University of Virginia Library

The parish of Greenfield consists of about thirteen square miles. On this little tract were found, at the time of the late census, almost fourteen hundred inhabitants: a population as great, as that of Britain, if the accounts which I have seen, of the extent and population of that country, are just. The people of Greenfield are almost all Farmers, and have no advantages for support, besides those which are common to N. England in general. Thus without any peculiar assistance from commerce, or manufacturing, an immense population can exist on the mere labours of the husbandman. The people of Greenfield, also, very generally abound in the necessaries and comforts of life. Such are the effects of an equal division of property, and of the cultivation of lands by the proprietors.

No country has been more unjustly or contemptibly slandered, than New England.

I have ventured to use this word, as a verb. It appeared to me better to express the idea intended, than any other word, which I could recollect.

A remarkable proof of the mildness of manners, in New England, existed during the late war. The inhabitants were at least as much divided, and as directly opposed, both in opinion and conduct, as those of France; and through a much longer period. Yet not one person was put to death by the hand of violence, and but one by the hand of civil justice, during an eight years war, and in a country containing a million of inhabitants.

The State of Connecticut exhibits the most uniform and unmixed manners, to be found in New England; and those, which may, with the greatest propriety, be called the national manners of that country.

The happiness of the inhabitants of Connecticut appears, like their manners, morals, and government, to exceed any thing, of which the Eastern continent could ever boast. A thorough and impartial developement of the state of society, in Connecticut, and a complete investigation of the sources of its happiness, would probably throw more light on the true methods of promoting the interests of mankind, than all the volumes of philosophy, which have been written. The causes, which have already produced happiness, will ever produce it. To facts alone, therefore, ought we to resort, if we would obtain this important knowledge. Theories are usually mere dreams; fitted to amuse, not to instruct; and Philosophers, at least political ones, are usually mere Theorists. The common sense of the early Colonists of New England saw farther into political subjects, those at least, which are of great importance to human happiness, than all the Philosophers, who have written since the world began.

Nothing can be more visionary, than many modern Philosophic opinions, concerning government. All human systems, respecting practical subjects, unless derived from facts, will ever be visionary, and deserve to be classed with substantial forms, subtil matter, and atomic tendency to exertion. Man is wholly unable, by mere contemplation, to bring into his view a number of principles sufficient to constitute a theory, which can consist with practice. One would imagine that the universal fate of hypothetical philosophy must long since have taught ingenious men this obvious truth; but the pleasure of making, and defending, systems, is so great, that such men are still employed in building air-castles, and in seriously expecting to inhabit them.

If gentlemen, who are natives of Europe, should think this paragraph harsh, or unfounded, the writer requests them so far to turn their attention to the several facts, mentioned in it, as to satisfy themselves, whether the ascription be just, or erroneous. The natives of Great Britain, particularly, will find, in distinguished writers of that country, descriptions of British society, warranting all, that is asserted in this poem: descriptions confirmed, so far, at least, as the author's acquaintance has extended, by those Americans, who have travelled into Britain. The Task, one of the most sensible and valuable performances, in the English language, is alone a sufficient justification of no small part of what is here declared.

It is, perhaps, not to be wondered at, that the state of society, lately existing in France, should be followed by extensive and ridiculous infidelity; but that such a speech as that said to be uttered, Dec. 1792, by Citizen Dupont, should have been spoken by any man, on any occasion, and before any audience, would hardly have been believed, unless published with high authentication. That it should have been uttered by a man, characterized as a man of weight and influence, is still more astonishing: and that it should have been received, by the Legislative Assembly of a great Nation, with applause, is a fact, which, if it should, unhappily for the honour of human nature, be handed to posterity, will probably be regarded rather as a Provencal legend, than as a reality. Of the like contemptible character are the later declarations of Citizen Lacroix, on the petition of the Quakers and Anabaptists; in which are the following words. “The Constitution is my Gospel, and Liberty is my God. I know no other.” These gentlemen appear ambitious of rivalling the character of Aretine, on whose tomb this inscription is said to have been written.

I have seen a memorial, said to be presented to his British Majesty, by the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, of London; in which they declare, that within ten years, 4,800 persons had, in that city, been convicted of felony. In New England, which contains more inhabitants than London, it is to be questioned, whether, in any ten years, since it was settled by the English, there have been ten persons convicted of felony. A partial account, for this enormous disproportion, may be found in the mildness of the laws of New England, which are far less sanguinary, than those of Great Britain. It may also be justly observed, that London is a city of enormous wealth, and enormous poverty, and a general receptacle of sharpers and villains from the whole British empire; as well as from several other countries. But it is also to be remembered, that a great proportion of the felons, convicted in New England, are natives of Europe. It is probable, that the subject cannot be explained in any manner, which will not involve, as its principal causes, the very great difference, in the respective places, to be found in the universality of happiness, and in the purity of morals.

The fashions of Europe, especially of Britain and France, suit neither the climate, the convenience, the policy, the property, nor the character, of this country. The changes of climate in this country require modes of dressing very different from those, which are healthful in France and England. The Americans are generally people of business, and, of course, must be greatly and continually incommoded by an adoption of many foreign fashions. Our policy naturally teaches us to reject all servile imitation of the manners of other countries; and all constant imitation is attended with servility. The dignified character of free republicans ought to lead them to despise a perpetual change in the figure of dress; to aim only at such modes as are convenient, and to persevere in them; to shew their independence, in the choice of their own modes, and their ingenuity in the invention of them; and to manifest a total superiority to the miserable frippery of artificial society. In the mean time, our pecuniary circumstances would be advantageously consulted, by the adoption of dress, in all respects such as might well consist with our general mediocrity of wealth. The Friends appear to shew much good sense on this subject.

War has existed, in some, or other, of the countries of Europe, 75 years, out of the 92, which have elapsed, since the beginning of the present century; a century boasted of, as the most enlightened, refined, and humane, within the knowledge of mankind. The causes of these wars have, also, been generally such, as ought to cover the authors of them with deep and perpetual infamy.

Few objects more demand the attention of men of influence, in this country, than the establishment of national manners. That much may be done, for this purpose, will not, I presume, be questioned. There are but two, or three countries, in the United States, in which the manners have any thing like a general uniformity: the low country of Virginia, the low country of South Carolina, and New England. The manners of Virginia and South Carolina cannot be easily continued, without the continuance of the Negro slavery; an event, which can scarcely be expected. The manners of New England appear to be rapidly spreading through the American republic; the natives of that country being generally even more tenacious of their manners, when abroad, than when at home. When the enterprize, industry, œconomy, morals, and happiness, of New England, especially of Connecticut, are attentively considered, the patriotic mind will perhaps find much more reason to rejoice in this prospect, than to regret it.

The peculiar prosperity of New England in general, and particularly of Massachusetts and Connecticut, undoubtedly arises from the equal division of property, the universal establishment of schools, and their peculiar manner of supporting the gospel.

Ah! knew he but his happiness, of men the happiest he, &c.

Dan. 12. 13.