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In a recent article, "John Clay of Daventry: the business of an eighteenth-century stationer" (Studies in Bibliography 37 [1984]: 198-209), John Feather analyzed some of the voluminous business records of John Clay and his sons, booksellers in Daventry, Rugby, Lutterworth, and Warwick at various times between the 1740's and the 1780's. One of Feather's major conclusions is that the business of a provincial bookseller like Clay depended on sales of stationery far more than on sales of books and other printed matter. A related conclusion is that, "apart from schoolbooks . . . and part books and magazines, his book trade was chiefly in chapbooks and ballads" (p. 205). If correct, these conclusions would have serious implications for the study of the provincial book trade and of provincial readership as well. If sales of stationery were of much greater importance in volume and profit than sales of books, then provincial stationers would have had little incentive to develop the bookselling portion of their trade. If provincial readers could be generally satisfied with schoolbooks, part books, and magazines printed in London, along with chapbooks and ballads from "local sources" (p. 205), then they were largely cut off from the cultural life represented by the hundreds of books published every year in London.[1] The London book trade, consequently, would have had little reason to consider provincial readers in calculating what to publish, how many copies to print, and where to distribute them, and provincial booksellers would have had correspondingly little inclination to arrange for frequent orders and deliveries of books from London. In other words, the division between "town" and "country" in eighteenth-century England would be quite as severe culturally as it often was politically and socially, if Feather is right in attributing so small a volume and proportion of book sales to a bookseller whose main shop, in Daventry, was located only seventy-two miles from London by contemporary roads.
Feather's conclusions are mistaken, however. The mistakes arise primarily from his misreading of the records, especially of one day book analyzed in his study, and secondarily from his methodology. A more accurate investigation of the Clay business records reveals that, if the Clay records are at all
In his article, Feather tabulated the business transactions recorded in day books by John Clay in October, 1768 (Northamptonshire Record Office [hereafter NRO] D2925) and by his son Thomas in October, 1778 (NRO D2926). He has, however, misidentified the first of these day books. Eighteenth-century shopkeepers like the Clays used day books to record every day's credit transactions, as well as orders for items not in stock. The Clays kept both ledger accounts and day books. Once a month or so, all credit purchases listed in the day book but not yet paid were posted to each individual customer's account in a ledger. Day books were thus organized by date, ledgers by customers' names. Feather takes day book D2925 to be a record of transactions at the Clays' main shop in Daventry. But it does not record Daventry transactions; it is a record of purchases made at their small market shop in Rugby.
The evidence for considering D2925 a Rugby day book is so overwhelming that we can include only the most telling arguments here. First, evidence external to the day book indicates its use in Rugby. The customers and the transactions entered in D2925 correspond almost perfectly with those recorded in John Clay's ledger for Rugby, NRO ML691 (1764-74). The latter is one of a continuous series of four ledgers which list the credit purchases of individual boys and masters at Rugby School between 1744-88 (see Table 1).[3] In fact, these four ledgers represent the only surviving bookselling ledgers in all the Clay records. Two of them are clearly labelled Rugby records: D3412 has "Rugby July 1744" on the front cover; D2932 likewise has "Rugby" on the cover and also "Rugby Ledger" in faded letters on the spine. Even without such labels, however, the ledgers' application to customers at Rugby school would be evident. The boys' and masters' names in NRO ML691, for example, together with the dates of their purchases, correspond to the names and dates of entrance recorded in The Rugby School Register for this period.[4] Thus, John Clay noted in day book D2925 that "Mr. Watts at ye School" bought the two-shilling "Compleat Lr. Writer" on credit on October 15, 1768, and later posted this transaction to the Watts account in ledger ML691, p. 76, as "1 Complete Letter Writer" bought for two shillings on October 15, 1768. Moreover, the Rugby School Register indicates that a Thomas Watts entered Rugby in 1768. Most of the transactions in D2925 found their way to ML691 in this fashion, and most of the customers can be identified by reference to the Rugby School Register. The remaining entries in D2925 generally consist of credit transactions made by other residents of Rugby and its surrounding parishes. These residents can be identified in Warwickshire parish records and in other documents as well.
The second argument depends upon internal evidence. Transactions are generally entered in D2925 only at weekly intervals: several orders on October 1, 1768, several on October 8, on October 15, and so forth. These dates fell on successive Saturdays in 1768, and Rugby held its market day on Saturday.[5] The Rugby shop, in fact, like the Lutterworth shop, was peripheral to the main shop in Daventry. Although some evidence exists that assistants may have kept the Rugby and Lutterworth shops open for cash sales during the week, generally John Clay visited these shops to take orders once or twice a week, on the market day and sometimes another day as well. In addition, Clay kept a horse to ride the eleven miles from Daventry to Rugby or the seventeen miles from Daventry to Lutterworth, and these long rides made a small, portable day book very desirable.[6] Both D2925 and D2926 are quite small. The Rugby book, D2925, is about six inches wide and eight inches high. The Lutterworth book, D2926, is even smaller: less than five inches wide and seven and a quarter inches high. Both day books were equipped with a flap and strings so that they could be sealed against the weather. They were thus quite convenient for travelling. By contrast, the Daventry day books have no flaps or strings and are about twice as large: they all measure approximately six by sixteen inches.
Such combinations of internal and external evidence have made it possible to identify the surviving records listed in Table 1 with some confidence.[7] Feather's error in assigning day book D2925 to Daventry probably stems from the entry in John Clay's handwriting on the endleaf: "John Clay Bookseller | at Daventry—Northamptonshire." It is, however, much more likely that such clear identification would be made in a book destined to travel to a shop in another town and county rather than in one confined to the main shop. In fact, the surviving Daventry day books lack any identification at all.
Feather's misidentification of D2925, coupled with his decision to tabulate the transactions of only two months, means that he has drawn conclusions from skewed data. First, the misidentification causes him to omit all Daventry records from his analysis. John Clay and later his son Thomas Clay lived in Daventry and kept the shop open six days a week, not one or two as in Rugby or Lutterworth. Daventry was also a considerably larger town than the others: it had a population of 2,582 in the 1801 census, compared to 1,487
Table 2 also suggests the major problem in Feather's methodology: to draw conclusions from isolated months is likely to produce misleading results. Feather's major errors—the conclusions that Clay was primarily a stationer and that his book trade was principally in schoolbooks, part books, chapbooks, and ballads—arise in part from his willingness to consider the two months he chose to investigate as representative. In fact, as Table 2.1 indicates, no "typical" month can be identified. In December of both 1747 and 1779, for example, sales were poor compared to the October figures: in 1747, sales in December amounted to little more than half those for October, and in 1779, December sales came to about 65% of October's. By contrast, December
In the absence of such analysis, we have compiled information in Table 2.1 about sales in Daventry from October through December of the first two years available in the records—1746 and 1747, with John Clay as proprietor—and for the same three-month period in 1779, the last such period recorded in Daventry, when the shop was operated by Thomas Clay. With liberal doses of caution, some interesting preliminary conclusions can be drawn from the information compiled in this table. Generally, these conclusions contradict those of Feather.
First of all, bookselling—including sales of all printed matter—was clearly extremely important throughout the period covered by the Clay records, particularly in Daventry. The Daventry day books do not support Feather's conclusion that "primarily, Clay was a stationer, dealing in paper and printed forms" (p. 202) or that bookselling "in these small market towns, was economically of far less importance" than sales of stationery goods (p. 204). John Clay was a bookseller who sold stationery, not the reverse; so was his son Thomas, although sales of stamps and stationery may have been somewhat more central to his business than to John's. In any case, both seem to have sent weekly book orders to London to various dealers, and apparently had little trouble in obtaining most books that their customers wanted. Partly as a result of their efficient arrangements to obtain deliveries from London, sales of books and other printed matter in Daventry came to nearly £48 in the last three months of 1746, nearly £84 for the comparable period in 1747, and just over £90 for that in 1779; these figures represent about 50%, 70%, and 58% respectively of total sales—excluding charges for stamp duty—for the threemonth periods (Table 2.1). If stamp duty is included, then sales of print come to 42%, 56%, and 40% of total sales in Daventry during the same period, by far the largest proportion of the sales. Thus, a fairly high demand for printed matter seems to have persisted in Daventry. Selling books and other publications clearly remained the most substantial and important part of the credit portion of the business while the Clays were operating.
Admittedly, sales of printed matter in Lutterworth and Rugby were smaller in both volume and proportion, but not as much so as Feather suggests. His figures assign about one-third of the sales in Rugby and Lutterworth to bookselling. Our own sampling suggests that the monthly totals for
An important qualification to these figures must be noted here. The day books do not tell the whole story of the Clays' trade in their shops. They omit nearly all cash transactions. Day books recorded and dated all credit purchases and included, in a "Bespoke" section, those orders that the Clays could not immediately fill or deliver. Small transactions—purchases of a sheet or two of paper, for example—were probably paid for in cash as a rule. This is especially true of chapbook purchases, which rarely appear in the records, except among the Rugby schoolboys (who usually bought on credit).[10] Thus, the Clay day books cannot indicate the nature of cash purchases by provincial customers, particularly by those customers unwilling or unable to establish credit. Such cash purchases are generally unrecoverable. Although one of Thomas Clay's cash books survives (in two parts, NRO X7555 and NRO D6133), and although it records each week's receipts and expenses, it does not clearly indicate which of these receipts came from cash sales in the shop and which came from customers paying their accumulated bills. In the day books of William Huntley's business in colonial Williamsburg, recently analyzed by Cynthia Z. and Gregory Stiverson, totals of cash sales are recorded and amount to "26.8 percent of the nonbook sales and 31.4 percent of the book sales" between October 1750 and June 1752.[11] That is, proportionally more printed matter was sold for cash than were other items and services (paper, stationery, binding, printing, advertisements in the Virginia Gazette, etc.). If the Clays' cash sales were at all comparable, then total sales of books and other printed matter would comprise an even larger proportion of the business than the credit sales indicate.
Table 2 offers no hint of the kinds of books sold by the Clays over the five decades that the records cover, but these varied enormously. Obviously, Feather's misidentification of the Rugby day book invalidates his conclusion that "books sold at Daventry were mainly schoolbooks in use at the Academy" (p. 202). These schoolbooks were bought by boys and masters at Rugby School, not the Daventry Dissenting Academy. Indeed, the purchases of boys at these two institutions are quite different, and deserve study by historians of eighteenth-century education.
More important, however, the books sold at Daventry were extremely
- Patrick . . . Lowth 4 Vol. new 2.18.0
- Doddridge Expositor 6 V: D° 2.9.0
- Abernethys Ser. 2 V: 4.4
- Drelincourt on Death 3.4
- Ansons Voyage 2.4
- Hist. Mildmay or Magdalen 2 V. 2.—
- Peerage of Engld 6 V. 13.—
- Hawkins Works 3 Vol. 3.—
- Eachards Ecclesiat: Hist. 2 V: 2.—
Although the main business of the Daventry shop was to satisfy customers' demands for printed matter, then, the nature of those demands changed markedly over the four decades recorded, as Table 2.2 illustrates. Interestingly, whereas in all but one of the months examined, well over half the Daventry sales came from printed matter in general,[14] the shop experienced a decline in demand for printed books. During the last three months of 1747, sales of books alone (as opposed to other printed matter) came to £64.10.3½, or over half the total sales of £119.17.10¼ (excluding stamp duty). By contrast, during the comparable period in 1779, book sales came to £47.18.3, less than one-third of the total sales of £154.14.0. In 1747, sales of other printed matter accounted for a further £19.7.5 of sales between October and December, about one-sixth of the total (and including 3s3d for reading books from the circulating library). Overall, sales of print came to £83.17.8½, or about 70% of total sales for the last three months of 1747. In 1779, other printed matter absorbed a higher proportion of sales than it did in 1747: £42.5.½ or about 27%. Sales of printed matter altogether fell, however, to about 58% of the total sales over the three-month period. Feather's analysis of the Rugby and Lutterworth day books led him to conclude that provincial customers may have bought more books in the later decades of the Clays' operations than earlier (p. 207); in fact, they bought fewer. They turned their attention to various cheaper or more ephemeral productions.
As Table 2.2 shows, declining sales of books were accompanied by increased sales of ephemeral material. Magazines enjoyed more than a fivefold increase, from £2.8.0 for the last three months of 1746 (or £2.9.6 for 1747) to £13.10.6 for the comparable period in 1779. These sales, though recorded exclusively in the Daventry day books, actually include subscriptions from customers who patronized the Rugby and Lutterworth shops as well.[15] Sales of almanacks skyrocketed from totals of £2.7.3 in the last three months of 1746 and £1.11.3 in the same period in 1747 to £22.13.0 between October and December 1779. Three wholesale customers, however, accounted for an enormous proportion of the 1779 total sales of almanacks (£18.10.33, or over 80%). Even if we choose to disregard these large wholesale purchases, retail purchases still doubled. Sales of songs and music books increased as well.
Serial publications are the only form of printed matter apart from books
Changes over time in the demand for stationery are almost as revealing as the changed demand for books and other publications. Sales of blank books —primarily day books, ledgers, and other account books—tripled between 1747 and 1779, and sales of copybooks used in schools almost quadrupled. These figures suggest an increasingly prosperous economic life in the areas served by the Clays, as well as increased numbers of children who were given instruction in writing. Sales of paper alone show less dramatic gains: from £16.6.9½ for the last three months of 1747 to £19.19.6 for the same period in 1779. These figures do include a £6.0.0 wholesale order for paper by Mr. Brice; if it is disregarded, then retail sales of paper appear to double over the period. But it is misleading to disregard such orders. The totals for the last quarter of 1746 are similarly inflated by two wholesale orders totalling £19.13.5 altogether; the retail sales for 1746 actually come to £13.4.10½. Such "inflation" seems to be common in the 1740's.
More impressive than the small growth in retail sales of paper is the rise in demand for "skins," the parchment and vellum used by lawyers: from about £2.0.0 in the last three months of 1746 and 1747 to £10.12.5 in 1779. This more than fivefold increase bears witness to the rising numbers and prosperity of provincial members of the legal professions. The rise in duty paid for stamps over the same period, from £12.9.0 in 1746 (or £29.1.3 in 1747) to
The Clay business records, then, provide firm evidence that bookselling could be a thriving trade in the provinces in the second half of the eighteenth century. Although the demand for various kinds of publications underwent some important changes, it remained high during the period covered by the records. The profitability of the Clays' shops in Daventry, Rugby, and Lutterworth is clear; John Clay was able to raise, educate, and provide for a family of nine children (four others died in infancy). Throughout his career, his day books show that he was able to make loans to various customers and friends. In 1770, he was even able to lend his brother-in-law Charles Watkins, a prosperous draper in Daventry, the sum of £353.[19] Similarly, although Samuel Clay abandoned his shop in Warwick in June 1772 when his brother William died, and took over William's Rugby-based grocery and ironmongery business, he resumed bookselling in Rugby on the death of his brother Thomas in 1781. The Daventry business was sold on Thomas's death to William Culling-worth, a surveyor, but Samuel Clay operated the Rugby shop until at least
The profitability of commercial bookselling in the midlands arose, then, from the hearty provincial appetite for books. A history of this demand offers important insight into the social history of reading. The substantial and increased sales of ephemera like almanacks and magazines in the 1770's may seem to suggest that by then a "reading revolution" was taking place, of the sort postulated by Rolf Engelsing and others. But at the same time, there was a substantial trade in "classics," or reprints of all kinds, from devotional works to children's books. These were bought by new generations of those groups which had traditionally been readers—the gentry and the professional classes—as well as by new readers from the "middling classes": farmers, yeomen, tradesmen, apprentices, servants and the like. Here we have evidence that "intensive reading"—or the rereading of a small group of "classics"—was not necessarily abandoned as "extensive" reading increased. They coexisted and still do.[23] The relatively slight interest of customers in obtaining books from the Clays' circulating library also suggests, in fact, that the notion of extensive reading—a quick perusal for pleasure—was not very attractive among these provincial customers. More attractive was the notion of sharing books. Book clubs, which allowed members both to share and to own books,
Generally, then, the Clay records bear witness to a flourishing provincial reading community, some of whose members kept in close touch with publishing activity in London largely through advertisements in newspapers. Many of those customers who took the Monthly Review and the Critical Review, for example, did not wait to receive their reviews before ordering books and pamphlets advertised in the Northampton Mercury and elsewhere. Indeed, our preliminary survey suggests that less than half of the books bought by subscribers to the reviews in 1758-59 and 1764-66 were actually reviewed at all during the twelve months before they were purchased. Such subscribers may have used their reviews primarily to keep in touch with informed opinion in London, rather than to guide their purchases of books. In a similar manner, many of the Clays' medical customers—physicians, apothecaries, surgeons, and so forth—obtained medical books almost immediately upon publication in London.[24] What the Clay records show, then, is a provincial community whose links with the London book trade were firm and lively. At a distance of seventy-two miles, the division between town and country was not too great to be crossed. Certainly, the provincial reading public, and the Clay booksellers, behaved as if that distance were negligible.
PROPRIETOR | DAVENTRY | RUGBY | LUTTERWORTH | WARWICK |
John Clay | D64 30 Sep 46-25 Mar 48 | |||
bur. 18 Nov 75 | D2931 1 July 58-28 Sep 59 | |||
ML692 5 Dec 64-22 Mar 66 | ||||
D2930 26 Jan 70-21 Mar 71 | D2925 9 Apr 68-11 Aug 70 | D2929 8 Aug 70-7 Mar 72 | ||
D7719 28 July 71-5 Feb 72** | (Proprietor, Samuel Clay) | |||
ML699 11 Mar 73-5 Jan 74 | ||||
ML89 4 Jan 74-16 Feb 75 | ||||
Thomas Clay | ML88 29 Jan 77-18 Dec 77 | D4843 1 Mar 77-20 Mar 77 | ML694 11 Jul 76-7 Aug 77 | |
bur. 26 Jul 81 | ML10 31 Mar 79-12 Sep 80 | D7938 7 Aug 79-5 Aug 80 | D2926 27 Aug 77-25 Feb 79 | |
D3400 12 Aug 80-Aug 81 | D2928 ?5 Mar 79-22 Feb 81 | |||
Samuel Clay | D3400 Aug 81-29 Oct 81 | |||
d. 6 Mar 1800 | ML478 29 Oct 81-12 Jun 84 |
- John Clay D3412 1744-64
- John Clay ML691 1764-74
- John and Thomas Clay D2932 1774-81
- Samuel Clay D10297 1781-88[**]
II. LEDGERS: Bookselling; Rugby only
- A. Bookselling:
- John and Thomas Clay: D2927, "Country Chapmen," 1742-76; ML689, London Suppliers, 1742-81
- John and Samuel Clay: D2820, Bookbinding, 1763-65
- Thomas Clay: X7555, Cash Book, 1775-80; D6133, Cash Book, 1780-81
- B. Rugby Grocery, Ironmongery:
- William Clay: D3411, Day Book, 1771-72; D5226, Day Book, 1772; ML1247, Ledger, Jan. 71-June 72
- Samuel Clay: ML484, Day Book, 1774-75; ML482, Day Book, 1780-81; D10114, Day Book, 1781-83; D7481, Day Book, 1783-85
- C: Rugby Bank:
- Samuel Clay: D2820, Cash Book, 1788-92
III. OTHERS
OCTOBER | NOVEMBER | DECEMBER | THREE-MONTH TOTALS | |
GOODS SOLD | £ S D | £ S D | £ S D | £ S D |
I. D64: 1746 | ||||
Printed Matter | 13.12. 6 | 13.12. 7 | 20.12. 1½ | 47.17. 2½ |
Stationery | 5.18.11½ | 8.12. 1 | 22.17. 8[(a)] | 37. 8. 8½[(a)] |
Writing Implements | 10.11 | 2. 7 | 7.10 | 1. 1. 4 |
Binding | 10. 5 | 10. 6 | 14. 3½ | 1.15. 2½ |
Medicine | 1. 3 | 1. 3 | 2. 6 | |
Miscellaneous | 4. 4. 1½ | 3. 8. 8½ | 2.16. 5 | 10. 9. 3 |
Unidentified | 1. 6 | 1. 0 | 2. 6 | |
TOTAL | 24.18. 2 | 26. 7.11½ | 47.10. 7[(a)] | 98.16. 8½[(a)] |
(Stamp duty) | 4. 6 | 7. 6 | 10.17. 0 | 12. 9. 0 |
II. D64: 1747 [(b)] | ||||
Printed Matter | 38.18. 1[(c)] | 25. 8.11 | 19.10. 8½ | 83.17. 8½[(c)] |
Stationery | 5. 4. 2 | 12. 7. 0 | 4. 9. 0½ | 22. 0. 2½ |
Writing Implements | 6.10 | 10. 3½ | 7. 7½ | 1. 4. 9 |
Binding | 2. 7. 4 | 2. 0 | 14. 9 | 3. 4.11 |
Medicine | 1. 3 | 1. 3 | ||
Miscellaneous | 4.17. 3 | 2. 7. 5 | 2. 4.14¼ | 9. 9.10¼ |
Unidentified | ||||
TOTAL | 51.13. 8[(b)] [(c)] | 40.16.10½ | 27. 7. 3¾ | 119.17.10¼[(b)] [(c)] |
(Stamp duty) | 21. 8. 3 | 7.11. 6 | 1. 6 | 29. 1. 3 |
III. ML10: 1779 | ||||
Printed Matter | 33. 5. 8½ | 35.15.11[(d)] | 21. 1. 8 | 90. 3. 3½[(d)] |
Stationery | 16.12. 0½ | 13.12. 5 | 12. 3. 5½ | 42. 7.11 |
Writing Implements | 1.10. 8½ | 2. 1. 5 | 1. 1. 2 | 4.13. 3½ |
Binding | 1. 2. 5 | 5. 2 | 1. 5. 6 | 2.13. 1 |
Medicine | 2. 0 | 1. 2 | 3. 2 | |
Miscellaneous | 4.14.10 | 8. 2. 8 | 1.15. 9 | 14.13. 3 |
Unidentified | ||||
TOTAL | 57. 7. 8½ | 59.17. 7[(d)] | 37. 8. 8½ | 154.14. 0[(d)] |
(Stamp Duty) | 20. 4. 0 | 11. 3. 0 | 39.12. 6 | 70.19. 6 |
OCTOBER | NOVEMBER | DECEMBER | THREE-MONTH TOTALS | |
GOODS SOLD | £ S D | £ S D | £ S D | £ S D |
I. D64: 1746 | ||||
Books | 10.11. 3[(a)] | 11.11. 7[(a)] | 16. 0. 8½ | 38. 3. 6½[(a)] |
Almanacks | 11. 8 | 1.15. 7 | 2. 7. 3 | |
Magazines | 16. 0 | 16. 0 | 16. 0 | 2. 8. 0 |
Serials | 1.12. 6 | 5. 0 | 1. 9. 0 | 3. 6. 6 |
Prints, Maps | 5. 0 | 5. 0 | 10. 0 | |
Printed Forms | 4. 6 | 3. 4 | 6.10 | 14. 8 |
Songs/Music Books | 4. 0 | 4. 0 | ||
Reading | 3. 3 | 3. 3 | ||
Printed Matter | 13.12. 6[(a)] | 13.12. 7[(a)] | 20.12. 1½ | 47.17. 2½[(a)] |
Paper | 4. 4. 9½ | 7. 2. 1[(b)] | 21.11. 5[(c)] | 32.18. 3½[(b)] [(c)] |
Blank Books | 1. 1. 1 | 15. 4 | 11. 9 | 2. 8. 2 |
Copybooks | 1. 6 | 1. 6 | 3. 0 | |
Skins | 11. 7 | 14. 8 | 13. 0 | 1.19. 3 |
Stationery | 5.18.11½ | 8.12. 1[(b)] | 22.17. 8[(c)] | 37. 8. 8½[(b)] [(c)] |
II. D64: 1747 | ||||
Books | 30.15. 9 | 22. 3. 4 | 11.10.14½ | 64.10. 3½ |
Almanacks | 8. 1 | 1. 3. 2 | 1.11. 3 | |
Magazines | 14. 6 | 14. 6 | 1. 0. 6 | 2. 9. 6 |
Serials | 4.10. 0 | 2. 2. 0 | 5.11. 0 | 12. 3. 0 |
Prints, Maps | 2. 4. 0 | . 6 | 1. 6 | 2. 6. 0 |
Printed Forms | 5.10 | . 6 | 3. 4 | 9. 8 |
Songs/Music Books | 8. 0 | 8. 0 | ||
Reading | ||||
Printed Matter | 38.18. 1 | 25. 8.11 | 19.10. 8½ | 83.17. 8½ |
Paper | 4. 8. 3 | 9. 0. 9[(d)] | 2.17. 9½ | 16. 6. 9½[(d)] |
Blank Books | 8. 6 | 1. 0.11 | 1. 3. 6 | 2.12.11 |
Copybooks | 1. 6 | 18. 0 | 1. 0 | 1. 0. 6 |
Skins | 5.11 | 1. 7. 4 | 6. 9 | 2. 0. 0 |
Stationery | 5. 4. 2 | 12. 7. 0[(d)] | 4. 9. 0½ | 22. 0. 2½[(d)] |
III. ML10: 1779 | ||||
Books | 26. 3.11 | 10. 5. 4 | 11. 9. 0 | 47.18. 3 |
Almanacks | 18.14. 9[(e)] | 3.18. 3 | 22.13. 0[(e)] | |
Magazines | 4. 9. 0 | 4. 9. 6 | 4.12. 0 | 13.10. 6 |
Serials | 1. 6. 3 | 1.17. 6 | 12. 6 | 3.16. 3 |
Prints, Maps | 1. 6 | 1. 6 | ||
Printed Forms | 7. 5 | 2. 1 | 5. 3 | 14. 9 |
Songs/Music Books | 17. 7½ | 5. 0 | 4. 8 | 1. 7. 3½ |
Reading | 1. 9 | 1. 9 | ||
Printed Matter | 33. 5. 8½ | 35.15.11[(e)] | 21. 1. 8 | 90. 3. 3½[(e)] |
Paper | 6.12.11½ | 7.18. 6½ | 5. 8. 0 | 19.19. 6 |
Blank Books | 2.11. 6 | 16. 7 | 4.12. 9 | 8. 0.10 |
Copybooks | 2. 1. 0 | 1.10. 0 | 4. 2 | 3.15. 2 |
Skins | 5. 6. 7 | 3. 7. 3½ | 1.18. 6½ | 10.12. 5 |
Stationery | 16.12. 0½ | 13.12. 5 | 12. 3. 5½ | 42. 7.11 |
FEATHER: | FERGUS AND PORTNER: | |||||
OCTOBER | 1768 | OCTOBER | 1768 | DECEMBER | 1768 | |
subtotal | totals | subtotal | totals | subtotal | totals | |
GOODS SOLD | £ S D | £ S D | £ S D | £ S D | £ S D | £ S D |
Books | 3.13. 6 | 4. 1. 1 | 18. 8 | |||
Almanacks | n/a | 11. 7 | ||||
Magazines | n/a | |||||
Serials | n/a | 12. 6 | 9. 6 | |||
Prints, Maps | 4. 0 | 4. 0 | ||||
Printed Forms | 1. 1. 4 | 1. 0 | ||||
Songs | n/a | |||||
Reading | n/a | 0. 3 | ||||
Printed Matter | 4.18.10 | 4.18.10 | 1.19. 9 | |||
Paper | 11.12. 0 | 1.17. 2 | 15. 0 | |||
Blank Books | 1.11 | 1.11 | 17. 6 | |||
Copy Books | n/a | 3. 0 | ||||
Skins | n/a | 2. 4. 5 | 1.13. 9 | |||
Stationery | 11.13.11 | 4. 3. 6 | 3. 9. 3 | |||
Writing Implements | 10. 8 | 15. 9 | 5. 1½ | |||
Binding | 12. 4 | 12. 4 | ||||
Medicine | 3. 2 | 7. 0 | 4. 9 | |||
Miscellaneous | 13. 5 | 8. 2 | 2. 2 | |||
Unidentified | 7. 3 | 1. 3 | ||||
TOTAL | 18.19. 7 | 11. 6.10 | 6. 1. 0½ | |||
Stamps | n/a | 8.19. 6 | 4. 0. 0 | |||
GRAND TOTAL | 18.19. 7 | 20. 6. 4 | 10. 1. 0½ |
FEATHER: | FERGUS AND PORTNER: | |||||
OCTOBER | 1778 | OCTOBER | 1778 | DECEMBER | 1778 | |
subtotal | totals | subtotal | totals | subtotal | totals | |
GOODS SOLD | £ S D | £ S D | £ S D | £ S D | £ S D | £ S D |
Books | 5.17. 0 | 5. 4. 6 | 2.17. 7 | |||
Almanacks | n/a | 2. 1 | ||||
Magazines | n/a | |||||
Serials | n/a | 12. 6 | 9. 6 | |||
Prints, Maps | 0. 7 | 0. 7 | ||||
Printed Forms | 2. 4. 0 | 2. 0 | 5. 2 | |||
Songs | n/a | 0. 1½ | 4. 6 | |||
Reading | n/a | 0. 6 | ||||
Printed Matter | 8. 1. 7 | 6. 0. 2½ | 3.18. 0 | |||
Paper | 6. 8. 2 | 1.18. 3 | 1. 3. 3 | |||
Blank Books | 6. 2 | 5. 0 | ||||
Copy Books | n/a | 6. 0 | 1. 5 | |||
Skins | n/a | 1. 5. 8 | 1. 9. 6 | |||
Stationery | 6.14. 4 | 3.10. 7 | 2.19. 2 | |||
Writing Implements | 2. 1½ | 4. 7½ | 9. 7½ | |||
Binding | 2. 0 | 0. 2 | 6. 9 | |||
Medicine | 7. 6 | 1. 0 | ||||
Miscellaneous | 1.10. 5 | 1.15.11 | 4. 3 | |||
Unidentified | 1.11 | 5. 3 | ||||
TOTAL | 16.19.10½ | 11.11. 6 | 8. 4.10½ | |||
Stamps | n/a | 7. 8. 0 | 5. 6. 6 | |||
GRAND TOTAL | 16.19.10½ | 18.19. 6 | 13.11. 4½ |
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