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From the Bishop of Gloucester to Lord Hailes: The Correspondence of William Warburton and David Dalrymple by Donald W. Nichol
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From the Bishop of Gloucester to Lord Hailes: The Correspondence of William Warburton and David Dalrymple
by
Donald W. Nichol

William Warburton, Bishop of Gloucester (1698-1779), and David Dalrymple, 3rd Bart. Lord Hailes (1726-92), carried on a lengthy correspondence from 1762 to 1776 touching on antiquarian, bibliographical, historical, legal and philological matters. The letters have in recent years become accessible to scholars through the acquisition of the New Hailes collection by the National Library of Scotland.[1] Unfortunately, only one side of this correspondence—Warburton's—is known to survive. Warburton's scarcely noted interest in Scottish life, literature and culture is made abundant here. His letters pass comment on subjects as diverse as James Beattie and the Edinburgh professoriat, the Berean sect, copyright litigation, the Douglas cause, the Foulis press, the origin of words like 'Pipowers' and 'sallet,' and various printing specimens for Dalrymple's books.

In 1762 Warburton was in his mid-sixties, although his literary disputes were not yet over. Warburton had risen to the height of his clerical career with his consecration as Bishop of Gloucester in 1760. His series of seven letters in The History of the Works of the Learned in 1738 defending Alexander Pope's An Essay on Man from the attacks of the Swiss theologian Jean Pierre de Crousaz had brought him into the poet's influential sphere in the


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early 1740s. Through Pope, Warburton met the Prior Park benefactor, Ralph Allen, whose niece, Gertrude Tucker, Warburton married in 1746. Warburton's editions of Shakespeare (1747) and Pope (1751) were widely attacked. In the 1750s, Warburton had been embroiled in the controversies surrounding deism and naturalism expounded by Henry St. John, Lord Bolingbroke, and David Hume. Shortly after his correspondence with Dalrymple commenced, Warburton was ridiculed by John Wilkes in the obscene parody, An Essay on Woman, which rocked the House of Lords on 15 November 1763; but this scandal was soon overshadowed by the furor over number 45 of Wilkes' North Briton, which was declared a seditious libel against George III by the House of Commons.

Twenty-eight years Warburton's junior, Dalrymple had been admitted to the Faculty of Advocates in 1748. Dalrymple was raised to the Bench as Lord Hailes in 1766 and appointed a Lord of the Justiciary in 1776.[2] This eminent Scottish biographer, historian, judge and editor sent Warburton a copy of Memorials and Letters Relating to the History of Britain in the Reign of James I in the spring of 1762. On the same date as his first known letter to Dalrymple, Warburton sent the following note to the London bookseller Thomas Becket which suggests that Dalrymple was a stranger to him: 'I beg you would direct the inclosed to Mr Dalrimple who it seems is now Sr David Dalrimple. but as I neither know his titles nor address, I have left the direction to you and have franked it, because I suppose it is to go by the post' (Historical Society of Pennsylvania: Gratz Collection). Warburton's enclosure was very likely his first letter below.[3] Becket may well have brought the correspondents together: he published Sir John Dalrymple's The Appeal to Reason to the People of England, on the Present State of Parties in the Nation in 1763. On the other hand, the Edinburgh-born London bookseller Andrew Millar may have provided the link: Millar published both Warburton's and Pope's works from 1755 to 1769 as well as John Dalrymple's popular An Essay towards a General History of Feudal Property in Great Britain, which ran to four editions from 1757 to 1759.


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David Dalrymple sought Warburton's advice on the publication of An Account of the Preservation of King Charles II, with his Letters (1766), Memorials and Letters Relating to the History of Britain in the Reign of Charles I (1766) and Annals of Scotland from Malcolm Canmore to Robert I (1776). Warburton and Dalrymple shared passionate interests in antiquarian and contemporary books. With Dalrymple, Warburton felt he could let loose his collar and be on familiar terms, although they did not always see eye to eye: in 1774, Dalrymple and Warburton evidently took opposing sides in the great literary property debate. Warburton, who as the main copyright-holder of Pope's works had a strong financial incentive for preserving monopolies, put forward his case in the anonymous 1747 pamphlet, A Letter from an Author to a Member of Parliament concerning Literary Property. Dalrymple inclined towards the prevailing view that monopolies held by small groups of mainly London-based booksellers were untenable. In the arguments over the case of Hinton v. Donaldson (the result of which led Donaldson to victory in the precedent-setting case against Becket in the House of Lords), The Decision of the Court of Session, Upon the Question of Literary Property, compiled by James Boswell (Edinburgh: Printed by James Donaldson, for Alexander Donaldson, 1774), Dalrymple referred to his correspondent in defense of Donaldson: 'in the opinion of The Sages in St. Paul's Church Yard, Stackhouse is no less an original author than Hooker or Warburton' (p. 8).

Unfortunately, Warburton did not live long enough to see Dalrymple's Disquisitions concerning the Antiquities of the Christian Church (1783). Warburton's last known letter to Dalrymple, dated 29 February 1776, acknowledged his receipt of a volume of the Annals of Scotland and 'an elegant edition of Languet's Epistles'. His only son, named after Ralph Allen, died of consumption in 1775, and Warburton, who never completely recovered from the shock, died on 7 June 1779. Almost a year after the bishop's death, Warburton's widow drew up a list of his manuscripts for Richard Hurd, his literary executor and editor. Bishop Hurd, translated to Worcester in 1781, acquired Warburton's collection for his new library in Hartlebury Castle; Pope's library had been more or less re-united when Warburton inherited Ralph Allen's library in 1764. On 3 May 1780, Gertrude Warburton sent Hurd a letter along with her inventory from Prior Park, which might explain what happened to the letters Dalrymple sent to Warburton:

Your Lordship will favour me by letting me know what part of the Papers you wish to see, & what part of them you wd. advise me to burn. The poor Bishop himself destroyd numbers of Letters & other papers before his Death. It may be right to return Lord Mansfields Letters, the only one of his Correspondents now alive, except Dalrymple. (Hartlebury Castle: Hurd MS. 16, ff.10-11)
Under the heading 'Letters to the Bishop', she included 'Ld. Mansfield 2 or 3 dozen', but all that appears under Warburton's other surviving Scottish correspondent is: 'Dalrymple, relating to his Work, the Annals of Scotland'. Pope's old friend and Warburton's legal adviser, William Murray, Lord Mansfield, whose library was destroyed in the Gordon Riots of June 1780,

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died in 1793. The extent of Warburton's burning of his own manuscripts is unknown, as is any subsequent destruction. None of the papers listed in Gertrude Warburton's inventory is known to survive at Prior Park or Hartlebury Castle. According to Robert M. Ryley, approximately one thousand letters to and from Warburton survive (William Warburton, 1984, p. 91). Warburton may have inadvertently lost or destroyed his letters from Dalrymple.

Notes: The following twenty-six letters have been transcribed as closely as modern fonts will allow. Warburton's use of capitals, superscribed letters, punctuation, paragraph indents and spelling have all been preserved. Where deletions are still legible, they have been given as strike-throughs. Suffixes denoting ordinal numbers generally appear as a swirl which I have rendered as a small circumflex. I have silently corrected "it's" where "its" is appropriate, but have preserved spelling idiosyncrasies (e.g. "knowlege" and "acknowlege"). Square brackets are used for editorial insertions; carets denote Warburton's interpolations. Two letters, both sent from Gloucester, dated 7 May and 20 June 1774 (old reference number: Acc. 7228/18, ff.167-168 and 169-170) have gone missing, presumed stolen, between the editor's cataloguing and transcribing of this correspondence. For further light on Warburton's papers and controversies, see Pope's Literary Legacy: the Book-Trade Correspondence of William Warburton and John Knapton with other letters and related documents (1744-1780), ed. Donald W. Nichol (Oxford Bibliographical Society, ns XXIII, 1992). The following short forms have been adopted:

  • Gaskell Philip Gaskell, A Bibliography of the Foulis Press, 2nd ed., Winchester: St. Paul's Bibliographies, 1986
  • G.S. [in letters] Grosvenor Square, London
  • NLS National Library of Scotland
  • P.P. Prior Park

Letter 1
9 May 1762
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 120-121

Grosvenor Square
May 9rv 1762 Sir

I had the honour to receive, by your order, a small but very choice collection of Original Letters; for which I beg leave to return you my best thanks.[4] I hope we shall have many following Vols from you, of the same kind. This is a species of Literature that equally delights men of the best taste & those of no taste at all; I mean, true Critics & true Antiquarians. But it is a field in which the former only should Labour, or we shall continue to have, what we have had so much of hitherto, the weeds collected instead of the Corn.

I have the honour to be,
Sir, your very obliged & faithfull

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humble Servant
W. Gloucester
[f.121 blank]

Letter 2
6 March 1764
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 122-123

Grosvenor Square March 16^ 1764
Good Sir,

I have the honour of yours of the 12^. this evening.

Mr Hales of Eaton[5] was one of the most enlarged thinkers of his time: and tho', in his stile, he had not (like Chillingworth) got above the quaint pedantry of the age of James the 1st, at a time when good writers were growing ashamed of it, and the coming troubles shook it all off, and nature & simplicity of expression regained their rights, to paint the turbulent passions of a new set of actors on the public Scene; yet, with regard to his matter, neither Chillingworth nor any other excelled him, either in extent of knowlege, in accuracy of judgment, or in brilliancy of wit. And how much his talents struck the public fancy may be seen by this trifling circumstance. The editors of the 4° Ed. of his Sermons & letters, have put a celebrated comparison of his, on the subject of controversial Divinity, into picture, to ornament the frontispiece of the title page.[6]

On the whole, I think nothing more worthy of a learned age than an elegant and compleat edition of this great Man's writings. But whether this age be worthy of them is another question, as being but little intitled to the above appelation. However this I am pretty sure of, that it will stand a better chance of good reception in coming from the north, than if printed here; not only on account of the superior execution of the printer's part, but from our opinion of the literature of the north: for amidst this rage of Faction in dep[r]eciating North Britain, I meet with few but who do justice to its Learning. I will leave you to judge in what condition Letters are here at present, when I tell you, that the London Booksellers assure me, that while the English translation of Hugo Grotius's book of the truth of Christian Religion [7] is in constant sale amongst the Clergy they never [matter deleted] sell a Latin


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one. But Hales's works are happily in English. And I am such a zealot for having the memory of our best English writers of the golden ages of literature revived by new Editions of their works, that the Bp of Clonfert in Ireland,[8] a grandson of the famous Cumberland, just now applying to me for my opinion of the propriety of a new Edition of his Grandfather's incomparable book de Legibus naturœ,[9] a copy of which he put into my hands corrected by his Father in Law, Dr Bentley, that I encouraged him, (who sought only his Grandfather's honour) to reprint it, tho' written in very barbarous latin. You see, Sir, my fondness for these Heros of happier times makes my judgment not to be depended on as to ye success of a new Edition of Hales's works. one thing only I am assured of, that you could not make a nobler present to the Public, how little soever its futility may deserve it. I shall always be proud in being honoured with your commands, and am,

Sir, with the truest regard
& esteem, your most Obedient
& faithfull humble Servant
W. Gloucester

Letter 3
28 March 1764
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 124-125

Grosvenor Square March 28 1764
Worthy Sir,

I have the honour of yours of the 23^ The specimen is very elegant.

I have not Hales's Sermons by me, and so do not know to what he predicates, eo dulciùs quo secretiùs.[10] But the subject determines the sense. If he says it of devotion, then the sense is, that the more secret & sequestered the acts of it are, the more rapturous they become. if he says it of the spiritual sense of Scripture (as the subject of the sermon would make one think) then I suppose it means, the profounder you dive into the Sacred Writer's meaning, the more delightfull & wonderfull you find it.

The, Coli Deos sanctè magis quam scitè,[11] I suppose means, worship rather in the simple purity of a pious mind, than with the studied elegance of pomp


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& magnificence—This, if the external act of worship be meant. But if, by cole, the context leads you to understand the Contemplation of the Deity, than [sic] the meaning must be, search not too curiously into the Divine nature but approach it with reverence & a pious mind.

Des Maizeaux a french Refugé well known in the republic of Letters 30 or 40 years ago wrote the life of Mr J. Hales in the manner of one of Bayle's lives, in a very thin 8°.[12] it is curiously written and I suppose would not be improper to prefix to a compleat Edn.

There is a miserable & enormous heap of stuff, called Biographia Brit. for the composition of which, the undertaking Booksellers called from the way side the lame & the blind &c. yet it suited the People & preserved some little credit with others by means of Mr Cambel a man of sense & industry who has written much for the Booksellers and composed some few lives in this Collection.[13] I suppose Hales's life may be found in it, probably transcribed from Des Maizeaux.[14]

Fowlis of Glascow[15] is an excellent printer but often when the type & paper are excellent he deforms the Edition by too narrow a margin, & a disproportioned letter. I think the success of this Edn, (especially in England, where we are more struck with circumstances than essentials) will depend much on the elegance of the Edition.

I have the honour to be
Sir your very faithfull and
Obedient humble Servant
W. Gloucester

Letter 4
30 March 1764
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 126-127

Sir

I have got, since I sent my last, Hales's sermons, & I find, that eo dulcius is a kind of fanatical speech of Fulgentius[16] concerning inspiration and means that where Truth speaks without the use of speech or writing, there, the more secret the information is, the more delightfull. Sancti magis quam scite[17] I see is to be understood in the second sense I gave it, of not inquiring with too


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much curiosity into divine matters, but receiving them as they are delivered in the simplicity of a pious mind.

Sir your most obedient
humble Servant
W. Gloucester G.S. March 30 1764
[f.127 blank]

Letter 5
13 October 1764
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 128-129

Prior Park near Bath
Octr 13∧ 1764
Dear Sir,

I received the honour of yours of the 1st inst. yesterday at this place. I think the printers have advised right as to the size of Hales's Edition.[18] The cheapness of it will invite purchasers in the North and the elegance of it will make it sought after, here.

The testimonies of Authors is certainly right.[19] I have not had an opportunity, as I remember, of giving the Character of Mr Hales in any of my Writings.

You did not in any of your Letters, as I remember, speak of your declining to republish Hales's life by Des Maiseaux; at the same time I never supposed you had any such intention: for I think of the man just as you do—a miserable Refugeé, who with a very moderate share of Learning & of parts, fled from persecution in France, to propogate infidelity in England. What I meant by recommending his life of Hales to your perusal, as likewise Dr Birche's, in the general Dictionary [20] was to furnish you with materials for a new Life, which I hoped you intended: and am now very sorry to find you decline; because I am well assured it was in your power to make it both very entertaining & very instructive.

Your kind intention of inscribing the Edition to me does me great honour, & is very flattering to me; and I have nothing to add on that head but my best thanks for this distinction.[21]

I think your Motto a very good one. The pleasant account you give me of Lady Huntington's Conciliabulum,[22] tho' so near me, was news to me. Yet for all that, not the less likely to be true, considering her ladyship's Character, made up of simplicity & mistaken piety. The Methodists have had her, tho'a


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Churchwoman, as an usufruct for many years. It is true, she is every now & then ready to escape from them; and that is when they have drained her of her money with a more than ordinary rapacity. At those seasons she has her scruples, whether the sober propogation of the Gospel be not more usefull than this of her Zealots. And this she once confessed to me. But she always returned most cordially to them on the return of her financies [sic].

Your goodness to me, Sir, will make me shameless in the request I am about to make to you. You know the great value I sat [i.e. set] upon that small collection of Letters which you did me the honour to send me.[23] I lent it to my incomparable Friend, Lord Mansfield, who was so struck with the numberless curiosities that it contained, that, as he could not buy it, he would never let me have it back. I endeavoured to get another of the London Booksellers; but in vain; which forces me to beg that, if you have any copies remaining, you would favour me with one. For I set a great value on this small Collection both on account of its own intrinsic worth, & for the sake of the Collector; being with great truth,

Dear Sir, your very Affectionate
& Obliged humble Servant
W. Gloucester

Letter 6
27 May 1765
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 130-131

Prior Park near Bath
May 27^ 1765
Worthy Sir

I have just now received from a Bookseller in London your noble Present of Mr Hales's Works; for which I hold my selfe much indebted to you.

The Edition is extremely elegant; and will, I make no doubt, make its way where all the Author's fine parts & extensive Learning would, in a sordid garb, move heavily on. I have long mentioned to the most eminent London Booksellers the service they might likely do themselves, certainly the public, by reprinting in an elegant manner (for otherwise, in this trifling age, it is doing nothing) the best writers of the last age now almost forgotten, such as William's (Bp of Lincoln) fine tract of the holy alter name & thing Harsnet's (ABp of York) detection of certain Popish Impostures,[24] that has all the good sense, & what is more, the wit, of our most applauded Writers. Lord George Digby's & Ld Lucius Faulklands fine tracts agt Popery,[25] which ∧two last∧ I


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spoke of lately to Mr Millar[26] who did not seem indisposed to print them together. But nothing can be printed in London approaching to the Elegance of the Glasco printers.[27] Baskerville is much inferior to two little books I have seen from them, a Cornelius Nepos & a Lucretius.[28] If we may judge by our present set of writers the age wants some good models of Composition. For it has suffered such as are so to slip out of the minds & memory of men.

I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your very obliged & very obedient
humble Servant
W. Gloucester [f.131 blank]

Letter 7
16 June 1765
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 132-133

Prior Park June 16^ 1765
Sir

I have the honour of your obliging Letter of the 6^. Bp William's Tract is full of good learning & wit & very worthy to be reprinted, & the more as the original Edition is miserably printed. I will take care to write to Oxford, Cambridge and London to get a transcript of all the papers you mark out, and as soon as they come to my hands will send them to you.

I am Sir, with great esteem
your very obedient humble
Servt
W. Gloucester [f.133 blank]

Letter 8
24 June 1765
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 134-135

Prior Park June 24^ 1765
Dear Sir

I wrote to the Master of St John's in Cambridge, to the Master of Pembroke in Oxford and to Dr Birch in London.[29] I have inclosed their three


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answers, two of which are final & satisfactory; and the third I am sure will perform his promise effectually. When I get his transcripts, they shall be sent to you; in the mean time I would not keep you in suspence, how far I had obeyed your Commands.

I own this tract of the A.Bp. of York's[30] was always a favorite of mine; [deletion] for the wit, the good sense, and the Learning of it.—Ld Clarendon in his 4th B. of Hist. Reb. mentions it in this manner—he published a Book ag t the using those Ceremonies, in which there was much good learning, and too little gravity for a Bishop.[31] By too little gravity, his Lordship means, too much wit. But if one considers ye nature of that trifling subject, at that time of solemn importance one shall be ready to confess that the Bp treated it as it deserved, and in a way [deletion] likely to reduce it to its just value; which was a thing then most to be wished.

I am Sir with great esteem
your very faithfull & obedient
humble Servant
W. Gloucester [f.135 blank]

Letter 9
18 July 1765
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 136-137

Prior Park July 18 1765
Sir

I have your favour of the 13^ inst. and shall be always glad to have it in my power to contribute my assistance to any of your generous & worthy schemes for the promotion of literature.

I think I have Bp Williams' curious book in my Library at Gloucester; and shall write thither to one of my Chaplains to look it out, and send it to Mr Millar in London; with directions to have it sent to you under the care of the Bookseller, either of Edinburgh of [i.e. or] Glasgow which you mention, as can be most commodiously & expeditiously done. One reason of the great scarcity of this fine tract was its being printed so villainously, as to tempt people rather to tear it for the most sordid uses, than to read it.

I have the honour to be,
with great respect, Sir
Your very obedient & faithfull
humble Servant W. Gloucester. [f.137 blank]

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Letter 10
5 April 1766
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 138-139

Grosvenor Square Apr. 5 1766
Good Sir

I have the honour of yours of the 29^ past. You give a very good reason for dropping your design on Bp Williams. I shall send you (by the care of Mr A. Millar) a copy of that excellent & entertaining Treatise of Bp Harsnet called A Declaration of Egregious Popish impostures,[32] for your amusemt for I am sure you will read it with pleasure. It is almost slipt out of the memory & knowlege of the World. If any body amongst you thinks it worth reprinting it be open at their service. Hales I find is both too serious & too profound for this dissipated & trifling age. I shall wait with impatience for what you promise. And now Sir give me leave to congratulate with you, or rather with North Britain on your honouring the Bench of the Lords of Session. I hope I am not mistaken or that my sincere congratulations are premature. But A. Millar told me that you was the person meant in the Article of the public papers mentioning that promotion.[33]

I am Worthy Sir
Your most obedient & faithfull humble Servant
W. Gloucester
P.S. I shall beg your acceptance of the new Edition of my Book of the Alliance.[34]

Letter 11
23 March 1767
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 140-141

Grosvenor Square
March 23^ 1767
Worthy Sir

I have the honour of your very obliging Letter of the 16^.

As you thought the anecdote concerning Julian curious, I fancied that the perusal of a Letter from the french Translator which I have inclosed would not be unacceptable to you. You will find that, by accident, I laid the foundation of Mr. de Silhouette's fortune who was the late Controller of the finances. The Duke de Noailles brought him into the Family of the late late [sic] Duke of Orleans where he succeed[ed] d'Argenson.[35]


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Your observations on the several passages in Julian are very just.

It is very certain that the Minister's just jealo[u]sy of the King's, & his Favorite's bias towards Popery disgusted James as much as their licence in their Pulpets, which they seem to have made a necessary part of their Discipline.

Nothing can be juster in [deletion] it selfe, or of more importance for the State to espouse, than your Opinion, that the Lords of Session should not interpose in a matter merely spiritual, concerning Discipline, with civil censures. The natural support of Church Discipline are church-censures such as excommunication unattended with Civil consequences. But this demand of the Assembly is the natural issue of a ∧national∧ Church, claiming independency on the State: a claim never at rest, till it has gained a supremacy. And indeed, for the sake of the general Society, it ought to be allowed in one, or in the other body; since an imperium in imperio (which is the condition of two independent bodys) brings on inevitable destruction to the public peace. [deletion] And indeed, this demand of the Assembly, under the name of a Petition, looks towards Sovereignty. The Church of Rome first began their Usurpation under the simple claim of independency on the State. This occasioned a great and long struggle; in which the Church, at last, came off victorious. But when they had gained this point, that, of Sovereignty was speedily & easily compassed.

The State, to prevent that confusion which two independent powers must eternally occasion, gave up the Superiority to the Church for peace sake.— The State as Protector of the National Church, has a right (in the prosecution of civil Justice) to call occasionally on the Church's aid for the inforcement of Conscience: Hence the custom (and a good one, in my opinion, it is) in the Parliament of Paris in strong presumptions of hidden fraud ∧in civil matters∧ to apply for the ArchBishop's mandate to enjoin all under pain of excommunication who have any knowlege of the affair in question, to reveal their knowlege to the Magistrate. But, for the Church, in spiritual matters, such as ecclesiastical Discipline to require the aid of the State by civil censures is I think presumptuous in the request & dangerous in the compliance. I make no doubt but our horrid Writ de Heretico comburendo took its begin[n]ing from as modest a request to have the aid of civil Authority to constrain witnesses to depose in spiritual matters. For it is an easy step from the Church's making the Civil Magistrate its Coadjutor to make him its Executioner. On the whole, Sir, I think, your opinion thus publicly delivered in your judicial capacity does you infinite honour. You do me a great deal too much, in asking mine, in a matter of which you are so great a master.

I have the honour to be, Worthy Sir,
Your most faithfull & obliged
humble Servant
W. Gloucester
P.S. You guessed shrewdly of him who threatened an answer to Julian here. It was one Nichols, who was convicted of stealing books, & narrowly escaped

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the Gallows.[36] He calls himselfe a Dr of Physic; is yet alive, and has not left off his old trade, tho' he has taken up a worse, of political pamphleteering.

Letter 12
23 April 1767
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 142-143

Grosvenor Sq. 23 Apr. 1767
My Lord

You had no need of any one to strengthen you in the rectitude of your Opinion in the point in which you was alone in the Court. It was founded in the great Principles of Right which you so fully comprehend. I communicated the matter occasionally to my two dearest & Most intimate Friends, Ld Mansfield & Mr Yorke; and they both think with you & me on this point.

I own I think the paper inclosed is a frank imposture, both from the stile & matter. It is true, that before Loyola's death the Society was well established; had spread it selfe over Europe, & had met with great opposition from Schools & Universities; but this was only on acct of their teaching academic Learning, cheaper & better. It was long after that they invented their commodious casuistry for the use of the Great; into whose general confidence they had not yet insinuated themselves.

I have the honour
to be My Lord Your most faithfull & Obedient
humble Servt W. Gloucester [f.143 blank]

Letter 13
26 October 1768
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 144-145

Prior Park. Bath. Octr 26^ 1768
My Lord,

I have the honour to receive of your Lordship, a very curious Specimen of a work, which I hope you will not long delay to give the Public. I foresee it will be extremely learned & usefull. — An ingenious Person, one Mr Barrington a welch-Judge has attempted something of the same kind, on our old Statutes. It is intitled Observations on the Ancient Statutes 4°.[37] It is done with taste. But he is defective in the old English Language. And without


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that knowlege of the Antiquities of the middle Ages, and wanting in that acumen, so conspicuous in the Specimen of Notes.—It is full of mistakes (I presume your Lordship has the book) arising from these defects. For instance p 213. he says sallet[38] conveys no idea whatsoever. Tho all our old English writers use it to signify a light head piece. I suppose from the Italian Celata. The fr[ench]. say Salade as you observe. p. 254 pele he supposes may signify hair, whereas it is the skin, with the remaining wool after it has been shorn. p. 257. he corrects the etymology of the Lawyers, concerning the Court of Pipowers, who derive it from pes pulvericatus because pied puldreaux ∧which∧ is the sam[e], in french signifies a Pedler; not reflecting on the tralatitious[39] use of words. p. 259—puzzled the Antiquary—all the puzzle which the Tumuli, barrows, or little hills at the end of Villages in England, was only this, whether they were raised for the use of Archery, and called Butts, or whether they were not ancient Tumuli, whose distance from each other served for the use of archery. p. 281. St. 3. Hen. 8—some also can no letters—he would have it con; and so corrects it, not adverting that in the old Eng. can signifies to know—to be able to do a thing. p. 319 he supposes that because polygamy, (as he heard) was punished by an auto de fe in portugal, it was not a civil crime in that Kingdom. In catholic Countries Polygamy is both a Civil & Eccl: crime as it is a violation of a sacrament.—But it seems the Author has called in this Edn, and given the purchasers, another, which I have not seen.[40]

But to return to the Specimen, which I truly think admirable in its kind. I was surprised at what is said p. 8 of your Lawyers, who interpret bruarium fr. Bruiere to signify a brewery. The word perpetually abounds in our old Charters, and our Lawyers never took the change. The common people have done it. When I lived in Lincolnshire near the Great Heath there, and in the neighbourhood of a ruin called Temple bruiere or the Temple on the Heath, an old Hospitalary of the Knights Templars, the Common people, who had preserved the Tradition of the luxury of those Knights, [deletion] call it, Temple Brewery. for that they were famous for brewing the best ale in all the County

Your Lordship's justly expressed aborrence of the Writ de haretico comburendo p. 10. does honour to your station. You brand it by an ingenious comparison. Yet, it is certain, that, altho the running or passing thro' the fire be amongst the common lustrations of the ancient World, yet the passing thro' the fire to Moloch in Scripture, signifies a real sacrifice or immolation, being always made equivalent to [deletion] ∧those∧ other expressions—they burnt their sons & daughters in the fire to their Gods.—they sacrificed their sons & daughters to Devils and Ezekiel [deletion] uses one of these expressions to


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explain the other—having caused their children to pass thro' the fire to devour them XXIII.37.

In a word, my Dear Lord, let me repeat my best wishes for your health not only for your own sake, but for the sake of literature in general, and for the public justice of Scotland in particular. I have the pleasure to know that two of my most intimate Friends, the great Lawyers, Ld Mansfield and Mr Charles Yorke, have, with me, the highest opinion of your Lordship's Virtues. The latter (who always gives me what leasure he can spare) had but just left me, when the Specimen came, which would have afforded much pleasure to a man whose knowlege is universal.

While he was with me he was much busied in a morning with the Speeches of the Lords of Session in the Douglas cause in which he is to appear before us, after Christmas, for the House of Hamilton.

We both admired the elegance, the great sense, & the legal precision of Ld Hailes's speech: and I have an equal contempt for Ld Kames's. I have read the great 4° Factum of both Parties; and I will tell you, inter nos, my present sentiments. I think there is but a base Physical possibility that the pretended Son is the real Son of Lady Jane: and further, that had Lady Jane, by one of the perverse caprices of pregnant women, set upon contriving the means of discrediting [deletion] ∧her own Son's∧ pretensions, she could not have done it more effectually.[41]

Let me continue my good Lord to have your esteem, and believe me to be with the truest regard, your affectionate and faithfull humble Servant

W. Gloucester

Letter 14
19 April 1769
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 146-147

G[r]osvenor Square 19^ April 1769
My dear Lord,

I am honoured with yours of the 14^ inst. and am much obliged to you for your kind enquiries concerning my health. I thank God it is now become tolerable again.

The times are truly become miserable; not from any danger of the Public, but from the dishonour brought upon it by these mock Patriots, without parts or virtue, the Apes of those fierce Fanatics who had both, and misused them under Charles the first, to overturn a constitution which they pretended to reform. They had a foundation to work upon, real grievances; These, only fictitious. Had Charles the first the advantages of George the third, of 30000 veteran troops; and a House of Commons become odious and contemptible


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to the People, he had ended the quarrel at a blow; and, instead of demanding the 5 Members, he had demanded the 500; and not left it to C[r]omwell to padlock up their Door. What obligations have we then to our excellent King who saves us from our selves, and shuts fast that Door of destruction of which he only has the Key. For as to the mad cry of the mob for a Republic, it is like that of the fifth monarchy ∧men∧, of old, for the Millenium. A Republic demands a virtuous People. But ours have neither virtue nor Religion: and so, have chosen for their head two or three [of] the most diabolic wretches upon Earth.—In a discourse written some years ago, in which I gave a history of the rise and progress of the present state of Religion amongst us occasioned by the intrigues of our Politicians, I said they would now soon have an opportunity of experiencing the truth of their favorite maxim, that Government might be easily carried on without Religion. But why do I give your Lordship the pain of saying so much on this odious subject; and with equal pain to my selfe? I know not, unless it be, that complaining in our distresses seems a kind of reliefe to them.

But it is time to come to a more agre[e]able subject. Your Lordship does wisely to withdraw your mind from this scene of horrors, on the elegant and usefull attention to that important part of History, the Ecclesiastical. I shall devour the tract you mention (as I do every thing of yours) with exquisite pleasure: but shall be extremely concerned if the melancholy hours you mention, be not those we all pass, for the Public, but rather those of a domestic kind, in the loss of some, deservedly most dear to you—But this is the appen age of Humanity, which we are all doomed to partake of.

I have the honour to be, my Lord,
Your Lordship's most Obedient
and affectionate humble Servant
W. Gloucester

Letter 15
14 June 1769
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 148-149

Grosvr Sq. June 14^ 1769
My dear Lord,

I had the honour of your obliging Letter of the 24 of last April: and I deferred my acknowlegment for it, till I had received, & carefully read your Preface & notes; which I lately received from your Brother,[42] to whom I have carefully returned them. I read them with much pleasure & instruction. They are written with the utmost judgment & knowlege of the subject; and enlivened here & there (tho' they did not want that help) with delicate strokes of Satire & ridicule, which these miserable times will force from every generous mind.

Your Lordship & I think alike with regard to the use of Religion to Society, and with regard to its truth. With regard to its use Ministers of State


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are (tho' with the latest) brought to see their folly in fancying they could govern, without it. All the late & present disorders proceeding from their having long contributed to the taking this curb [cub?] from the jaws of this headstrong Monster, the People.

I heartily condole with your Lordship on your domestic loss.[43] The sweet plaintive lines occasioned by this loss, would make all your friends call to mind the,

Qualis Populea mærens Philomela sub umbra Amisos queritur foetus—

I am my Dear Lord, your
Lordship's faithfull & affectionate
humble Servant
W. Gloucester [f.149 blank]

Letter 16
2 February 1770
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 150-151

Grosvenor Square Feby. 2 1770
My dear Lord,

On coming to Town since Christmas I found your Historical Memorials [44] on my Table, for which I have many thanks to return, not only for the book, but for the instruction & entertainment the reading of it have afforded me. Would Antiquarians add taste & elegance (as your Lordship has done) to industry & Learning, these studies would not only be amongst our most usefull but our most engaging enquiries.

I have the honour to be, my
good Lord, your Lordship's most
faithfull & obliged humble Servant
W. Gloucester [f.151 blank]

Letter 17
21 February 1772
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 152-153

Grosvenor Square Feb. 21^ 1772
My dear Lord,

I have this moment received the honour of your obliging Letter of the 17^. I am but too sensible there is a detestable set of men crept in, into the Scotch ministry, who, as usual, are always ready to give themselves a good name, tho' their principles be destructive of Revelation. Whatever morals they may have, I am sure they are not Christian Morals: and, therefore, very unfit for the Ethical Chair, in a Christian Country. Scotland, I hope, may be


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yet so called; whatever title England may deserve. Nor do I know any one so compleatly qualified for it as Mr Beatie;[45] whose books I have read with infinite pleasure; and not only I, but the most respectable of my profession, as well as of the Law; especially those two incomparable Persons who honour me with their Friendship, my Lord Mansfield, and the Late Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 1st Earl [deletion] Wilmot. The latter of whom having lately had occasion to go to Oxford, advised the heads of Houses, to have it in their care, that all the Youth committed to their trust, should be directed to study Mr Beatie's book. It was but the other night that I had much talk with Lord Mansfield on this subject. He is truely sensible of this learned person's merit; and the service he has done to Religion and good letters, in the confutation of the Impiety and the Sceptical Nonsense of the unhappy man he confutes. I shall press his Lordship all I can to exert what interest he may have amongst those who have the disposition of this professorship in their power, in favour of Mr B[e]atie. I am glad to find it is not in the disposal of the King's Ministers ∧here.∧ For speaking of them, in favour of a clergyman of our church who is most deserving the King's notice & distinction, Ld M[ansfield]. replied, that the situation of affairs is such, that the King cannot get more than one out of ten of his own Preferments at his own disposal. I said I was glad to find his Ministers so modest, that as he was yet owned to be the Head of the English Church, they did him so much justice as to give him the Tyth. To be serious, I shall religiously keep your Secret: tho' I am confident my application must lose much of its force, by not being permitted to tell him th[r]ough what channel it derived.

The Anecdote in your Lordship's P.S. is a most curious one, and I am much obliged for the communication of it. The Baillifs of Glasgow acted with the dignity & good sense that does honour to a Parliament, and the Parliament of 1646 degrade themselves by sinking into the low Character of a City Baillife.

I have, my Dear Lord, the honour
to be your Lordship's most faithfull
and affectionate humble Servant
W. Gloucester

Letter 18
5 March 1772
NLS: MS 25295, f.154

Grosvenor Sq March 5 1772
My Dear Lord

I have the favour of yours of the 25^ past. I had spoken to Lord M[ansfield]. and he assured me of his inclination to serve Mr Beatie [deletion] in the manner your Lordship proposed to me, but that he has not the least


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knowlege of any one of the magistrates of Edinburgh. But I am assured that he will warmly recommend Mr Beatie in the manner you mention, on all occasions. A Minister ∧of Religion∧ of his Character ought to be supported by all the friends of Religion, for the sake of Religion. It has not many such friends amongst us; perhaps fewer amongst you; certainly fewest of all amongst those of the bon ton, amongst our neighbours. It will always have a true & sober friend in your Lordship, who is so great an ornament to both Societies, Civil & Religious.

I have the honour to be, my Dear Lord,
Your Lordship's most faithfull
and affectionate humble Servant
W. Gloucester

Letter 19
30 June 1772
NLS: MS 25295, ff. 155-156

Gloucester June 30 1772
My Dear Lord,

The honour of your last favour of the 21^ inst. was sent me hither, into the country. Dr Hurd will be delighted with your Lordship's opinion of his Book.[46] His parts & learning, uncommon and extraordinary as they are, are the least part of his merit. His moral character, the virtues of his heart and mind, charm all his Friends.

I will take the liberty of communicating your Letter, on the subject of his book, to him. It will give him much pleasure to make him partaker of your excellent remarks: in which both your learning and acumen are so conspicuous. I had the happiness of bringing him into the acquaintance of Lord Mansfield, some time ago: with whose extraordinary qualities his Lordship was soon so taken, as to admitt him to great intimacy with him. I will only venture to give you a short Specimen of the Dr's Character by which you will find how free he is from all inordinate Ambition. His Virtues were so well known to the King & Queen, that he was ordered to be [deletion] spoken to by Ld Holderness, last year, when the Pr[ince]. of Wales's Family was settled, [deletion] with an offer to bear a share in his royal Highness' Education. and as this was an affair of importance the Governor was directed to tell the Dr, his answer was not expected immediately, but that he might take a fortnight's time to consider of it. The Dr, after making his best ack[n]owlegments for the honour, & said he was prepared to give an immediate & a final answer to the proposal.—that he had just past the meridian of life, and with but indifferent health, so that he dared not venture on so important a charge; but must beg leave to decline the offer.—There are but few instances of a Clergyman's thus starting [i.e. standing] aside from the high road of Preferment, when he was so fairly entered. Your Lordship will be amongst the first to set a just value on


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such a Character, and will be glad to find this age able to afford such an example.[47]

I have the honour to be, my Lord
your Lordship's most faithfull and
affectionate humble Servant
W. Gloucester
[f.156 blank]

Letter 20
26 March 1773
NLS: MS 25295, ff.157-158

Gloucester March 26^ 1773
My dear Lord,

I had your favour of the 18 instant; and immediately urged your request to Lord Mansfield. How it may agree with his inclination, or the present state of his court attachm[en]ts, I know not. This I am sure of, such a mark of your Opinion will be highly acceptable to him, as it is, according to the old saying, laudari a laudato Viro. I think, indeed, with your Lordship, that the publication of his Argument ∧would be∧ of high importance to the public.

I have the honour to be,
my dear Lord your Lordship's
most faithfull and affectionate
humble Servant
W. Gloucester [f.158 blank]

Letter 21
18 December 1773
NLS: MS 25295, ff.159-160

Grosvenor Square Decr 18 1773
Dear Sir

On coming to Town yesterday af[t]er a long absence, I had the pleasure to see for the first time, on my Table Remarks on the history of Scotland which you did me the honour of sending to me, full of very curious & entertaining Dissertations.[48] There are two copies sent to me, but without directions how one of them is to be desposed of, I keep both till further directions, and am,

Sir, your very obliged & faithfull
humble Servant W. Gloucester [f.160 blank]

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Letter 22
8 April 1774
NLS: MS 25295, ff.161-162

London April 8 1774
My dear Lord

I have the honour of your favour of the 2d instant. And with regard to the affair of Dr Beatie I spoke, as you desired, to Lord Mansfield; who after expressing his highest regard to you and his good opinion of your friend, Dr Beatie, gave me the satisfaction to declare his opinion that the Magistrates of Edinburgh were very well disposed to favour the Dr's Suit, and that they will be averse to favour Professor Fergusson's request, as very unreasonable. Ld Stanhope giving his Tutor four hundred pounds a year while in his Lordship's Service, and settling two hundred pounds a year for life upon him afterwards so that for the reason you give, the modesty of the Magistrates is to be commended in leaving their good dispositions to your friend, free. In the mean time Lord Mansfield promises to omit no opportunity of acquainting every one with the good opinion he had entertained of Dr Beatie.

We are here no strangers to the mad opinions of the fanatics, who go under the names of methodists & Moravians; and of their rage against the ministers of the Established Church. The name of Bereans[49] which they have given themselves, I suppose because they are commended in Scripture for searching for their salvation there, is not yet known amongst us. But all in good time. Such searchers, with such interpretations they are likely to supply us with, are likely to search for what they are never likely to find.

Your Lady's remark on the barbarians you speak of, is enough to shame the strange credulity of lying Travellers.

The progress your Lordship tells me you have made in your Ch[r]onological History gives me much pleasure. your Lordship says true, as appears by the truths you have already favoured us with, that the paradoxes, in which your National history abounds, are not of your seeking but of your exposing, with which your story abounds. I predict that it will be a noble work and will do great credit to the work, and honour to your selfe.

I am my good Lord with great truth,
affection & esteem your Lordship's most
faithfull and obedient servant
W. Gloucester [f.162 blank]

Letter 23
24 April 1774[50]
NLS: MS 25295, ff.163-164

My dear Lord

I have the pleasure of your obliging Letter of the 16 inst. I have returned


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the copy of Mr Beatie's letter,[51] as thinking you might expect it or want it. It is pitty but he might be prevailed on to submit to the untoward circumstances he mentions, for the sake of the good he might do in that station.—Tho' I be just going back into the country I could not leave this place without acknowleging your last favour & rejoicing in the specimen you promise of so important a work. Ld Mansfield is much your servant. I need not tell you, my good Lord, how much I am

your Lordship's most affectionate and
faithfull humble Servant
W. Gloucester Lond. Apr. 24 1774 [f.164 blank]

Letter 24
October 1774
NLS: MS 25295, ff.165-166

Gloucester 1744 [52]
My dear Lord

I have the honour of your historical papers No. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6.[53] full of the accuracy and good sense of the former. I see nothing either in the remarks or in the stile which I am able to improve. There are two particular which struck me most, your judicious reflections on the introduction and improvement of the feudal Law in Scotland; and the history of Q Margaret.[54] I have packed up the papers carefully least you should want them back.


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I have the honour to be
your Lordship's most faithfull and
attached humble Servant
W. Gloucester [f.166 blank]

Letter 25
15 December 1774
NLS: MS 25295, ff.167-168

Gloucester 15 ;Decr ; 1774
My Dear Lord

I have the honour of your obliging letter of the 5^ inst: My infirmities of ill health have kept me from London a long time and is likely to prevent my return thither; this, & especially the parliament's taking away our literary property[55] deprive me of the pleasure of obeying your commands; for I have none of the books you want, and what there are left, which I have had no curiosity to entquire [sic] after, are dispersed and gone from me, amongst the trade. I regard what you want as the effect of your friendship for me & matter of curiosity, otherwise of little worth. I am, my good Lord, your

most affectionate and faithfull humble
Servant W. Gloucester [f.168 blank]

Letter 26
29 February 1776[56]
NLS: MS 25295, f.169

My Dear Lord

I have recd by your favour a vol of the Annals of Scotland from the accession of Malcolm the 3d. wrote with great accuracy: & have sinc[e] been [deletion] ;favoured; by the same hand, for an elegant edition of Languet's Epistles.[57] I am much indebted to you for these favours, and am, my dear Lord, your most obliged and obedient humble

Servant
W. Gloucester Gloucester Feb. 29^ 1776

Notes

 
[1]

I am grateful to the Trustees of the National Library of Scotland for permission to print the text of these letters. Olive Geddes and Dr. Brian Hillyard of the NLS, Dr. John Cairns of the University of Edinburgh and William Barker of Memorial University have offered much helpful advice.

[2]

For an account of Dalrymple's literary journalism, see Robert Hay Carnie, 'Lord Hailes's Contributions to Contemporary Magazines', Studies in Bibliography, 9 (1957), 233-244. See also Professor Carnie's series of 'Lord Hailes's Notes on Johnson's "Lives of the Poets"', Notes and Queries, 201 (1956), 73-75, 106-108, 174-176, 343-346, 486-489. Although not made explicit in these letters, Dalrymple shared with Warburton an interest in the text of Shakespeare. In 'Lord Hailes, Shakespeare Critic', Shakespeare Quarterly, 40 (1989), 175-185, Arthur Sherbo reproduced Dalrymple's 1786 Edinburgh Magazine article, 'Critical Remarks on the late Editions of Shakespeare's Plays'. Published seven years after Warburton's death under the nom de plume of Lucius, Dalrymple took Warburton to task over offering twenty-two illustrative quotations where two would have sufficed, resulting in 'superfluous anxiety' (177).

[3]

Oddly, Warburton's two letters of 9 May 1762 would appear to come from his two residences: Prior Park ('P.P.'), near Bath, and Grosvenor Square, London. The most probable explanation is that Warburton sent his first letter to Dalrymple from Prior Park via Becket and put down Grosvenor Square as the address to which Dalrymple should reply. (On April 17, he sent a letter to Thomas Newton from Prior Park and on July 28 he sent another to John Nourse from Gloucester.)

[4]

David Dalrymple, Memorials and Letters Relating to the History of Britain in the Reign of James the First (Glasgow, 1762); Gaskell 405.

[5]

John Hales (1584-1656). Dalrymple sought Warburton's advice in preparation for publication of his edition of The Works of the Ever Memorable Mr. John Hales of Eaton, 3 vols. (Glasgow, 1765); Gaskell 443.

[6]

The frontispiece of Hales's Golden Remains (London, 1659), containing his sermons and letters, depicts two figures: one is Reason wearing a crown, holding a compass, with a finger pointing towards his head; the other is Revelation dressed like a monk, holding a Bible, with a finger pointing towards the sky. The panel below them is a cave scene with miners and devils. The motto reads: 'Controversers of the Times like Spirits in the Mineralls with all their labor nothing is don [sic]'.

[7]

Hugo de Groot (1583-1645). His De veritate religionis christianœ was translated by John Clarke as The Truth of the Christian Religion, 4th ed. (London, 1743; 5th ed. 1754). The NLS has an interleaved copy of de Groot's In questionis redacti de jure belli ac Paris, lib. III (1688), inscribed 'Dav. Dalrymple, April 4 1746' in quarto (NLS: MSS 25331-2). William Lauder also translated some of de Groot's works, in connection with the Milton controversy, in 1752.

[8]

Denison Cumberland (1705/6-74), Bishop of Clonfert (1763), translated to Kilmore (1772), was the grandson of Richard Cumberland, Bishop of Peterborough, and father of the playwright by the same name. Denison Cumberland's wife, Joanna, whom he married in 1728, was the daughter of Richard Bentley.

[9]

Richard Cumberland, De legibus naturœ disquisitio philosophica (1672). This was reprinted (London, 1701; Dublin, 1720) and translated by John Maxwell as A Treatise of the Laws of Nature (London, 1727) and by John Towers as A Philosophical Enquiry into the Laws of Nature (Dublin, 1750 [1751]). The edition proposed here does not seem to have materialized.

[10]

'eo dulciùs quo secretiùs': the Latin phrase occurs in John Hales' sermon, '2 Pet. 3. 16.', in Golden Remains, p. 1: see 30 March 1764. Dalrymple translated the full passage as: "except those internal and sweet lessons of divine inspiration, where truth speaks without words or writing, and where the more secret the information the more delightful" (2: 2).

[11]

'Coli Deos sanctè magis quam scitè': Golden Remains, p. 7. "The Gods ought to be worshipped, not curiously, but in the simplicity of a pious mind" (2: 12-13).

[12]

Pierre Des Maizeaux, An Historical and Critical Account of the Life and Writings of the Ever-memorable Mr. John Hales, fellow of Eton College (London, 1719). Pierre Bayle's Dictionnaire historique et critique (1695-97) was the model for many British biographies, including Biographia Britannica.

[13]

John Campbell (1708-75) was a contributor to the first edition of Biographia Britannica (1747-66) under the general editorship of William Oldys. Campbell's lives are signed E and X. Previously, he had compiled Lives of the Admirals, 4 vols. (London, 1742-44).

[14]

The biography of John Hales appears in volume 4 of Biographia Britannica (1757), pp. 2481-90, signed 'P' for Philip Nichols; Des Maizeaux's 1719 biography is cited.

[15]

I.e., Robert Foulis.

[16]

Fulgentius (468-533), the anti-Arian Bishop of Ruspe in Numidia: see 28 March 1768.

[17]

See note 11 above.

[18]

The Hales edition was printed in small octavo.

[19]

Dalrymple prefixed the edition with testimonies from the Earl of Clarendon, Lord Say, Andrew Marvell and others.

[20]

Thomas Birch wrote most of the English biographies in General Dictionary, Historical and Critical, 10 vols. (1734-41).

[21]

If Dalrymple intended to dedicate his edition of Hales to Warburton, he evidently changed his mind.

[22]

Selina Hastings, Countess of Huntingdon (1707-91), devoted a good deal of energy and money to Methodism; she appointed a number of its clergymen as her chaplains.

[23]

See 9 May 1762.

[24]

John Williams, Bishop of Lincoln (1621-41), translated to Archbishop of York (1641-50), The Holy Table, Name & Thing ([London?], 1637); and Samuel Harsnett (1561-1631), Archbishop of York (1629-31), A Declaration of Egregious Popish Impostures (London, 1603), a work from which Shakespeare borrowed devil names like 'Flibbertigibbet' and 'Modo' for Edgar's ravings on the heath as Poor Tom in King Lear (3.4.115, 135).

[25]

George Digby (1612-77), Letters Between Ld George Digby and Sr Kenhelm Digby Kt concerning Religion [1651]; and Lucius Cary, 2nd Viscount Faulkland (1610?-43), A View of some Exceptions made by a Romanist (London, 1646).

[26]

Andrew Millar, Warburton's bookseller.

[27]

Robert and Andrew Foulis.

[28]

Cornelii Nepotis excellentium imperatorum vitae (Lives of the Emperors) (1761; Gaskell 397), and De rerum naturae (1759; Gaskell 370), were both printed in Glasgow by Robert and Andrew Foulis. On 27 December 1761, Warburton wrote to Hurd: 'I think the Booksellers have an intention of employing Baskerville to print Pope in 4to; so they sent me the last Octavo to look over' (Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century, ed. John Nichols, 9 vols. [London, 1812-15], 5: 653). According to William Shenstone, on 16 May 1762, 'Baskerville has of late been seized with a violent Inclination to publish Hudibras, his favourite Poem, in a pompous Quarto, with an entire new sett of Cutts.—Dr Warburton has, I hear, also engaged Him to publish a Quarto Edition of Mr Pope' (The Letters of William Shenstone, ed. Marjorie Williams [Oxford, 1939], p. 62).

[29]

William Samuel Powell (1717-75) was elected master of St John's College, Cambridge, on 25 January 1765 upon the death of John Newcome. John Ratcliffe (1700-75) was master of Pembroke College, Oxford, from 1739 to 1775; Thomas Birch (1705-66) was a well-known editor and compiler.

[30]

John Williams: see 27 May 1765.

[31]

The underlined quotation is to be found in Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, The History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England (Oxford, 1704), 3 vols., vol. 1, p. 271. The History is divided into sixteen books.

[32]

Harsnet, A Declaration of Egregious Popish impostures: see 27 May 1765.

[33]

Millar may have read the story of Dalrymple's appointment in The Scots Magazine, 28 (February 1766), 111-112: 'Sir David Dalrymple of Hailes, Bt., one of the Lords of Session, in the room of Lord Nisbet, deceased.—P.S. His commission arrived at Edinburgh by express in the morning of March 4. he entered on his trials as Lord Probationer that day, and was received on the 6th, taking the title of Lord Hailes'.

[34]

The Alliance between Church and State, 4th ed., corrected and enlarged (London, 1766).

[35]

Ètienne de Silhouette translated Pope's Essay on Criticism (1737; reprinted 1741) and Essay on Man (1736; reprinted 1741, 1745, 1762, 1772) in prose. Some letters between Warburton and de Silhouette are held by the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris.

[36]

According to the account on Warburton in the Dictionary of National Biography, Philip Nichols stole books from Cambridge. After the proprietors of Biographia Britannica cancelled the leaf in the article on Smith in 1763, volume 6, part i, Nichols published The Castrated Sheet, in the Sixth Volume of Biographia Britannica by a proprietor of that work: see Warburton's letter to an unidentified bookseller, dated 29 January 1761, in Pope's Literary Legacy: the Book-Trade Correspondence of William Warburton and John Knapton with other letters and related documents (1744-1780), ed. Donald W. Nichol, Oxford Bibliographical Society, ns XXIII, 1992, pp. 140-145.

[37]

Daines Barrington, Observations on the Ancient Statutes (London, 1766). The first edition is not to be found in the British Library or National Library of Scotland. However, the words Warburton refers to may be found in the much expanded third edition Observations on the more Ancient Statutes, from Magna Charta to the Twenty-First of James I (London, 1769): for example, 'sallett' (p. 307), 'pele' (p. 376), 'Pipowder' (p. 382).

[38]

'In mediæval armour, a light globular headpiece, either with or without a visor, and without a crest, the lower part curving outwards behind', OED, which also gives Warburton's Italian and French derivations.

[39]

'Metaphorical; not literal', Johnson, Dictionary (1755); 'characterized by transference; esp. of words or phrases, metaphorical, figurative', Oxford English Dictionary.

[40]

According to the DNB, Barrington bought up remaining copies of the earlier edition when the next one was ready for publication.

[41]

When Lady Jane Douglas (1698-1753) died, her brother, Archibald, Duke of Douglas (1694-1761), refused to acknowledge her surviving son, whose legitimacy was disputed. Shortly before his death, the Duke was persuaded to revoke his will in which he bequeathed his estates to the Hamiltons in favour of his nephew. The House of Lords had decided in favour of Douglas on 27 February 1769. See Frederick A. Pottle, James Boswell: The Earlier Years, 1740-1769 (London, 1966), pp. 311-317, passim, for a discussion of the Douglas Cause, 'which has been called the greatest trial in Scottish history affecting civil status' (311-312).

[42]

Dalrymple's father, Sir James, had seven sons. Warburton is likely referring to Sir John.

[43]

Dalrymple's first wife, Anne (née Brown), died giving birth to twins.

[44]

Dalrymple's Historical Memorials concerning the Provincial Councils of the Scottish Clergy (Edinburgh, 1769).

[45]

By 1772, James Beattie (1735-1803), the poet and professor of Moral Philosophy at Marischal College, Aberdeen University, had published An Essay on the Nature and Immutability of Truth (1770) and the first canto of The Minstrel (1771). For the popular reception of these works, see Everard H. King, James Beattie (Boston, 1977), pp. 24-25.

[46]

Richard Hurd (1720-1808), Bishop of Worcester. He delivered the first Warburton lecture, published as, An Introduction to the Study of the Prophecies concerning the Christian Church (1772; 5th ed. 1788).

[47]

The NLS also has a collection of 115 letters, dating from 28 December 1773 to 3 July 1792, from Richard Hurd, Bishop of Worcester and Warburton's editor, to Dalrymple (MS 25297), which were examined by Francis Kilvert in Bath in 1860 for his biography of Hurd. Dalrymple and Warburton shared numerous correspondents, including Thomas Balguy, Thomas Birch, John Jortin, Thomas Warton, and Charles York.

[48]

Dalrymple's Remarks on the History of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1773).

[49]

The Bereans were a sect 'based on scripture in the Acts (xvii.11) where they of Berea are commended for searching the Scriptures to see if the things spoken by Paul were so'. The Bereans were founded by John Barclay (1734-98) of Crieff (The Scottish National Dictionary, vol. 1, ed. William Grant [Edinburgh, (1929)]).

[50]

Two letters between this letter and the next in the present series (October 1774), old reference numbrs Acc. 7228/18, ff. 167-168 (7 May 1774) and ff. 169-170 (20 June 1774), have recently gone missing.

[51]

According to Margaret Forbes in Beattie and his Friends (Westminster, 1904), 'Sir W[illiam]. Forbes had shown to Lord Hailes Beattie's letter of the former autumn [1773], in which the reason upon which he had chiefly dwelt for declining all thought of accepting an Edinburgh professorship was his unwillingness to be associated with those who had shown themselves hostile to him on account of his writings . . .' (p. 105).

[52]

Beside Warburton's error in the year, Dalrymple jotted the notes: 'Oct. 1774 scripsit imbecilli et incertâ manu, annis fractius & sui paulatium . . .' [He has written with an imbecilic hand, broken by years and by degrees . . .].

[53]

Specimens of Dalrymple's Annals of Scotland, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, 1776/79). The Advertisement to the second volume states, 'THE Author once proposed to have continued The Annals of Scotland to the Restoration of James I. But there are various and invincible reasons which oblige him to terminate his Work at the accession of the House of Stewart.' Johnson also received specimens of Dalrymple's Annals of Scotland. See his letter to Boswell, 1 October 1774, in The Letters of Samuel Johnson, ed. Bruce Redford, vol. II, 1773-1776 (Princeton, 1992), p. 150. On 27 August 1775, Johnson told Boswell, 'I have now three parcels of Lord Hailes's History . . .' (p. 266) and on 10 January 1776 Johnson received the first published volume of Annals of Scotland (p. 284). Johnson reported receiving 'more copy' from Dalrymple on 28 June 1777 (III [1992]: 33). Boswell's Life of Johnson, ed. R. W. Chapman, rev..J. D. Fleeman (Oxford, 1980), is peppered with references to Dalrymple and his Annals (pp. 565, 567, 569, passim). In The Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides (with Samuel Johnson, A Journey to the Western Islands of Scotland), ed. Peter Levi (London, 1984), Boswell recorded introducing Johnson to Dalrymple in Edinburgh on 17 August 1773 (p. 181).

[54]

Presumably Margaret, wife of Malcolm III (m. 1070; d. 1093), mentioned in Dalrymple's Annals, vol. 1, pp. 12, 25, 33-41 (little is written on Margaret, daughter of Henry III and queen of Alexander III).

[55]

The landmark copyright case of Donaldson v. Becket went against perpetual monopoly in the House of Lords decision in 1774. Dalrymple supported the arguments for Donaldson's case earlier in the Court of Session.

[56]

1776 was a leap year.

[57]

Hubert Languet, H. Langueti Epistolae ad P. Sydneium, equitem Anglum Accurante D. Dalrymple (Edinburgh, 1776).