnoxious to the tyrants in power, merely because they were favourable to the rights of the citizen. The Alien law provided for the deportation, under certain circumstances, of turbulent and seditious foreigners; the latter gave our citizens a right to publish the truth concerning the measures of government. See Vol. I. N. 12. P. 8.

No man whose head is not very weak, or his heart very wicked, can contemplate, without emotions too vivid to be expressed, the conduct of the Faction in their destruction of the Judiciary. The sound arguments on the one side, and the flimsy sophisms on the other side of that great national question, when contrasted, must convince every person, that those men who laid their sacrilegious hands on the ark of our safety, were predetermined not to be convinced, but to stick to their party, right or wrong. See Vol. I. P. 168. N. 169.

More than thirty-two thousand dollars were expended in repairing the French Corvette Berceau. The Ganges, an American ship of war of 26 guns, and all her stores, were sold by administration for only 21,000 dollars, and most of the other ships of the Federal navy, we believe, in the same proportion.

See a resolve of Congress of November, 1803, that a sum of two millions of dollars in addition to the provision heretofore made, should be granted to the purposes of intercourse between us and foreign nations.

Every body knows that Master Johnny Randolph has of late been attempting to put off the monkey, and put on the tiger, and to bully the nonconformists of his party into genuine Republicanism. But his essays in the terrible, have terminated in the ludicrous, for even Miss Nancy Dawson declares that she will not be frightened out of her independence, by this whipper-in of the puppies of the party.

It is well known that the Democratic party were formerly most violent opponents of the Federal Constitution. Mr. Jefferson declared that he “disliked, and greatly disliked” many parts of it. We could, therefore, expect nothing better from the enemies of the Constitution, than that they would endeavour to destroy it. Some of the outworks are already demolished, and the citadel is to be attacked the next session, (Nov. 1805.) It is to be hoped that those Democrats, who are not rendered quite frantic by the spirit of party, will be taught, from the endeavours of our Randolphs and Nicholsons, the impolicy of placing the enemies of the Constitution of the United States in situations where they can, with impunity, aim their blows at its vitals. Would any man of a sound mind suffer his house to be tenanted by persons, who, after having vainly opposed its erection, had declared that its corner stones ought to be subtracted from the building, and its principal pillars be laid prostrate? Yet such is the part which we have acted in trusting the administration of the Federal Government in the hands of men who were inimical to that government at its establishment, and who, even now, neglect no opportunity for the display of their hostility to the constitution by which it is administered.

To wit, scribbling newspaper essays for the Snyderites at Pennsylvania.

This may seem very harsh doctrine. The sense in which I use the phrase quoted in this place, may, however, be explained, by referring to Vol. I. N. 4. P. 4.

I would not wish to hunt bad men with mobs, nor with mastiffs, but I would hold them out to society in true colours, and if the voice of the public does not consign them to infamy, Americans will pass from the “tempestuous sea” of licentiousness, to the “dead calm of despotism,” with the embittering reflection that they have merited their destiny. Thus, in France, after the destruction of Fayette and others of their leaders, who were solicitous to reform the abuses of the old government, and who were mostly well-meaning men, a succession of tygers, in human shape, afflicted the nation, till the most ferocious monster the kingdom afforded, was at length made Emperor.

There is, perhaps, no pride more preposterous than that which impels so many, in the middle and lower classes in society, to exert themselves to confer a collegiate education on their children, not only minerva invita, but when the res angusta domus opposes insurmountable impediments to their progress. “What good end (says an English writer) can it answer in these times, when every genteel profession is overstocked, to rob our agriculture or our manufactures of so many useful hands, by encouraging every substantial farmer, mechanic, or tradesman, to breed his son to the church;” and he might have added, or any other learned profession. “If now and then a very uncommon genius in those walks of life discovers itself, there are seldom wanting gentlemen in the neighbourhood, who are proud of calling forth, and if necessary, of supporting, by a subscription, such extraordinary talents.”

The multiplying of Academics, and poorly endowed Colleges, where that “dangerous thing.” “a little learning,” may be acquired, and frequently to the detriment of common Schools, in which that kind of knowledge is taught which is absolutely necessary for farmers, mechanics, &c. is, in our opinion, a great and a growing evil in America. Happy would it be for us if the number of the useful class of citizens, who form the basis of society, was greater in proportion to the population of the country.

And where subordination ends, tyranny begins; at first the “tyranny of all,” which soon becomes the tyranny of the few, or the despotism of one.

In the general scramble for political distinction, which takes place in America, in consequence of the door of office being open to every pretender, the basest means are resorted to, and the morals of the people are corrupted by the example of those who are aspiring to take the lead in the community. This evil might, in a great degree, be remedied by lessening the number of competitors for offices. Let every man have a right to aspire to the highest stations, but let the pre-requisite qualifications, respecting age, education, talents, citizenship, but above all morals, be such, that the number of competitors, would be comparatively few.

Regulations of that kind would be perfectly consistent with freedom, the ascendency of virtue and talents and the experience of ages.

These remarks apply, not only to the candidates for offices or emoluments under government, but to those who are crowding themselves into the learned professions, without those qualifications which ought to be considered as indispensable.

I know that Duane and the Jacobins of his school, maintain, that the learned professions, particularly that of Law, ought to be annihilated; and they may as well be annihilated, as to be crowded with witlings and unqualified professors. But it is to be hoped the good sense of Americans will resist the innovations of these Godwinian schemers.

Duane and his faction, may as well declare against watch-makers, tailors, or any others mechanics, as lawyers, or gentlemen of the other learned professions.— They are each subservient to the happiness or convenience of all, and altogether constitute a civilized nation. But if what we have advanced in our exposition of the principles of Mr. Godwin, in Canto II. relative to the tendency of these and similar levelling tenets, should make no impression on the reader, we must turn him over to the demagogues of the day.

If our New School politicians are not too fastidious to peruse with patience, even the Apocryphal part of the Bible, we would beg leave to illustrate our ideas on this subject, by a quotation from Ecclesiasticus, Chapter XXXVIII. v. 24, to the end of the chapter.

“The wisdom of a learned man cometh by opportunity of leisure: and he that hath little business shall become wise.

“How can he get wisdom that holdeth the plough, and that glorieth in the goad; that driveth oxen, and is occupied in their labours, and whose talk is of bullocks?

“He giveth his mind to make furrows; and is diligent to give the kine fodder.

“So every carpenter and workmaster that laboureth night and day: and they that cut and grave seals, and are diligent to make great variety, and give themselves to counterfeit imagery, and watch to finish a work:

“The smith also sitting by the anvil, and considering the iron work, the vapour of the fire wasteth his flesh, and he fighteth with the heat of the furnace: the noise of the hammer and the anvil is ever in his ears, and his eyes look still upon the pattern of the thing that he maketh; he setteth his mind to finish his work, and watcheth to polish it perfectly:

“So doth the potter sitting at his work, and turning the wheel about with his feet, who is always carefully set at his work: and maketh all his work by number;

“He fashioneth the clay with his arm, and boweth down his strength before his feet, he applieth himself to lead it over; and he is diligent to make clean the furnace:

“All these trust to their hands: and every one is wise in his work.

“Without these cannot a city be inhabited: and they shall not dwell where they will, nor go up and down: They shall not be sought for in public counsel, nor sit high, in the congregation: they shall not sit on the judges' seat, nor understand the sentence of judgment: they cannot declare justice and judgment, and they shall not be found where parables are spoken.

“But they will maintain the state of the world, and [all] their desire is in the work of the craft.”

It is impossible for any person who is truly a philanthropist not to feel his indignation excited against the perverse philosophists of the day, who, instead of inculcating patience and tranquility among mankind, are continually exciting that restive and turbulent spirit, which is the bane of civilised society. It is owing to their efforts that the hearts of the lower classes in the community /are so frequently “Cankered with discontent, that they consider themselves as condemned to labour for the luxury of the rich, and look up with stupid malevolence towards those who are placed above them.”

Johnson's Rasselas, Prince of Abysinnia.

He who has been in early life accustomed to laborious occupations, can rarely conform to sedentary pursuits: accustomed to the stimulus of violent corporeal exercise, his frame will be disordered, from its discontinuance. Listlessness, apathy, hypochondriacal complaints, and not unfrequently madness, swell the catalogue of disorders which await a transition of that kind. Hence the impracticability of civilizing the aborigines of America, who have, in early life, been inured to the toil of the hunter state.

The failure of this poor little “ghost of a monkey,” in his impeachment of Mr. Chase, cannot but afford high satisfaction to every friend to his country. We have reason to believe that had Mr. Chase fallen, it was the intention of the stripling tyrant, and his confederate mamelukes, to have destroyed all the Federal Judges, at “one fell swoop.”

It was happily so ordered, that he made his attack on one every way able to defend himself against the malicious and vindictive assaults of the Faction, and who has not only repelled the shafts of their calumny, but by his masterly vindication of his conduct, has done honour to Federalism and to his country.

The charges to which we here allude, are already before the public. We offer no comments, but merely observe, that the man, who, after having witnessed the developement of the character of this candidate for the Gubernatorial chair will give him his suffrage, has not virtue enough to qualify him to be the citizen of a free government; and if a majority of the citizens of Massachusetts are base enough to prefer this man to Governor Strong, national freedom is at its last gasp, and the character of the State is fast sinking to the lowest point of degradation.

We allude here to the well known publication in the New-England Palladium, entitled, “The monarchy of Federalism,” which gives in short hand, a correct idea of the man whom our Democrats “delight to honour.” The pamphlet, entitled, “The Defence of Young and Minns,” which contains copies of the documents, and statements of the facts alluded to in that publication, ought to be in the hands of every American freeman who is not disposed to rush blindfold into the jaws of destruction.

Nothing can be more preposterous than the declamatory nonsense of the demagogues of the day, who clamour about the “rights of man.” If these gentlemen wish to mix a little knowledge with their zeal on this subject, they will diligently con Judge Blackstone's Commentaries, particularly the first Chapter of the first Book, which treats of the “Rights of Persons.”

Mr. Elliot's letters to his constituents display very considerable candor, and certain aproximations to rectitude, for which he ought to receive a due degree of credit.

This gentleman, together with many others, much his inferiors in abilities and integrity, was elected to Congress by a party who were opposed to the Washington and Adams administration; but perceiving that the views of the leaders of that party were destructive to the Constitution, Laws and Liberty of the Union, he appears now to halt between two opinions. He will, by no means, acknowledge himself to be a Federalist, although his political tenets appear now to be very nearly the same with those always held by the Federal party. Perhaps, however, he may hereafter observe of some other political subjects what he has already remarked relative to a certain amendment of the Constitution, that he “had never contemplated the subject with a suitable degree of cool reflection and deep investigation.” No doubt a proper attention to contemplations of that kind might induce him to become altogether a Federalist!

We cannot, however, forbear to notice a slight inconsistency which appears in his “political creed,” as expressed in his 11th letter to his constituents. Mr. Elliot says, “I believe that Washington was the greatest warrior and probably the most correct statesman in our country. I believe Adams to be a man of integrity and talents, but the general system of his Administration was wrong.” Now a “correct statesman” is not apt to give his sanction to wrong measures, but Washington did highly approve of Mr. Adams' Administration, as appears by his letter to Mr. Carrol.

See Mr. Elliot's 3d Letter to his Constituents.

These gentlemen have all been of the Democratic party, but had honesty and independence enough to oppose the machinations of the Virginian junto.

It cannot be necessary in this place, to repeat what has been so often urged on the subject of “Universal Suffrage.” Some qualifications as respects property, residence, and citizenship, ever have, and ever will be found necessary in a civilized state of society, in order to entitle a man by his vote, to dispose of the property of others. What should we say of one, who assumed a right to direct the operations, and tax the shares of a private company of merchants, who held no stock belonging to the company?

In that invaluable digest of the principles of our government entitled “The Federalist” we find the following apprehensions expressed on this subject.

“Experience assures us that the efficacy of parchment barriers has been greatly over-rated, and that some more adequate defence is indispensably necessary, for the more feeble against the more powerful members of the government. The Legislative department is every where extending the sphere of its activity, and drawing all power into its impetuous vortex.”

If this “more adequate defence” should not be found in public opinion, our Constitution will fall, our political and civil rights will soon share its fate, and despotism in America, as in France, will at length prove our only asylum from the horrors of anarchy.

The remarks of the eloquent Mallet Du Pan, on the fate of Switzerland, corroborate these observations.

One of the most dangerous errors of those among our democrats, who are rather the deluded than the deluders, is an opinion that our attention to the affairs of government ought to be directed altogether to measures without adverting to men. But an evil tree cannot produce good fruit, neither can ignorant wrongheaded and wicked men give origin and support to measures which are beneficial to the public. Yet how often do we trust those in public station in whom we could place no confidence in private life, and how many democrats like Matthew Lyon give countenance to your Duanes and Cheethams, knowing them such as Lyon has described his “old friend,” that is entirely destitute of common honesty. Such men deserve to be made “hewers of wood and drawers of water,” as a punishment for their stupidity, lack of political honesty, and public spirit.

Mr. Burr's attempt to obtain the privilege of franking letters is an indication of the kind of freedom with which he and his party would favour the simpletons, who are capable of being lulled to repose by the syren song of Liberty and Equality.

Those men who were honoured with the confidence of their fellow-citizens and appointed to office under Washington and Adams' Administration, were selected from among their fellow-citizens, because they were known to be “honest and faithful.” Now the inquiry, as Mr. J---n's answer to the New Haven remonstrance implies, is altogether whether the candidate is of the right political sect. The demon of party brought forward the Democrats, not any intrinsic merits of their own. The same evil spirit which gave France her Marats, her Roberspieres, and her Buonaparte, has given America the tyrants who have put a period to the political existence of the Federalists, and who, as Duane has intimated, would lead them to the scaffold if they dared. If we have not virtue enough to retrace our steps and return to primitive men and measures, we may foresee in the fall of France what must be the termination of our struggles for Liberty.

Many of our luke-warm Federalists, seem disposed to slide down the steep of Democracy, without an effort to save themselves and country, from the unlimited misery which awaits such a career. They say, that Americans have not virtue enough to support a Republican Government, and that we had better remain contented under the present state of our affairs, than by exertions which must prove fruitless, to hazard the introduction of a still worse order of things. But this is very foolish reasoning. As well might a physician determine to give no medicine to allay the rage of a fever, because the disorder will have its crisis. If the efforts of the Federalists should be unremitted, they will be, at least, able to muzzle the Mammoth of Democracy, and evade much of the evil which would inevitably ensue, should the monster be suffered to roam perfectly unrestrained. But we cannot better conclude this note, than with the remarks of the Editor of the Utica Patriot, an excellent Federal Newspaper.

“The cause of Federalism, we trust, has passed its most gloomy period. The ebb tide has arrived to its utmost point, and will shortly be succeeded by a flood, which will overwhelm its enemies in one prodigious ruin. The government again in the hands of the Federalists, the wounds which have been inflicted on the constitution, would be shortly healed, the government would convalesce from its present weakness, to perfect health and vigour, and the blessings of rational liberty would again be enjoyed in their pristine purity. Then let Federalists, knowing the justice of their cause, and its importance to the salvation of their country, be animated to exertion; and let each good man and true patriot adopt for himself, the language of the Poet: