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Richard Baldwin Junior, Bookseller by C. Y. Ferdinand
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Richard Baldwin Junior, Bookseller
by
C. Y. Ferdinand

Early in the nineteenth century, John Nichols could readily claim that "the name of Baldwin has long been, and still continues to be, famous in the Annals of Bibliography."[1] The name itself might then have been famous, but many details of the lives and careers of the individual booksellers, printers, and bookbinders of that name have continued to elude bibliographers. Baldwins were active in the London booktrade from the latter seventeenth century when one Richard Baldwin (1653?-1698), the political publisher, was active, through the eighteenth century with the careers of his widow Abigail Baldwin (1658-1713), Richard Baldwin senior (1694?-1777), his sons Robert (1717-1748) and Richard junior (1724-1770), and their cousins Henry (1734-1813) and Robert Baldwin (1737-1810) (see Genealogical Appendix). A family preference for the names Richard and Robert, usually abbreviated to "R." in their imprints, complicates the problem in the eighteenth century. So Plomer conflates Richard Baldwin senior, Richard Baldwin


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junior, and Robert Baldwin into one entry—under Robert; and Nichols, contemporary and friend of the late eighteenth- early nineteenth-century generation of the family, was unaware of the brief mid-eighteenth-century career of Richard Baldwin junior's elder brother Robert, and he slightly muddles the death dates of Baldwins with whom he was probably acquainted.[2] More recently, scholars have had to resort to conjecture in their attempts to decide which R. Baldwin was associated with the book in hand.[3]

The effect has been that the Baldwin family has received collective credit for its part in the publication of editions of Horace, Shakespeare, Milton, and Pope, Smollett's most important works, numerous botanical and medical tracts by Sir John Hill, Memoires of Bolingbroke, Hoyle, and other works. Richard Baldwin junior, whose enterprise and energy were in fact behind most of these publications, has been all but lost in the shuffle of R. Baldwins.[4] The main concern of this paper, then, is to establish the bibliographical and biographical details of his career.

A powerful new research tool, The Eighteenth-Century Short Title Catalogue (ESTC), offers unprecedented opportunities for unravelling such complicated bibliographical problems. Its data base contains about 217,000 bibliographical entries (800,000 locations) all of them indexed and subject to computer searches of varying complexity.[5] A straightforward search for Baldwin imprints in Richard Baldwin junior's lifetime (from the 1720s through the 1760s) produces a list of about 750 imprints.[6] An examination of the books themselves, coupled with the results of traditional archival research, provides an outline for a biobibliography of Richard Baldwin junior. And because his career overlaps and joins those of other R. Baldwins, all of them family members, details of related lives fall into place.[7] It is the further purpose of this essay, by establishing more accurately the details of the career of Richard Baldwin junior, to increase our understanding of his publishing activities and those of his associates in the eighteenth century.

Richard Baldwin junior was born in the heart of the London booktrade district probably 27 November 1724;[8] the second son of Richard and Hannah Baldwin, he was christened 13 December in the parish church of St. Martin Ludgate.[9] His father, Richard Baldwin senior, had already served a number of years in the trade, first as apprentice to bookbinder Robert Whitledge. He became free of the Stationers' Company in 1716[10] and may have continued with Whitledge in Creed Lane as journeyman bookbinder. Stationers' Company registers record Baldwin's first apprentice, John Whiffen, in February 1726 and a second, Robert Stephen, in April of the same year.[11] By this time he was paying taxes on a modest property in St. Martin Ludgate.[12] In 1732, more than sixteen years after his freedom, he accepted a call to the Livery; his name first appeared in that year as bookseller, possibly copyholder, in several imprints;[13] he moved to the Blue Bible in St. Paul's Churchyard;[14] and he took on his eldest son Robert as one of his apprentices.[15] In spite of all this activity from bookbinder to bookseller, there is little evidence in the following years of Richard Baldwin senior having a flourishing bookselling business.[16]


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In 1740 when Richard junior was fifteen years old, he was sent out of London to Salisbury to serve his apprenticeship with Benjamin Collins (1715-1785).[17] The Collins-Baldwin connection must have been based in Berkshire: Benjamin Collins was born in Faringdon, where Robert Baldwin, an apothecary and Richard senior's brother, still lived with his family. A number of Richard junior's cousins, including Robert (1737-1810) and Henry (1734-1813), important figures in the late eighteenth-century booktrade, were also born in Faringdon.[18] William Collins (1705-1740?),[19] Benjamin's eldest brother, was a Salisbury bookseller and printer whose name is found in earlier partnerships with Richard Baldwin senior and with Thomas Astley, who was another Berkshire transplant to London.[20] Astley is also the first London distributor to be listed in the colophon of the Salisbury Journal. So the Berkshire-Wiltshire-London links were already well established when Richard junior began his apprenticeship in September 1740.

The two Collins brothers had been in Salisbury since about 1729 when they are believed to have had a hand in the establishment of the first short-lived Salisbury Journal.[21] The only evidence of their partnership is in the intertwined woodcut initials "BC" and "WC" in the headpieces of early numbers of the newspaper. In fact, Benjamin probably played a subordinate role to his brother at this time and may have been William's apprentice, although no formal record of apprenticeship survives. Few Collins imprints are extant from the period between 1729 and 1740.[22] It is likely therefore that the business was grounded in jobbing printing, bookbinding, and the sale of London imprints, stationery, and medical supplies to an expanding provincial market, at least until late 1736. In that year the Salisbury Journal was reestablished, and this time the newspaper was a successful addition to the Collins repertoire, providing a steady source of revenue in sales and advertisements, as well as creating opportunities for enlarging London and provincial contacts.

The printing office Richard Baldwin junior joined as an apprentice in 1740 was therefore one in which a large range of professional expertise was available; and he would have brought to it his own experience in his father's shop. By this time management of the Salisbury business was solely in the capable hands of Benjamin Collins.[23] There is evidence that Collins and his first apprentice shared a sound, intuitive sense of good business, for Collins entrusts the running of an Isle of Wight agency to the young man in 1743 when Richard is eighteen years old: "R. Baldwin, Bookseller in the Isle of Wight" replaces Thomas Geare[24] in the colophon of the Salisbury Journal for 28 June 1743. Richard Baldwin's name also appears frequently with that of Benjamin Collins and Thomas Burrough of Devizes in book, stationery, and medical advertisements in the newspaper.[25] Reports from Newport, perhaps from the pen of Richard junior, regularly appear in the paper's local news section during this time—usually they are standardized accounts of the assizes, loyal celebrations, and unusual crimes. An indication of his youthful enterprise is found in a Journal advertisement 24 September 1745 in which Richard Baldwin is selling Sterrop's True Spectacles, and "all Manner of


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Musical Instruments, as Violins, German, and common Flutes, &c. Also, the most curious painted Paper for Rooms."

While Richard Baldwin the younger was maintaining an Isle of Wight agency and completing his apprenticeship, his brother Robert was setting up shop in the parish of St. Martin Ludgate, London, at the Bible and Crown near Stationers' Hall. He had obtained his freedom 7 August 1739 but was not clothed until 12 April 1743 (McKenzie, Apprentices 1701-1800, 17, 426). He is recorded in the Faringdon Within tax books from 1743 in premises previously occupied by Elizabeth Jefferies near Stationers' Hall.[26] A number of imprints in the 1740s include his name, often with J. Jefferies or in some version of "R. Baldwin & Comp. over-against Stationers-Hall."[27] Evidence of the extent and nature of Robert Baldwin's relationship with John Jefferies is provided in a Salisbury Journal advertisement of 27 July 1747:

The Partnership between Robert Baldwin, and John Jefferies, Booksellers, and Pasteboard-Ware-house-Keepers, at the Bible and Crown, fronting Stationers-Hall, near Ludgate Street, London: Being by Agreement dissolv'd.

THIS is to acquaint the Customers and Others, that the said Business is now carried on by Robert Baldwin, ONLY, at the same Shop, . . . By whom Gentlemen, School-Masters, Booksellers, and Chapmen, may be supply'd with all Sorts of Bibles, Common-Prayers, Books of Divinity, School-Books, &c. at the very lowest Rates, Wholesale or Retail; and continues selling the best Mill'd-Boards for the use of Bookbinders, &c. at fourteen Shillings per Hundred Weight, and Orders for the same to any part of Great-Britain, . . .

Robert died when he was only thirty. His will was proved 13 February 1747/48, less than a month after it was written. He left instructions for his widow Elizabeth (pregnant with their daughter Elizabeth at the time of his death) to continue his trade if she wished; Richard Baldwin senior and Samuel Birt, another bookseller and a family friend, were instructed to assist her "as much as lyes in their Power," although the two were absolved of any responsibility for trade losses incurred by the widow since the book business is "in its Nature hazardous" (PRO, PROB 11/759/37). Only one book has been discovered bearing the imprint of E. Baldwin, and "Widow Baldwin" disappears from the tax assessors' books, apparently replaced by Paul Stephens in 1751.[28] Robert Baldwin's short career has been unnoticed until now.

During this time Richard Baldwin senior appears in imprints only occasionally. ESTC records "R. Baldwin in St. Paul's-church-yard" in only five entries. He and his son Robert were both subscribers to Daniel Bellamy's Truth of Christian Religion (1744). He was still in St. Paul's Churchyard (but not as a landlord, that is, taxpayer) 16 January 1747/48 when Robert Baldwin writes his will. Richard senior may have had other business activities, for it is clear that bookselling cannot have been his primary source of income.

In 1746, near the end of his time on the Isle of Wight, Richard Baldwin junior's name first appears in the imprints of two sermons. In both cases the partners are J. and J. Rivington in London and Benjamin Collins in Salisbury. The first is Magistrates and Their Office Considered, preached by William


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Budworth in 1739 and advertised in the Salisbury Journal of 18 August 1746 as shortly to be published. The second, John Gilbert's topical The Duty of Fearing God and the King, is advertised 10 November. Richard Baldwin junior apparently had left the Isle of Wight by the time a pamphlet sermon of similar content and format, Thomas Whitewood's Love to God the Best Tribute of Praise, is first advertised two weeks later and this work bears the imprint of Jonathan Moore, bookseller in Newport. The Isle of Wight changes are also noted in the colophon of the Journal 24 November 1746, and Baldwin is replaced by Moore in advertisements over the next few weeks. On 15 December 1746 Richard Baldwin places a notice in the Salisbury Journal:
ALL Persons indebted to Richard Baldwin, late of Newport Bookseller, are desired forthwith, to pay their respective Debts to Mr. Jonathan Moore of Newport, (who succeeds him in his Shop and Business in Newport aforesaid,) and his Receipt shall be a full Discharge, From your humble Servant Richard Baldwin, N.B. The said J. Moore, continues the Bookselling and Stationary Business, in the same Shop as R. Baldwin kept, and will supply all Gentlemen and Others, with Books, and Stationary-Wares, on the best Terms, either Wholesale or Retail.

At this distance it is impossible to say whether Richard Baldwin's removal to London was an abrupt one to take advantage of a sudden opportunity, or whether it was a long-planned phase of his career. Certainly there was opportunity in London. The imprint of the London Magazine for November 1746, published early December, indicates that it is "printed for T. Astley, and Sold by R. Baldwin, at the Rose in Pater-Noster-Row."[29] Probably to avoid confusion between father and son, the imprint for the December number and for the general titlepage for 1746 (which would have been printed after all the monthly parts) is amended to "R. Baldwin, jun." The London Magazine was an important publication, established in 1732 by the proprietors of the Monthly Chronicle (itself begun four years earlier) to compete with the Gentleman's Magazine. The London Magazine was the Gentleman's most successful rival and the chance of obtaining an interest in the enterprise must have been attractive. Richard Baldwin junior clearly had ability and relevant experience; what is less clear is how he financed the arrangement—perhaps with the assistance of his father or of Astley himself.[30]

Soon after—on 3 February 1747—Richard junior obtained his freedom by patrimony (McKenzie, Apprentices 1701-1800, 17). Thomas Astley's name is dropped from the London Magazine's imprint with the April 1747 issue, coinciding with his arrest for publishing Lord Lovat's trial in that periodical; and when the 1747 land tax is collected on the Rose in Paternoster Row the owner is recorded as Richard Baldwin. Astley's arrest and fines did not deter him from moving to the shop next to John Walthoe on Cornhill—formerly in the possession of Francis Ellis and Company, but noted the previous year as empty—which had over four times the rateable value of his old premises in the Row. Unfortunately, this property, along with many others, was destroyed in the devastating fire of 25 March 1748.[31]

Richard Baldwin junior's status was rising steadily and so was the number


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of Baldwin imprints, slowly at first, then accelerating sharply in the early 1750s. During his first complete year in London he and his brother are on three titlepages each, Richard as "R. Baldwin jun." in every case. In 1748, the year of Robert's death, Robert has only one book and Richard six.[32] There are eleven imprints in 1749 with "jun." and two more can be added on the basis of the address. Sixteen were published the following year, seven with the epithet, nine without. The Gentleman's and Tradesman's Daily Journal is registered to "Richd Baldwin in Pater Noster Row" in the Stationers' Register 29 November 1749. In this one instance Richard signs the entry and he includes "Junr," providing evidence that he was known by both forms of name in his early London years—also that he was investing in copies. A Description of the First Discoveries of the Ancient City of Heraclea registered 22 August 1750 to "Richd Baldwin" and bearing the imprint of Richard Baldwin, jun. is corroborative. But fewer and fewer of the increasing number of imprints (up to forty-seven in 1753) describe the retailer or copyholder as "junior"; the last to do so appeared in 1754. During these years he became established as Richard Baldwin at the Rose in Paternoster Row. It is possible, too, that the other Richard Baldwin, his father, left off business about this time to retire to Birmingham.[33]

One other R. Baldwin may have come to London around 1752. In that year Richard Baldwin junior's Berkshire cousin Robert would have been fourteen years old. No official record of his apprenticeship has been discovered, but Robert Baldwin owns the whole copyright of the London Magazine by July 1769 when he enters the number for that month in the Stationers' Company registers,[34] and it is he who takes over the business when Richard dies in 1770. While it is likely that Robert learned the art of bookselling from his cousin, joining Richard's first apprentice, John Staples of Salisbury,[35] there are no grounds for believing that Robert was more than a journeyman or subordinate partner until at least the mid-1760s. Henry Baldwin, another cousin and Robert's brother, presents no real problem.[36] He was printer to a number of projects in which Richard Baldwin had an interest, including the London Magazine (after Henry took over the deceased Charles Ackers's business) and the London Packet, and he is justly famous for his St. James's Chronicle.[37]

Most of the editions recorded in the ESTC Baldwin search for 1747 through 1769 can now be assigned to Richard Baldwin junior in Paster-noster Row, as retailer (that is, the book was sold by him), sole copyholder, or partner (the book was printed for him alone or in partnership) on the basis of the imprints—on the form of name, the address, and the relationship with other names.[38] The London Magazine was his most important early venture, involving, if not initially, then by the early 1750s, a financial investment in a share of the copyright. His other concerns could not always be described as great literature and are often unfamiliar to the twentieth-century reader, but many must have been good, even best, sellers. The variety of titles is striking. Copies which Baldwin bought at the beginning of his career include, among others, an account of the life of the defiant forger John Wells


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(two editions in 1749), The Muncher's and Guzler's Diary (1749), An Inquiry into the Medicinal Virtues of Bristol-Water (1750), a translation of Gabriel Dellon's Relation de l'inquisition de Goa (1750), and The Gentleman's and Tradesman's Daily Journal for the Year 1750—all of them are printed for R. Baldwin, jun. Probably none of them were expensive, either in outlay for copy or in production costs. Yet they seem to have been sound investments generally, setting a pattern of buying copies and shares of copies, then investing the profits from those copies into more (and more reliable, more profitable) copies.

Imprints of 1750 indicate that seven books were printed for Richard Baldwin junior himself, and he is the retailer noted in six other books (all six printed for Thomas Astley). Ten years later Baldwin is part or sole owner of copies of thirty-three books published in 1760; only five others are sold by him, and he may have owned shares of some of those.[39] One measure of his success in the 1750s is his election to the office of Renter Warden of the Stationers' Company in 1753 (McKenzie, Apprentices 1701-1800, 405). Of perhaps greater importance is his acceptance into the London booktrade's established congers.[40] It was by this means that he obtained shares in major publications of his time. So a sub-pattern in his career is a gradual move to less risky, more substantial undertakings within the framework of large partnerships. By the time of his death 15 March 1770, Richard Baldwin junior had built up a solid family business on a foundation of sound investment in copies. When his cousin Robert succeeded to the shop at number 47 (formerly the Rose[41]) Paternoster Row, he saw no need to alter the imprints to reflect the transition. Works continued to be printed for R. Baldwin until well past the turn of the nineteenth century.[42]

Notes

 
[1]

John Nichols, Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century (1812-1815), 3:716.

[2]

H. R. Plomer, A Dictionary of the Printers and Booksellers Who Were at Work in England Scotland and Ireland from 1726 to 1775 (1932), 14; Nichols, Literary Anecdotes, 3: 716-17.

[3]

For example, D. F. Foxon thinks that the Baldwin in William Diaper's Brent a Poem (Sarum: Printed for William Collins, and sold by T. Astley and R. Baldwin [1732?]) is "probably Richard senior." He is right; in fact Foxon is right in each of his Baldwin attributions as his work is based on careful examination of the imprints. But additional evidence dispels the need for conjecture (D. F. Foxon, English Verse 1701-1751: A Catalogue of Separately Printed Poems with Notes on Contemporary Collected Editions [1975], 2:153; Diaper's poem is Foxon D291). J. P. Feather lists Richard junior and his cousin Robert together under Richard Baldwin in his indexes to booksellers' prospectuses (J. P. Feather, comp., Book Prospectuses before 1801 in the John Johnson Collection [1976] and Book Prospectuses before 1801 in the Gough Collection [1980]).

[4]

His part in the London Magazine has been acknowledged though (D. F. McKenzie and J. C. Ross, A Ledger of Charles Ackers, Printer of The London Magazine [1968], 10-11).

[5]

216,980 entries, with over 1,000 libraries contributing as of May 1988. M. J. Crump of the ESTC/BL has provided invaluable assistance.

[6]

Searches of the database for imprints 1720-1759 were conducted in January 1987, for the 1760s in February 1987. It should be noted that ESTC does not include addresses in


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the publishers subfield (except when the address is the only means of establishing the place of publication), and congers of more than seven proprietors usually include only the names of the first five; some Baldwin imprints may therefore be lost, particularly in early years when Richard did not have seniority in the Stationers' Company.

[7]

Roderick Cave thinks that the Baldwins printing in Jamaica in the 1720s and 1730s are related. I agree, but have been unsuccessful in finding them a place on the London/Berkshire family tree. (See Cave's "The First Printers in Jamaica," Amphora no. 27 [1977].) My search has not been expanded to include the lives of the seventeenth-century Richard Baldwin and his wife Abigail, or details of the lives of the cousins Henry and Robert Baldwin. (For authoritative discussion of the Baldwins as trade publishers see Michael Treadwell, "London Trade Publishers 1675-1750," The Library, 6th ser., 4 [1982]: 99-134; see also Leona Rostenberg, "Richard and Anne [sic] Baldwin, Whig Patriot Publishers," Publications of the Bibliographical Society of America 47 [1953]: 1-42; Stanley Morison describes Richard Baldwin's newspaper enterprises in The English Newspaper: Some Account of the Physical Development of Journals Printed in London between 1622 & the Present Day [1932], 57-64. For Henry Baldwin, see below, n. 37.)

[8]

In a holograph draft of his will, dated 28 July 1769, Richard Baldwin junior specifies that the interest from £150 be used "to Purchase five Great Coats, for five Poor Liverymen of the said [Stationers'] Company, every Year, who shall be actually above the Age of Sixty, and be given them on the 27th of November Old Stile, which is now the 8th of Decr. . . ." The date obviously had significance for Baldwin and the proximity to the anniversary of his christening suggests a birth day—unless of course he was commemorating St. Budoc's day? (Public Record Office [PRO], PROB 31/558/245, Exhibit A).

[9]

(Guildhall Library, London, MS 10,214). Dates of birth as well as christening are noted for most infants in the registers for St. Martin Ludgate at this time, but this additional information is lacking for the Richard Baldwin entry. An interval of about two weeks between birth and baptism—at least for healthy babies—was common.

[10]

Richard Baldwin senior's term of apprenticeship was from 2 August 1708 to 7 May 1716. He was not admitted to the Livery until 5 September 1732 (D. F. McKenzie, ed., Stationers' Company Apprentices 1701-1800 [1978], 374, 425).

[11]

(McKenzie, Apprentices 1701-1800, 17). Whiffen was turned over to Baldwin by William Green, bookbinder of Scalding Alley. Baldwin's address was still Creed Lane.

[12]

The first record of Richard Baldwin in this location is early 1725 when land tax for 1724 was collected. In this instance he paid 16s. as landlord, but nothing on personal property (Guildhall Library, MS 11,316/76).

[13]

The third and fourth editions of The Posthumous Works of Mr Samuel Butler (London: Printed for and sold by Richard Baldwin) and Diaper's Brent a Poem. The latter is only tentatively dated 1732.

[14]

While Richard Baldwin was listed as a taxpayer in St. Martin Ludgate from 1725 to 1731 he does not appear in the tax books in St. Paul's Churchyard (that is, in the parish of St. Faith under St. Paul's). This suggests a tenancy or a partnership.

[15]

Robert Baldwin was born 18 October and christened 3 November 1717 in the parish of St. Martin Ludgate (Guildhall Library, MS 10,213). He served his apprenticeship from 1 August 1732 to 7 August 1739 (McKenzie, Apprentices 1701-1800, 17).

[16]

Only six imprints that can be assigned to Richard Baldwin senior from 1732 to 1744 were listed in the ESTC database.

[17]

Richard Baldwin junior was Collins's apprentice from 16 September 1740; a premium of £25 was paid (PRO, IR I/50/133. See Christabel Dale, Wiltshire Apprentices and Their Masters 1710-1760 [1961], no. 93, and Ian Maxted, The British Book Trades, 1710-1777 [1983], no. 0365).

[18]

Benjamin Collins was christened 14 October 1715; Robert Baldwin 29 June 1737; and Henry Baldwin 27 December 1734 (Faringdon Parish Registers, Berkshire Record Office [BRO], D/P53/1/2).

[19]

William was christened 1 September 1705. William and Margaret Collins had earlier had another son William baptized 9 February 1701/02, who apparently died at five months.


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The burial of this William Collins is recorded 22 July 1702 (Faringdon Parish Registers, BRO, D/P53/1/1).

[20]

Besides Diaper's poem in 1732, Collins is listed with Astley—as well as E. Easton and J. Knapton—in the imprint of A Dissertation in Vindication of the Antiquity of Stone Henge (1730), a pseudonymous work by Stamford Wallis; and, with Astley and five others, in the first two editions of Samuel Fancourt, The Nature and Expediency of the Gospel Revelation (1734).

[21]

Mrs. Herbert Richardson, "Wiltshire Newspapers—Past and Present. Part III. (Continued.) The Newspapers of South Wilts," Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine 41 (1919): 53-56.

[22]

I have discovered only eleven William Collins imprints, most of them pamphlets.

[23]

William Collins apparently died between 5 August 1740 when his name last appears in the Salisbury Journal colophon and the following week when Benjamin's name appears. Benjamin Collins has no published comment on his brother's disappearance.

[24]

Thomas Geare is found in Yeovil selling Squire's Genuine Grand Elixir in 1737 (Advertisement Salisbury Journal 19 December 1737). He makes his first appearance in the colophon as "Mr. Tho. Gear, Bookseller, and Distributor of this Paper in the Isle of Wight" 8 April 1740.

[25]

It is unlikely that the R. Baldwin at Newport in the Isle of Wight and so closely connected with Benjamin Collins was Richard Baldwin senior, who would have been about fifty years old in 1743. He was apparently still in business at this time, but almost certainly only in London. Richard Baldwin junior frequently omitted "junior" from his name, often signing "R Baldwin" with the initials distinctively intertwined. In addition, the start of Richard junior's London career coincides exactly with R. Baldwin's departure from the Isle of Wight.

[26]

(Guildhall Library, MS 11,316/130 and 133). Robert's wife was called Elizabeth and it is tempting to speculate that she is the same Elizabeth Jefferies—possibly the daughter of the bookseller Francis Jefferies (d. 1738/39)—near Stationers' Hall. Their first child, Samuel, was born 24 July 1743 and buried 15 August 1743; Francis Jefferies Baldwin was born 26 June 1744 and died January 1745/46. Two other children are recorded in the parish registers, Avis (b. 4 May 1746) and Elizabeth, who was born 20 March 1747/48, a little over a month after her father's death (Guildhall Library, MS 10,214).

[27]

ESTC records thirteen books that can be assigned to Robert on the basis of his address and/or associates.

[28]

Widow Baldwin is listed in the tax books of 1748/49 and 1749/50. Paul Stephens appears in the same location in 1750/51 (Guildhall Library, MS 11,316/148, 151, and 154).

[29]

For discussion of the London Magazine see McKenzie and Ross, Ledger of Charles Ackers, 4-15.

[30]

Again it is tempting to marry off one bookseller to the daughter of another. Thomas and Susanna Astley had a daughter Elizabeth born 29 October 1731 and Richard junior married a woman named Elizabeth, probably around 1750. Two of Richard and Elizabeth Baldwin's children were christened Thomas (b. 1753) and Susanna (b. 1759). Their other children were Elizabeth (b. 1751), Samuel Birt (b. 1755), and Henrietta (23 October-December 1764) (St. Faith under St. Paul's Parish Registers, Guildhall Library, MS 8885). It is possible that Joanna Baldwin, born in Faringdon, Berkshire in 1762 was another daughter (BRO, D/P53/1/2). Such marriages were common in the eighteenth century and in the Baldwin family. Two of Richard and Robert's sisters married booksellers: Anne (b. 20 July 1726) married one Pearson, Catherine (b. 6 February 1726) married Samuel Aris (b. 21 June 1724). Details of the marriage of Richard and Elizabeth (whatever her surname) have not been discovered.

[31]

These moves are recorded in the tax books for the wards of Cornhill and Faringdon Within (Guildhall Library MS 11,316/145 and 148). The fire is described as "one of the most terrible, before it was extinguished, that has happen'd since the Fire of London in 1666." Accompanying the account is a detailed map of the area (London Magazine [March 1748], 139-140). This seems to have been a serious setback for Astley.

[32]

One which might have been assigned on the basis of the ESTC search to the long-lived


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Richard senior (he outlived both his sons and died in his mid-eighties) is The Best and Easiest Method of Preserving Uninterrupted Health to Extreme Old Age—unfortunately, an examination of the imprint shows that it was sold at the Rose in Paternoster, premises occupied by his son.

[33]

In 1754 the father would have been at least sixty years old. Nichols writes that Baldwin "had long retired from business" at his death in 1777 (Literary Anecdotes 3:716). He describes himself as "Citizen and Stationer of London but now of Birmingham" when he writes his will in 1771 (PRO, PROB 11/1027/6). Two of his daughters had moved to Birmingham by this time.

[34]

Robert also entered the September 1769 number. Richard Baldwin junior and partners—including Robert and/or Henry?—had entered the London Magazine in the register 1 December 1759 (the October and November numbers), 20 August 1759 (May, June, July), and 24 January 1760 (December, plus the 1759 Supplement). More evidence of the cousins' partnership may be found in Robert James's The Pocket Companion (1760?), "printed for R. & R. Baldwin No. 47 Pater Noster Row."

[35]

Richard Baldwin junior's apprentices, in chronological order, were John Staples of Salisbury (3 July 1750-2 August 1757), [Robert Baldwin, 1752-1759?], Moses Staples (4 March 1755-6 April 1762), John Bew (6 March 1759-8 April 1766), William Woodfall (7 April 1761-5 July 1768), John Hempstead (bound to Thomas Pote 1 July 1760, turned over to Baldwin 2 April 1765, freed 7 February 1769), and John Cooke (3 June 1766, turned over to Henry Baldwin 4 December 1770, freed 6 July 1773) (McKenzie, Apprentices 1701-1800, 37).

[36]

Henry was apprenticed to Edward Say 5 September 1749 to 7 December 1756, and was clothed the same day he obtained freedom (McKenzie, Apprentices 1701-1800, 308, 427). His will is at the PRO, PROB 11/1542/116. Robert Baldwin's is at PROB 11/1510/180.

[37]

Henry Baldwin merits study in his own right. There is brief discussion of his career in Nichols, Literary Anecdotes, 3:716; 8:478, and in McKenzie and Ross, Ledgers of Charles Ackers, 21, 23, 26-27.

[38]

It was normal practice in eighteenth-century imprints to list shareholders in their order of seniority within the Stationers' Company. It is easy to imagine situations in which this practice might break down—a compositor would not delay book production just because he did not know the precise ranking of names in the imprint, for example. In general, though, the idea works and provides additional support for Richard Baldwin junior. Terry Belanger discusses the practice in chapter three of his unpublished Columbia University dissertation "Booksellers' Sales of Copyright; Aspects of the London Book Trade; 1718-1768" (1970), 48-78 (UMI 71-17466).

[39]

For example, Elisha's Pottage at Gilgal, Spoiled by Symbolical Cookery at Oxford is "printed for the sons of the prophets" and sold by R. Baldwin; and Philip Miller's Gardeners Kalendar is printed for the author, and sold by John Rivington, C. Hitch and L. Hawes, R. Baldwin, and others—who look suspiciously like a copyholding conger. Miller's Gardeners Dictionary is registered to a similar group 30 March 1759.

[40]

A conger was a group of booksellers buying copies in partnership and as such was a means of sharing both the risks of uncertain, expensive titles and the profits of solid, steady-selling titles.

[41]

The tax books and sewer rate books make it clear that Robert succeeded Richard and that the Rose and number 47 were one and the same place. The tax collector making his rounds early 1770 had expected to find Richard Baldwin next door to Charles Lowth and Company in the Row. Instead, their names are crossed off, Lowth replaced by James Pitt, Richard by Robert (Guildhall Library, MS 10,316/211). The sewer rates began in 1771 and conclusively link the Rose with number 47. Robert bought more property nearby (Guildhall Library, MS 2137/3). Some of Richard's shares were sold after his death by Robert, apparently at a trade sale 5 February 1771. A catalogue of the sale itself is not extant, but a receipt for fifteen shares bought by Thomas Lowndes is in the Upcott Papers at the British Library (Add. MSS 38730, f. 12).

[42]

There is a discrepancy between the family tree outlined here and a draft of Richard Baldwin junior's will that should be noted. Richard Baldwin junior made a memorandum of a will in his own hand dated 28 July 1769. In August he gave this to his attorney, Basil


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Herne of Paternoster Row, who drafted another version of the will, leaving several blanks for Richard to complete with names of trustees. Soon after, Richard took this draft to his home in Beaconsfield for his wife Elizabeth's approval, and returned it with proposed alterations, which Herne made in his hand. At some point, the attorney made several interlinear additions, some of them I believe inaccurate. For example, he wrongly places John Woodward, a trustee, in Faringdon, crosses that off, and replaces Faringdon with Leatherhead. More important, Herne adds that Benjamin, Henry, and Robert are Richard's brothers. In fact they were his cousins. Richard Baldwin junior does not describe them as brothers in his draft of the will, and the evidence of parish registers, other Baldwin wills, and John Nichols shows that the relationship was that of cousins. Richard Baldwin junior died after "a tedious indisposition" 15 March 1770, before he could approve a final version of his will (PRO, PROB 31/558/245).

Appendix

illustration