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Notes
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the National Convention of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies, November 1984. I am grateful to the International Research and Exchanges Board for giving me the opportunity to do the research in Soviet archives on which this article is based.
The work was published as "Poslanie mnogoslovnoe. Sochineniia Zinovii, po rukopisi XVI veka (s prilozheniem dvukh snimkov.) Trud Andreia Popova," in Chteniia v obshchestve istorii i drevnostei rossiiskikh pri Moskovskom universitete 1880, book 2. The most important studies of Zinovii and his works to date have been F. Kalugin, Zinovii inok Otenskii i ego bogoslovsko-polemicheskia i tserkovnyi uchitel'nyi proizvedeniia, St. Petersburg 1894; S. G. Vilinskii, "Vopros ob avtore 'Mnogoslovnago poslaniia.'" Izvestiia otdeleniia russkago iazyka i slovesnosti imperatorskoi Akademii nauk 10 (1905): 146-176; Rudolf M. Mainka, Zinovii von Oten': ein russischer Polemiker der Mitte des 16 Jahrhunderts, Orientalia Christiana Analecta, Bd. 160, Rome, 1961; and L. E. Morozova, "Voprosy atributsii 'Poslanie mnogoslovnogo,' polemicheskogo proizvedenii XVI veka," Istoriia SSSR, 1975, no. 1, pp. 101-109. For a detailed analysis of the historical literature on Zinovii and his works, see Nancy Yanoshak, "A Fontological Analysis of the Major Works Attributed to Zinovii Otenskii," Ph.D. dissertation, Georgetown University, 1981, pp. 31-83.
Istiny pokazanie was published on the basis of seventeenth-century copies by the Kazan Theological Academy, in its journal Pravoslavnyi sobesednik, 1863-1864, and also issued as a separate work, Kazan, 1863. References to the published edition of Istiny will be from the Pravoslavnyi sobesednik edition. For appraisals Kosoi's life and ideas, see A. A. Zimin, I. S. Persvetov i ego sovremenniki, Moscow, 1958, pp. 182-214; A. I. Klibanov, Reformatsionnye dvizheniia v Rossii v XIV-pervoi polovine XVI vv., Moscow, 1960, pp. 207-209, 265-284, 291-302, 357-358, 381-383; and idem., Narodnaia i sotsial'naia utopiia v Rossii, Moscow, 1977, pp. 55-82, 100-102.
All watermarks discussed in this article have been matched with representations of their dated analogues reproduced in either Charles M. Briquet, Les Filigranes, 4 vols., Geneva, 1907, or N. P. Likhachev, Paleograficheskoe znachenie bumazhnykh vodianykh znakov, 3 vols., St. Petersburg, 1899, and are referred to by the number assigned the tracings in these albums (e.g. Briquet 2046). When reference is made to parts of Briquet's and Likhachev's albums other than their watermark reproductions, the author's name, short title, and appropriate volume and page numbers are given.
For surveys of the scholarly literature on Kosoi and other figures in the Russian "Reformation movements" of the mid-sixteenth century, see Kalugin, Zinovii, pp. 44-52, and Zimin, Peresvetov, pp. 143-153. The principal implications of my research are that Kosoi was more conservative theologically than has previously been thought—he did not question the fundamental dogmas of Christianity, as charged in Istiny—but did adhere to the pacifist and communist social-political views ascribed to him in Poslanie; that Zinovii was a trusted contributor to the Orthodox anti-heretical campaigns of his time, while the Poslanie author was a suspect one from the point of view of the established church; and that neither of these clerics can be linked clearly to an identifiable party of followers of Iosif Volotskii, the chief ideologist of Muscovy's "church militant." Among other things, watermark analysis helped me to identify the autograph copies of Istiny and Poslanie, sort out the relationships between the constituent parts of the latter, and establish an accurate date for its composition, information which formed the basis of the interpretive conclusions outlined above. For further information, see my "The Author of Poslanie mnogoslovnoe: A Fontological Inquiry," Slavic Review, 50, no. 3 (Fall, 1991), 621-636, and idem, "Zinovii."
My abbreviation for Gosudarstvennaia ordena Trudovo Krasnogo Znameni Publichnaia biblioteka imeni M. E. Saltykova Shchedrina (Leningrad) (GPB), Sobranie Kirillo-Belozerskogo monastyria No. 31/1108 (4°, 277 fols. of text, 12 blank fols.), which was the basis of the published version of Poslanie. Only one other copy of the manuscript is extant (GPB, Novgorod-Sofiiskoe sobranie No. 1241, 4°, 258 fols.). It was made in the nineteenth century from the K-B 31 copy.
My arguments on the question of whether K-B 31 is an autograph text are summarized in Yanoshak, "The Author of Poslanie mnogoslovnoe," and presented in detail in idem, "Zinovii," 133-178.
The 1565 terminus post quem for Poslanie is provided by its reference (PM, p. 238) to the existence of a homily attributed to Zinovii on St. Nikita of Novgorod. The evidence for its 1565 date was convincingly analysed by Kalugin, who coordinated information it contained on the timing of St. Nikita's Day, St. Thomas' Week, and the Easter celebration (GPB, Sofiiskoe 1356, fols. 307-308) with the dates given for these holidays in a sixteenth-century Paschal table (Zinovii, pp. 321-322, 22 n.16; on the manuscript tradition of this as yet unpublished homily, and its relationship to Poslanie and Zinovii's works, and to other versions of Nikita's Life, see Yanoshak, "Zinovi," pp. 217-265.)
The inadequacies of identification made by matching a given mark with a reproduction of a hand tracing are fairly obvious: the original tracings themselves are products of the fallible human hand and eye, vary much in quality, and their common form of album reproduction is itself a further distortion. On these weaknesses of tracings and the desirability of more accurate methods of reproduction, see Allan Stevenson, The Problem of the Missale Speciale, London, 1967, pp. 65-68, and the same author's introduction to Charles M. Briquet, The New Briquet. Jubilee Edition, 4 vols., Geneva, 1907; reprint of Les Filigranes with supplementary materials, Amsterdam, 1968, vol. 1, p. * 17; see also Daniel C. Waugh, "Soviet Watermark Studies—Achievements and Prospects," Kritika, vol. 6, 1970, pp. 91-92, 109. The most promising method of reproducing watermarks developed thus far is by betaradiography, which produces an image virtually free of distortion, and is superior to ordinary photographic methods in that it eliminates the lines of script or type which have obscured details of the watermarks reproduced by such older procedures.
Ibid., pp. xix-xx. Briquet's figuring produced approximately the same results for each century. For paper of "ordinary" size format (i.e. paper measuring 35cm x 50cm or less—by far the most common in use), the maximum use-period of approximately 55% of the marks for all three centuries combined, was one to five years; for approximately 25%, it was six to ten years; and for approximately 10%, eleven to fifteen years. For the sixteenth century, the time-frame most pertinent to the analysis in this article, the figures were 55% (one to five years) and 24% (six to ten). For paper of the rare large-size format, the useperiod might be as long as thirty years.
V. N. Shchepkin, "Prilozheniia II: Rukovodstvo po datirovke rukoposei na osnovanii vodianykh znakov bumagi," Russkaia paleografiia, 2nd edition, Moscow, 1967, ed. M. V. Shchepkina; rpt. of 1920 edition entitled Uchebnik Russkoi paleografii, p. 203. This piece was also published as a separate article: V. N. Shchepkin and M. V. Shchepkina, "Paleogra-ficheskoe znachenie vodianykh znakov" Problemy istochnikovedeniia, vol. 6, 1958, pp. 325-346. My citations are from the essay as appended to Russkaia paleografiia.
Shchepkin, Paleografiia, pp. 205-207, 209. Shchepkin expressed his approach in the formula X = M ± 5: where X equals the sought-for time period in the undated manuscript, and M equals the mean in years between the use-dates of its watermarks. For an undated manuscript with several marks, the procedure for finding M apparently would be to locate the two chronologically closest marks and calculate the mean between the use dates for each mark that, when paired, encompass the shortest period of time (M = D + D1 divided by 2). Shchepkin's choice of a decade as a corrective for his average use-date seems to be based in part on the observations of his Russian predecessors in the study of watermarks, the Muscovite engraver K. Ia. Tromonin, and the historian, paleographer, and archaeologist, N. P. Likhachev. The former suggested that for foreign paper used in Russian manuscripts, a decade should be added to the use-date; the latter argued that there were too many variables to justify a correction in the case of a single mark appearing in a manuscript, but that for manuscripts with many marks, the use-dates would mutually limit each other, which could produce a date accurate to within a decade (Shchepkin, Paleografiia, pp. 203, 206, 207). Shchepkin also produced a limited sample comparing marks that indicated their manufacture dates with their use dates for the end of the sixteenth/beginning of the seventeenth centuries, which indicated an average of twelve and one-half years for the use of foreign paper in Russia, and he suggested that further research might narrow this average to a decade (ibid., p. 205). Additionally, Shchepkin noted that even one of Briquet's examples of dating a manuscript with several marks with his mutually limiting fifteen-year corrections resulted in a dating period spanning a decade (ibid., p. 208). And finally it may be inferred that Shchepkin was also influenced by his interpretation of Briquet's statistics of paper use through the sixteenth century, which indicated that only rarely did the production/use-time lag extend beyond a decade (ibid., pp. 206, 202-203). The percentage figures Shchepkin derives from Briquet's statistics are not quite accurate, but his principle of a ten-year corrective is supported when they are corrected: 79.9% of all the marks Briquet considered were used within this time period. (See Les Filigranes, vol. 1, p. xx.) Tromonin's work was published in 1844 as Iz"iasnenie znakov, vidimykh v pischei bumage, posredstvom kotrykh mozhno uznavat' kogda napisany ili napechatany kakii libo knigi, grammaty, risunki, kartinki i drugiia starinnyia i nestarinnyia dela, na kotorykh ne oznacheno godov. Moscow; reissued in facsimilie, with supplementary materials by S. A. Klepikov, as Tromonin's Watermark Album, Monumenta Chartae Papyraceae Historiam Illustrantia, vol. 11, Hilversum, Holland, 1965.
See for example, Paleografiia, p. 209, where Shchepkin explains the choice of watermark dates to be used in applying his formula to the dating of one of the manuscripts Briquet had attempted unsuccessfully to date by his own method.
Waugh recommends Shchepkin's essay as a "useful appendix on dating by means of watermarks" ("Watermark studies," p. 78 n. 3). Additionally, Waugh says he assumes a potential error in dating of at least plus/minus five years, where he has identified a mark with one in an album, although he does not seem to employ any specifically formulated dating procedure. ("De Visu Description of Manuscripts Containing the Correspondence," in Edward L. Keenan, The Kurbskii-Groznyi Apocrypha: The Seventeenth Century Genesis of the 'Correspondence' Attributed to Prince A. M. Kurbskii and Tsar Ivan IV, Cambridge, Mass., 1971, pp. 103-104; cf. idem., The Great Turkes Defiance: On the History of the Apocryphal Correspondence of the Ottoman Sultan in its Muscovite and Russian Variants, Columbus, Ohio, 1978, pp. 222-223, where Dr. Waugh takes a somewhat more agnostic position on the time corrective that ought to be applied).
Perhaps Stevenson's most spectacular achievement in the use of watermark study to solve bibliographic problems is his analysis of the Missale Speciale, considered by a number of scholars as being possibly the oldest western printed book in existence, i.e. dating from the early 1450s. Using watermarks, typographical evidence, and other bibliographical features, Stevenson demonstrated that the book should actually be dated to 1473; in the course of his research he located the city in which it was printed (Basle), identified the names of its likely printers, and narrowed the printing date to July-August 23, 1473. (On the dating of the work, see Missale, p. 166; on its printers, see Chapter 10, especially p. 222.)
Allan H. Stevenson, "Watermarks are Twins," Studies in Bibliography: Papers of the Bibliographical Society of the University of Virginia, 4 (1951-52), 57-91, 235.
Stevenson, Missale, pp. 248-252, especially pp. 251-252; idem., New Briquet, vol. 1, pp. * 19-* 22.
Briquet, Les Filigranes, vol. 1, p. xix, cf. p. xviii. Shchepkin, Paleografiia, pp. 201, 202, 205, 206.
Stevenson, New Briquet, vol. 1, pp. * 19, * 22, cf. p. * 33; idem., Missale, pp. 90-91, 96-97; idem., "Twins," p. 89. See also Likhachev, Paleograficheskoe znachenie, vol. 1, pp. LXXIV-LXXVI on the use of paper in Muscovy. Only rarely, in Likhachev's opinion, could a manuscript be finished without the purchase of a stock of paper.
On Stevenson's evidence that paper in long runs was procured for a specific task, implying an immediate or shorter use-period, see Missale, chapter 6; on the operations involved in early European papermaking, and on some of the expenses incurred, see Dard Hunter, Papermaking: The History and Technique of an Ancient Craft, 2nd edition, New York, 1947; rpt. edition, New York, 1978, chapters 6, 8 passim.
Stevenson, Missale, p. 91; cf. idem., New Briquet, vol. 1, pp. * 19, * 33. See also Likhachev's inferences on the high prices paid for paper imported (in the sixteenth century, primarily from France) into Muscovy, where domestic manufacturing was not established until the mid-seventeenth century. (Paleograficheskoe znachenie, vol. 1, pp. LXXIV-LXXVII, LVII, LXVIII; cf. Shchepkin, Paleografiia, pp. 97-98).
Stevenson, Missale, passim, especially chapter 6, "Runs and Remnants," pp. 94-96. See also Likhachev, Paleograficheskoe znachenie, vol. 1, p. LXXVI for an example of a sheet left over from the paper supply used for a Russian manuscript written in 1456, turning up in another written three years later at the same scriptorium.
Both Shchepkin and Stevenson criticized Briquet for a lack of rigor in the application of the term "variété identique" to the marks he found, which would imply that his statistics on the use time for the 2558 marks and their dated variants that he so designated cannot of course be relied on absolutely. (Shchepkin, Paleografiia, pp. 205-206; Stevenson, Missale, pp. 61-64, idem, New Briquet, vol. 1, pp. * 32-* 33, cf. the same author's introduction to Charles M. Briquet, Briquet's Opuscula, Hilversum, Holland, 1955, p. xxvi). Nevertheless they surely can be accepted as serviceable guidelines. Stevenson himself indicated that a remnant may be contemporary with the main mark in a work, or may be as much as five or ten years older than the latter (Missale, pp. 94-95), and as noted earlier (note eleven), Shchepkin provided information on a small sample of late sixteenth-/early seventeenth-century manuscripts on European paper whose date of manufacture is indicated in the watermark itself, and found that on the average, foreign paper was used in Rus' not much longer than a decade after its production (Paleografiia, p. 205). See also Likhachev, Paleograficheskoe znachenie, vol. 1, pp. LXXII-LXXIV, on the idea that European paper in its country of origin and in Rus' was used within about a decade of its manufacture.
Gosudarstvennyi istoricheskii muzei (Moscow) [hereafter GIM], Muzeiskoe sobranie No. 4056 (10, 554 fols.; formerly Obshchestvo Liubitelei Drevnei Pis'mennosti [hereafter OLDP] F VII 380). This manuscript is described in detail under its former designation in Kh. M. Loparev, Opisanie rukopisei obshchestva liubitelei drevnei pis' mennosti, 3 vols., St. Petersburg, 1892-1899, vol. 1, pp. 9-59.
Gosudarstvennaia ordena Lenina biblioteka SSR imeni V. I. Lenina (Moscow) [hereafter GBL] f. 205, Sobranie Obshchestva istorii i drevnostei rossiiskikh No. 328 (10, 420 fols.). This manuscript is described very briefly in P. M. Stroev, ed., Biblioteka imperatorskago obshchestva istorii i drevnostei rossiiskikh, Moscow, 1845, vol. 1, otdelenie 1, p. 148.
The texts in K-B 31 are preceeded by six blank folios (fol. I, pasted to the inside front cover; fol. II [both numbered in pencil]; and four unnumbered blank folios that I designate fols. 01-04). The next 279 folios in K-B 31 contain: "Skazanie mnogoslovnomu poslaniiu" (an introduction to the text, written by a different author); the body of Poslanie; two blank unnumbered folios (fols. 05-06); and a homily by Basil of Caesarea, meant by the Poslanie author to be integrated into the polished version of his text in some fashion. Five more blank folios follow (fol. III, numbered in pencil, and fols. 07-010, no numeration). Arabic numbers in ink mark the folios containing the three texts, occasionally appearing also in pencil to correct a mistake in the ink numbering whereby two folios were assigned the number 91. When folios after no. 91 are referred to, two numbers will be given—the first representing the original pagination, and the second, the correct folio count. Thirty-three Cyrillic signatures, in ink, mark the thirty-two eight folio quires, and the one twelve-folio quire on which Poslanie and the Basilean homily are written. (For a detailed description of K-B 31, see Yanoshak, "Zinovii," pp. 483-494. On "Skazanie," the Basilean homily, and the relationship of each to Poslanie and the K-B 31 manuscript, see idem, pp. 160-172, 179-209).
The degree of resemblance which the marks being dealt with bear to the album reproductions are described according to the following categories, based, with slight modifications, on those proposed by Waugh ("De Visu, p. 104): of the type; 2) similar; 3) variant; 4) close variant; 5) likeness (fair, good, excellent).
1878 appears twenty-four times (nineteen as a distorted variant/later state, five as a very good/excellent likeness), and 1879, eighteen times (twelve as a very good/excellent likeness, six as a close variant). In a quarto such as K-B 31 it is theoretically possible that each of the eight-folio quires could contain one set of companion marks, and thus in the twenty-four gatherings in which 1878 and 1879 are distributed, each might appear matched together twenty-four times. There are however other marks interspersed among these gatherings. Nevertheless, 1878 is at least found often enough times to have been once a part of each quire, while 1879 comes close. Moreover, in eight of their gatherings, 1878 and 1879 do appear together as matched pairs. Viewed as twins, these marks denote a consistent stock of paper occurring nearly without interruption from gathering 7 (i.e. of those numbered by Cyrillic signatures) through 25; 27 through 30; and also in 32. Viewed as separate marks, they still constitute the longest runs in the work, 1879 running through gatherings 8-19, 21, 24, and 30, and 1878 in gatherings 7-8, 11, 13, 17-23, 25, 27-30, and 32. (See Table 1 for more details).
1901 is found in Cyrillic-numbered quires 1, 3, 4, 5 (twice in this gathering), and 6, and 1902 is in nos. 1, 2 (twice), 3, 4, and 6.
Muzeiskoe 4056 is the source of Likhachev nos. 1870-1900. In Likhachev's album (1: 177), its number (OLDP F VII [380]) is mistakenly given as 389 (VII). According to my inspection, its most characteristic marks are varieties of 1874 or 1875, and 1880 or 1881. 1874, apparently the most frequently appearing mark, is found sixty-eight times; 1878 appears twelve times and 1879 eleven, matched together on fols. 345-348, and, with three other marks interspersed, on fols. 378-399. (See Yanoshak, "Zinovii," pp. 130-132 for further details).
OIDR 328 is the source of Likhachev nos. 1901-1913. Its most frequent mark is 1906 (26 times). In this manuscript I found 1878 and 1879 together distributed nearly equally (13 instances of 1878, 10 of 1879) on fols. 340-360 and 367-383. 1901 (12 times) and 1902 (6 times) alternate on fols. 271-298 and 303-304. (See Yanoshak, "Zinovii," pp. 130-132 for further information.)
The source of Likhachev 3356 was listed as a letter dated 30 April 1567 by G. I. Zabolotskii, a voevoda of Rugodiv (Narva) (Paleograficheskoe znachenie, vol. 1, p. 394); although identification is not certain, a variant may also be found, unnoted by Likhachev, in Muzeiskoe 4056.
The K-B 31 mark resembling Likhachev 1907 is also a close variant of 3450, taken from the celebrated Muscovite Apostol' of 1564, printed by Deacon Ivan Fedorov, and traditionally considered the first book printed in Muscovy (See Table 1), although several anonymous works may actually antedate it (A. S. Zernova, Nachalo knigopechataniia v Moskve i na Ukraine, Moscow, 1947, pp. 7-46, 79).
The source of Likhachev 1920 was a Margarit, or collection of the homilies of John Chrysostom (see Table 1).
This was the only mark in K-B 31 which could not be identified with one in a work of Russian provenance. Its source was a letter written by Marshall de Montluc, dated 11 October, 1562. (See Likhachev, Paleograficheskoe znachenie, vol. 1, p. 367, and Table 1.)
The source of 1856 is a Trefoloi, a service book for holidays, dated 1561/1562; that of 4090, a Sbornik (Collection) of Saints' Lives, written in 1565 (see Table 1).
One of these marks is a glove which shares design features with three marks encompassing the period 1560-1567 (Briquet 11028, dated 1566; Likhachev 1878 or 1879; Briquet 11017, dated 1561; Likhachev 3343, dated 1560), and appears twice in K-B 31. The other two doubtful marks are spheres, each appearing once in K-B 31. One shares features with three marks whose dates range from 1563 to 1567 (Likhachev 3440, dated 1564; Briquet 14029, dated 1563; Likhachev 1913, dated 1567) and is perhaps closest to Likhachev 3440, but even here the resemblance is rather vague. The other sphere vaguely resembles two marks (Likhachev 1853, dated 1561/1562, and Likhachev 1892, dated 1567), but again, identification is extremely uncertain (see Table 1).
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