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Greg's "Rationale of Copy-Text" Revisited by Fredson Bowers
  
  
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90

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Greg's "Rationale of Copy-Text" Revisited
by
Fredson Bowers

Perhaps the most influential textual document of this century has been Sir Walter Greg's "The Rationale of Copy-Text," dating from 1949.[1] The general acceptance of this rationale by Anglo-American editors[2] has led to a new school of editing, especially of works in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries under conditions remote from the period 1550-1650 to which he confined himself. The "Rationale" is a theoretical discourse dissociated from any overall survey of typical problems in the editing of a group of authors, or even of any single writer, although it is clear that the Elizabethan drama and its peculiar problems bulked large in Greg's own experience and helped to shape his thinking. The illustrations, drawn from Shakespeare, Jonson, and Marlowe, are more of the nature of case-histories involving the operation of editorial judgment in a few


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selected verbal cruxes than a systematic attempt to link example with precept to illuminate the workings of the rationale in broader terms. Some of its tone and structure may be laid to the fact that Greg seems to have thought of it largely as a coda to and correction of one element in a much larger work, The Editorial Problem in Shakespeare (1942; 2nd ed. 1951); moreover, it was written in the form of a paper to be read at a learned meeting and was published verbatim, with the addition of relatively few footnotes. Finally, although Greg's experience related to the general period 1550-1650 in which he set his argument, actually he confined his examples, with one exception, to plays written within a decade of 1600. He made no specific claims for application beyond the period of his illustrations; and indeed he was not equipped by experience to apply his rationale at first hand to the much more varied conditions of the literary periods that followed. In some part, also, it must be acknowledged, Greg had a wide critic's view of Elizabethan editing and problems of textual transmission (in his day confined almost exclusively to the drama) but a narrower practical experience in critical editing. His two-text edition of Marlowe's Doctor Faustus is a diplomatic reprint, not a critical edition; and his critical text of the play is a modernized one. Thus his actual experience in the nuts and bolts of the editorial process in the period, outside of the Faustus and a vast experience with the Malone Society typographical facsimiles, was confined to his edition of the manuscript texts of Jonson's masque The Gipsies Metamorphosed. However, one must not ignore a very important influence on his experience, that of dealing with the textual problems of the manuscripts in the medieval miracle play cycles (1914) and the theoretical Calculus of Variants (1925) that in some part may have grown from this experience.

Greg emphasized, with his usual generosity, that in the first of its two parts—the actual choice of copy-text—the rationale was chiefly a restatement of McKerrow's position in Prolegomena for the Oxford Shakespeare (1939), and that his own original contribution was confined to the second part—the eclectic treatment of 'substantives' and 'accidentals' with their separate authority in collateral-text or in revised-edition situations. The importance of this second part as supplementing the first can hardly be overestimated, however, for it was the capstone of the total theory and (except for Housman in other circumstances) the most convincing expression written of the principle of eclectic texts. Combined with the reasoned emphasis he placed on the choice of copy-text for the authority of its accidentals instead of its substantives, it is this freeing of an editor from 'the tyranny of the copy-text' in his choice of substantives when more than one authority is present that has exercised


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ultimately the paramount influence. Indeed, it may be said that Greg seems to be more concerned with this matter of editorial freedom of judgment than he is with the narrower matter of copy-text choice, which he seems to have regarded as so well established as to require relatively less illustration and argumentation. On the contrary, in modern editing the choice of copy-text has bulked as large as questions of its treatment. In one or other respect, however, Greg's influence has been so marked that in the words of one scholar, "[Greg's] views have never been publicly refuted."[3]

In my opinion these views are indeed irrefutable but only when applied to the specific conditions in which Greg placed them and subjected to the implicit limitations of these rather special conditions. Yet unquestionably they have in theory a wider and equally legitimate scope. Greg himself visualized only a Renaissance textual situation; nevertheless, it is agreed that most of his conclusions are as pertinent to texts of any later period as they are to the age of Shakespeare or Jonson whenever the transmissional conditions are the same.[4] Consequently, for many texts it has been possible to edit Dryden, Fielding, Hawthorne


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and a number of nineteenth-century authors according to the same rationale as Shakespeare. This fact is now commonly accepted, but the very success of the new editorial theory has brought dangers in its train.[5] In the hands of scholars knowledgeable in the conditions of the nineteenth century but with no personal acquaintance with the Elizabethan textual situations that are familiar to Renaissance students, the rationale has had a tendency to harden into a mold without consideration of the inherent flexibility Greg took for granted within the framework to which he was accustomed. Moreover, the extrapolation of certain of Greg's statements to conditions other than those he envisaged has had a tendency to be dogmatic in a manner alien to Greg's generally permissive attitude for the treatment of exceptional situations. It is no secret that converts are likely to be more rigid than those born to the faith.

Attempts to explain the purposes of Greg's rationale and its application—as well as some unusual circumstances in which it does not operate—have appeared from time to time since 1949,[6] but it may still be worth while to attempt a more precise analysis than has been available of the Renaissance textual conditions with which Greg was familiar, the intent being to offer background discussion to assist scholars of other periods when they apply Greg's tenets to later literature and different situations. In this process some analysis may be useful of a few ambiguities and half-lights in Greg's own presentation that could interfere with an understanding of his basic thought. Finally, a brief survey may be introduced of a few of the more common present-day textual problems


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that offer difficulty. By these means perhaps a more balanced view may be obtained to guide future discussions pro and con.

The fairest presentation of Greg's theoretical position, together with a searching analysis of the development and linking of its several lines of argument, is that recently made by Dr. G. Thomas Tanselle (see, above, footnote 4), an essay that removes any necessity for me to repeat the chief items of the rationale. We can, then, begin in medias res. As good a point as any for an opening of the matter comes in Greg's discussion of the reasons why 'accidentals' have a separate authority in a text, sometimes independent of the 'substantives,' and the consequences that follow in the necessity to choose as copy-text that early document containing the most authoritative accidentals without major regard for the status of its substantives. Throughout Greg's discussion he never mentions the relative authority of a holograph manuscript as against that either of a scribal manuscript or of the printed book that ultimately derived from the holograph with or without the author's supervision. Since Elizabethan authorial manuscripts of works that saw print can be counted just about on the fingers of one hand, it seems evident that Greg saw no point in considering a contingency that was unlikely to arise, particularly when a simple extension of his principles backward in the transmission would easily cover the case. Thus Greg consistently writes in terms of the preservation of accidental authority only in derived documents which by their very nature must imperfectly reproduce the author's own system of spelling, punctuation, word-division, etc., if system there was.

These particular conditions help to explain certain of his attitudes. First, the overlay of the author's accidentals by the transmissional process is more extreme in the Renaissance than in later periods, thus diminishing the authority in this respect of any derived document. Since in its spelling, standards of capitalization, division, and in the somewhat impressionistic rhetorical instead of syntactical system of punctuation[7] the language was in a state of flux, the widest variety of accidentals prevailed within a general framework of acceptability. Johnson's Dictionary imposing standards of spelling was still well in the future. The


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manuscripts of the period, except for careful scribal copies for presentation, may have practically no fixed standards at all, and can be especially deficient in punctuation, some almost to the point of unintelligibility. Even the prompt-books for plays are often so erratically punctuated as to leave almost complete freedom to any compositor if he had set copy from them, let alone the actor who recited from the parts transcribed from these books. For many words neither authors nor compositors had any fixed system of spelling but only a general preference for one form or another, if that. (Shakespeare—if it was he who wrote Hand D in the Sir Thomas More manuscript—in a brief scene spells sheriff in five different ways.) The accidental characteristics of compositors were likely to be more advanced than those of authors; it follows that each resetting of type, whether in transferring a manuscript to print or in reprinting the text of an earlier edition, was a modernization.[8] Systematic proof-correction by authors was a rarity. Among themselves compositors differed in their spelling preferences so that a book might exhibit several different sets of characteristics. Whatever effort a compositor or scribe might make to reproduce the wording of his copy, no suggestion is present in the period that any importance was attached to following the author's ordinary run of accidentals.

Under these conditions Greg knew that (in a manner impossible in the nineteenth century)[9] the accidents of a printed book would differ


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considerably from those of the holograph, in contrast to the substantives that a compositor might be supposed to wish to reproduce with reasonable fidelity. This fact is at the root of his division between the authority of substantives and of accidentals. The prospects that any printed book (or scribal manuscript) would reflect to any significant degree the author's accidentals are uncertain and variable, in most cases difficult to recover, and if fortuitously recovered difficult to identify.[10] Hence Greg makes no claims for specific recognizable authority in the copy-text accidentals and regards their reproduction as more significant of the time (and locality of a scribal transcript) than of the author, at least in any identifiable form. His discussion (p. 376) of the possibilities in the distant future of establishing a "standard spelling for a particular period or district or author" is in part a red herring, applying more to manuscript than to printed-book texts, and it represents chiefly a cautious attempt to protect his flanks (that it is necessary, instead, "to choose whatever extant text may be supposed to represent most nearly what the author wrote and to follow it with the least possible alteration") from the experiments for synthetic accidentals that were starting in his day among editors of medieval texts. It can be ignored with safety. Why he limited his succeeding statement to manuscripts and did not include printed books in writing "Thus a contemporary manuscript will at least preserve the spelling of the period, and may even retain some of the author's own" is hard to understand except for the speculation that Greg himself felt somewhat more secure about the facts of manuscript transmission (which he had studied) than about the specific details of compositorial transmission with which he had only a general acquaintance.

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(The considerable scholarship devoted to the spelling characteristics of Elizabethan compositors, principally in the First Folio, has developed mostly since Greg's day.)

At any rate, it is possible to clarify for the modern scholar Greg's conclusion that "it is only on the grounds of expediency, and in consequence either of philological ignorance or of linguistic circumstances, that we select a particular original as our copy-text." This applies almost exclusively to multiple manuscript texts of the same work and in essence is of no concern whatever to a nineteenth-century editor. In fact, Greg introduces this statement mainly as an argumentative ploy to support the conclusion that the editorial treatment of scribal manuscript accidentals must be conservative, through ignorance, whereas that of substantives can be subject to editorial judgment. It has little or nothing to do with the selection of copy-text for works preserved in print. If one is not to modernize an early text (and Greg rejects this proposition for scholarly editions), then the accidentals of some one document must be chosen as a framework for the substantives. Since in such manuscripts as he has in mind we are dealing not with holographs but with documents that may derive from holograph at some distance and will preserve the author's accidentals only in part (if at all) and in details unknown to us, we should select that (manuscript) document as copy-text which best preserves the accidentals of the author's period and district (when possible). It is granted that because of the derived state of the manuscripts we do not possess the philological expertise to restore the exact accidentals of the original period of its holograph. Thus we bow to expediency in selecting the manuscript that seems best to reflect the original conditions, including the linguistic circumstances of district. However the choice of manuscript copy-text is decided, it is based on expediency, in the sense that whatever selection is made from among various documents will at best be a compromise that only imperfectly (if at all) can be supposed to reproduce the holograph's exact characteristics; nevertheless, once chosen, this document's accidentals are to be transcribed and retained with a minimum of alteration except as correction is needed.

What to Greg is the more important point in this discussion then follows: although the transmission of documents may vitally affect their accidentals, it affects the substantives in ways that textual and critical analysis can evaluate, whereas little can be done on the evidence to utilize such critical techniques to recover authoritative accidentals. Accordingly, by the full exercise of editorial judgment these original substantives can be reconstructed on the whole (according to the limits of the evidence) in a manner impossible for the accidentals.


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Greg thus emerges from his consideration of early manuscripts to the more pertinent examination of the conditions in which book copy-texts should be selected. In doing so, he comes for the first time to examples that may apply to later literatures. The grounds of expediency in the choice of manuscript copy-text with which he introduced his discussion of accidentals have only occasional application to early printed books[11] and none to those of the nineteenth century. The reason is that in his analysis of the situation in respect to manuscripts Greg automatically assumed the presence of a number of collateral texts for the work, this multiplicity of documents not ordinarily resulting from the progress of the work through different stages of authorial revision but instead from the copying on different occasions of a variety of texts deriving from the lost archetype. Except for a few special cases in the hand-printing era, these conditions scarcely exist in later times independent


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of revision, which was not primarily in question in the manuscripts Greg was hypothesizing.[12]

Note: A collateral manuscript, in the purest sense, is one in a different independent branch of the family tree from another. That is, it does not derive in direct line from any other known or hypothesized example of the manuscript text to which it is collateral. Direct line means what it says: thus two manuscripts that derive from any two branches created by radiation from the archetype are not in linear relationship to each other. The assumption is ordinarily made that the variant texts of two collateral manuscripts are in the same state; that is, one is not authorially revised and the other untouched although that proviso is not necessarily a part of the definition of 'collateral' so long as the central situation of non-linear derivation is observed. Greg (p. 377) defines a collateral relationship as one in which each manuscript is "derived from the original independently, or more or less independently, of the others." Although his qualification "more or less independently" takes care of contamination, or the insertion of readings in one line by reference to another, the definition leaves unanswered the central question whether "derived from the original independently" requires a collateral manuscript to be in one or another of the two or more lines that usually, as reconstructed, diverge from the archetype, or original, in most family trees, or else in similar divergence but within a single one of these branches. Despite his language, it may seem that he meant the latter, which is a still acceptable but less strict usage. For example, an earlier form of a manuscript can be conjecturally recovered from two documents that have forked within one of the major textual lines, but not from two manuscripts which in a direct line derive one from the other. The latter can scarcely be called collateral, whereas the conjectured antecedent document at the fork can be recovered from two 'collateral' manuscripts in the general sense, since it is a form of archetype for the two manuscripts concerned and indeed would be the archetype itself were there only one line conjectured from the holograph. Presumably this antecedent document is what Greg thought of when he wrote 'original' even though properly speaking a similar antecedent document if there were a second main line from the archetype might be recovered from 'collateral'

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manuscripts and then these two truly collateral recovered hypothetical documents might be compared with each other to reconstruct the only true original, the archetype X from which stem the two main divergent lines. A practical case involving printed editions comes in Stephen Crane's "Death and the Child." One typescript made from his manuscript, ribbon and carbon, was the copy for the English magazine and book publication; a second typescript, ribbon and carbon, made independently from the same manuscript served for the American magazine and book publication. The major features of each typescript can be recovered by comparison of magazine and book, this representing the conjectured document at the fork. Then the two recovered typescripts can be compared to recover the major features of X, the manuscript. In the general sense each country's magazine and book text are collateral since an antecedent document can be recovered from the two; however, the strict collateral sense could be applied only to the documents that represented the different typescripts, like the English magazine and the American book texts, etc.

When a book text is never revised or in any way altered by comparison with some other authorially-derived document, only one authoritative document can be identified. Since he ignores holographs, Greg places this single authority as the earliest printed text, the one that derives most immediately from the author's lost manuscript and is thus distinguished from any later series of mere reprints[13] stemming in linear fashion from the one primary authoritative preserved document. This is a 'substantive edition': in the case outlined it is the only substantive edition, and obviously it represents the sole possible authority both for accidentals and for substantives (the wording). It is the only form of copy-text that presents to an editor no problems other than correction.


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Greg's use of the term substantive edition is in some part misleading. In note 1 on p. 378 he accepts McKerrow's definition as "an edition that is not a reprint of any other" and states "I shall use the term in this sense, since I do not think that there should be any danger of confusion between 'substantive edition' and 'substantive readings'." On p. 379 the next statement is clear: "Whatever may be the relation of a particular substantive edition to the author's manuscript (provided that there is any transcriptional link at all)[14] it stands to reason that the relation of a reprint of that edition must be more remote." This is an extension of the original reference on p. 378, "in the rare cases in which a later edition had been revised by the author or in which there existed more than one 'substantive' edition of comparable authority." The distinction drawn here between two kinds of editions needs explanation in terms of the examples Greg had in mind if it is to have any application to later periods. In the first case an author would annotate a copy of an early edition with his corrections and revisions and send the marked-up copy to the printer. Greg calls this situation a rare one: it is rare in the years close to 1600 simply because of a paucity of authorially revised editions, and the only examples that he mentions are Nashe's Unfortunate Traveller and the Jonson Folio set from marked copies of the quartos[15] and at least in part seen through the press by the author. Technically the Jonson is not a substantive edition according to McKerrow because, in Greg's phrase, it is a revised reprint of the quarto copy.


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What Greg had in mind for the second category of two substantive editions of comparable authority is almost completely an Elizabethan phenomenon when applied to two printed editions and not to a printed edition and one or more collateral manuscripts. For the moment to pass over the matter of bad-quarto texts, including for the sake of argument King Lear, Greg's second category consists of the Quarto and Folio editions of Hamlet, Othello, Troilus and Cressida, and 2 Henry IV. In their desire to print the Folio from what they considered to be the best texts, and perhaps in one case because of copyright problems, the Folio editors did not merely reprint these plays from the available good quarto texts without annotation of their own as in Romeo and Juliet or with minor alteration deriving from the prompt-book as in The Merchant of Venice, Richard II, or I Henry IV. Instead, the Folio version of the text derives its substantives in major part from the authority of a manuscript in a different tradition from that which was the setting copy for the Quarto. However, this manuscript was not itself set by the Folio printer but for convenience he was given a copy of the Quarto that had been annotated to bring the original printed version into general conformity with the variant readings of the manuscript. Technically, therefore, this expedient by the Folio editors disqualified the Folio texts of these plays for consideration as 'substantive editions' under McKerrow's definition since the Folio is in considerable part a reprint of the Quarto except for the marked alterations. On the other hand, if one thinks exclusively of the literary status of the Folio text, fresh authority has certainly entered and both Quarto and Folio could be regarded critically (not bibliographically) as 'substantive editions' even though one text was not revised from another by the authorial post-publication process that produced, say, the revised reprint of the Folio Sejanus from Jonson's Quarto. Instead, the divergences in the versions appear to stem from pre-publication differences between the two manuscripts behind the separate editions, which varied from each other in the state of their texts. Since the manuscripts were either written by Shakespeare or else were scribal copies of a holograph even at some remove—and in at least some of the plays appear to represent different stages in the development or perhaps in the theatrical application of the text—each is therefore 'authoritative' and the printed results represent (again only in a literary and not in a technical sense) two substantive editions of comparable authority.

The phrase comparable authority has little relation in Greg's mind to the critical question of the literary merit of the texts. Instead, authority is a technical term in textual criticism signifying the derivation of any form from the author, preferably by some transcriptional link.


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Authority may be inferior as when some major contamination in the transmission has affected the validity of one text, or when the distant relation of an edition to the holograph suggests the possibility of more than usual transmissional corruption; or it can be very strong, as when a printed edition is set directly from holograph. Hence Greg uses comparable authority to indicate that, so far as the evidence goes, in the main the author had a relatively equal concern in the composition of both versions and that each is close enough to the author so as not to have been distorted excessively by transmissional problems. Authorial concern need not have been revisory, although revision is not by definition excluded.[16] This is what he had in mind when on p. 381 he wrote: "McKerrow was, therefore, in his later work quite conscious of the distinction between substantive readings and accidentals, in so far as the problem of revision is concerned. But he never applied the conception to cases in which we have more than one substantive text, as in Hamlet and perhaps in 2 Henry IV, Troilus and Cressida, and Othello." Greg uses the term substantive edition, or its equivalent, again on pages 384-385, "But whenever there is more than one substantive text of comparable authority [footnote excluding 'bad quartos'], then although it will still be necessary to choose one of them as copy-text, and to follow it in accidentals, this copy-text can be allowed no over-riding or even preponderant authority so far as substantive readings are concerned." Finally, on page 391, "Of both [Richard III and King Lear] much the best text is supplied by the folio of 1623; but this is not a substantive text, but one set from a copy of an earlier quarto that had been extensively corrected by collation with a manuscript preserved in the playhouse."


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A basic confusion is created by the use in these juxtaposed passages of the term substantive edition (or text) in two contradictory senses. In his statement on Richard III and King Lear he is employing the strict McKerrow definition that he had promised to observe. This holds for his statement about Hamlet, which Greg regarded as set in Q and in F from two independent manuscripts, a view no longer popular. On the other hand, in his remarks about 2 Henry IV, Troilus, and Othello he forgets that he is supposed to be observing McKerrow and instead reverts to an important modification of the term that he had made in the Editorial Problem whereby what he called 'mixed texts' joined McKerrow's editions (not derived from any other) as a separate category of an expanded concept of what constitutes substantive texts. Editions were mixed if one had been used as basic setting copy for a later but in the process had (a) been conflated by some agent with a more or less authoritative manuscript in a different tradition from that used as setting copy for the earlier, or (b) been revised by the author making his own annotations as Jonson had done in preparing copy for the 1616 Folio by marking up his quarto plays. Independently transmitted texts were automatically substantive in the McKerrow manner. Mixed texts that had undergone scrupulous authorial supervision (preferably of the printing as well as the preparation of copy), like Jonson's, were also admitted without other qualification as substantive. However, for mixed texts resulting in the Shakespeare Folio from conflation of the quarto with some other manuscript, Greg believed that the criterion of an alteration in their 'essential character' had to be applied before the Folio could be allowed as a substantive edition. An example of this reasoning comes in footnote 1 on page xix of The Editorial Problem in Shakespeare:

Note: The folio text of Hamlet is certainly, and that of Othello almost certainly, substantive in its own right [i.e. set from independent manuscripts]: neither, therefore, comes in question here. In Troilus it is probable, and in 2 Henry IV possible, that the folio text was printed from a copy of a quarto that had been altered by comparison with a manuscript and therefore partakes at least to some extent of the character of a mixed text, but it is by no means clear that the alteration was such as to raise the folio to substantive rank, still less that the folio should be regarded as the more authoritative.

In mid-1949 when the "Rationale" was written it is uncertain whether Greg had been informed privately by Dr. Alice Walker of her researches indicating that F Othello had been set from an annotated copy of Q, although his association of Othello on page 381 not with Hamlet but with the two plays he was convinced were mixed by conflation would


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seem to suggest the possibility, or at the least his concern that other discussions to the same effect of Othello had made its mixed more probable than its independent nature. But at least in respect to Troilus and to 2 Henry IV there can be no question that the Folio could not conform to McKerrow's definition of a substantive edition. Hence the passage in the "Rationale" specifying the four plays as substantive represents a lapse in favor of his earlier (1942) inclusion of mixed editions and contradicts his express statement that he will use substantive edition only in McKerrow's sense of 'completely independent.' Thus what Greg is actually saying on page 381 is this: Hamlet is substantive in both editions because each was set directly from manuscript; on the other hand, the three other plays, being mixed texts, come under another criterion for substantiveness—that of a change in F from the essential character of the text in Q—and he is uncertain whether in fact Q and F have been sufficiently modified in their essential character to warrant substantive status.[17] In this paragraph, then, he is definitely not following his definition of substantive as on page 391,[18] and the reader needs a warning to the effect. Moreover, the straying here brings in question what he intended in the other references to substantive texts or editions (there can be no distinction in kind although one is possible in form), for if these four plays (including Hamlet as we now believe) are not substantive in the Folio because set from marked-up quartos, then Greg is left with no illustration of what he had in mind (in the McKerrow sense) in writing of such dual substantive texts. This is anomalous, for the

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exact circumstances that led him to deny substantive status to the Folio Richard III operate for Othello and the rest.

It is an article of faith that in this period a scribe bringing printed copy into general conformity with a manuscript in lieu of giving the printer the manuscript as setting copy[19] would confine himself largely to the transfer of variant words and would ordinarily ignore accidentals that were not associated with the variant substantives; hence the accidentals of the Folio, it is believed, are in the main Jaggard's compositors' versions of the Quarto's and of no authority since they would lack any transcriptional link with a manuscript that in turn ultimately derived from Shakespeare. Under these conditions, and editor is forced to choose the Quarto versions as copy-texts, regardless of any other considerations (except for 'bad quartos') because they alone have transcriptional links that ultimately tie them with the holographs.[20] The sole editorial question then concerns the authority of the variant substantive readings taken one by one, in which matter Greg is on relatively solid ground even though he is silent on the intricacies of the textual problems that might influence editorial judgment.

Note: The basic question in these plays is (a) whether a variant between Q and F results from Shakespeare's revision, as has been argued for Troilus, or (b) whether one or the other is an error created in the course of the transmission as in Greg's example of Q2 fearful but F fretful porpentine in Hamlet, or (c) whether both are in error, probably because the Q error was not corrected by the scribe annotating copy for F, as seems to be certain in Hamlet's QF good kissing carrion for the standard emendation god kissing carrion, or less certainly Q1's dead vast and middle of the night for Q2-F dead waste, or (d) both readings go back to a common error in their copy, as may

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be supposed for minute's rest in Q and F The Merry Wives of Windsor which on the analogy of Romeo and Juliet should be minim's rest. As for the matter of the definition of a substantive document ('substantive edition' is too precise when one considers modern conditions of manuscripts and typescripts), McKerrow's precise limitation needs further analysis since it promotes some paradoxes. For instance, he does not hesitate to call a memorially reconstructed bad quarto like Richard III the only substantive edition, and the Folio a derived text, simply because the Folio was set from a copy of Q3 brought into general conformity with a manuscript furnished by the play-house. One may question whether accidentals are more important than the words in defining a substantive edition, however, particularly when in such a case the Q3 accidentals have no shred of authority anyway. It does seem odd to deny substantive status to F Othello or to Troilus on a technicality when it would have been accorded if F had been set direct from the manuscript used to annotate Q and when in either case the wording of F may be taken to represent something very close indeed to that of the manuscript, regardless of the accidentals. There are problems, of course. If an edition is to be rated as substantive according to the variation in its wording deriving from some authoritative source, the difficulty of estimating the degree of difference in order to achieve substantive status may be subject to opinion, as Greg found when wrestling in his Editorial Problem with the question whether F 2 Henry IV was or was not substantive. It would seem that McKerrow's definition needs to be modified but that Greg's more general use is not perhaps entirely satisfactory either. Linear authorial revisions present a further difficulty. Is Jonson's Every Man in his Humour substantive both in Q and in F but Sejanus not? Are not the differences between Q and F Sejanus about as important for the wording as between the technically substantive manuscript and quarto of The Masque of Queens? Should the status of the accidentals dictate the definition of substantive text? In another place I have attempted to offer a redefinition of substantive that aims at reconciling these problems (see the reference in footnote 17).

Since a textual critic is now left with no examples in the "Rationale" of early printed books with variant texts (not authorially revised editions) set independently from different manuscripts, he will need to supply these for himself. Within this period the ones I am familiar with require a choice between the authority of a printed edition and a manuscript version, scribal as in Beaumont and Fletcher's Beggars Bush, Woman's Prize, and Bonduca, or authorial as in George Herbert's Temple; or else a printed edition and multiple scribal manuscript texts as in the poems of John Donne. An editor can approach the Beaumont and Fletcher plays as if the manuscript were actually a printed edition (or the 1647 Folio a manuscript) since only the two documents are preserved in their different traditions and the choice of copy-text resolves into the usual question of transmissional closeness to holograph versus the problem of the early or late date for the reproduction of the accidentals.[21]


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When various manuscript texts of different degrees of completeness are preserved of poems, as with Donne, usually no way exists to draw a family tree for each short lyric, although something can be done in rougher outline for some of the collections as a whole. An editor is forced to consider the printed edition merely as the equivalent of the manuscript that was its copy, substantially subject to the same rules of a reconstructed text that characterize editions of manuscripts. In order to secure general uniformity of accidental texture most editors prefer to select the printed edition as copy-text on just such grounds of expediency as Greg remarked, although some circumstances might suggest a bolder course even when considerable disparity between the accidental systems of different poems would result. However, many manuscript versions of poems would be troublesome to read without as much editorial tidying up as the original printer gave his copy; and so unless one is dealing with holograph, editorial expediency is not necessarily blameworthy since authentic results are so very uncertain when working with derived documents.

A reader unacquainted with Renaissance textual conditions must also be on guard not to draw improper parallels between modern cases and the implications of Greg's use of Hamlet and the other three plays as examples of dual authority. Greg mentions these in context with a consideration of revised editions and the most suitable treatment for them, and hence one may believe that he considers these plays to greater or lesser degree might perhaps come in that category (but see below). He seems most taken with the Folio Hamlet, although no critic that I recall has squarely faced up to the implications of any theory that the alterations that might seem revisory are Shakespeare's or another's. The best case for revision can perhaps be made for Troilus and the least good for 2 Henry IV. At any rate, whether these plays do indeed represent a special class of authorially revised texts is distinctly moot.

Note: The alterations in the Quartos made by scribal comparison with some manuscript preserved in the playhouse give to the substantives of the Folio

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texts of this group of plays what may properly be called 'authoritative status,' provided that authoritative is not taken as a comparative meaning superior to the 'authority' of the Quartos but only that the variants in both texts have a direct reference back to some authority. To compound the possible confusion, it seems likely that when Greg writes of a 'revised edition' he is not, after all, suggesting that the source of the variants in the Folio lies necessarily with Shakespeare's revisions of a state of the text known through the Quarto. (For instance, this would not agree with his views about the transmission of the Othello text as found in Q and F.) What he seems to have in mind, sometimes, is that the Folio editors from their point of view 'revised' a good Quarto by reference to some manuscript which in their opinion offered a superior text whether because of its more faithful transmission from the archetypal holograph or because it had in the process of transmission been authorially revised. (With their views about the pre-eminent authority of prompt-books, the Folio editors might well, also, have considered that play-house revision improved the text over working papers.) Thus although never specified, a reader may need to translate Greg's use of revised edition some-times but not always to signify merely a text that reproduces an altered version of some authority but with no necessary inference that Shakespeare was himself responsible for both versions by reason of his revisions.
Moreover, what Greg did not distinguish were the differences in editorial problems between pre-publication and post-publication authorial revision. Post-publication revision almost automatically requires the hypothesis (usually demonstrable) that an earlier printed copy has been revised by the author. When this occurs, as remarked, no question of copy-text arises for early books because of the assumption that the usual revising author, like Nashe, would pay small attention to changing the accidentals of the printed copy that were acceptable by current standards. After all, he knew that the compositor(s) of the revised edition were going to alter what they set according to their own wishes and that this result would also be acceptable by current standards. In his own period, except for Ben Jonson, Greg could not have conceived of an author—like Walt Whitman or Henry James (or William)—closely supervising the details of revised editions for accidentals as well as substantives.

It is odd that in the "Rationale" as distinct from the Editorial Problem Greg is curiously uncertain when he treats Jonson, who of all Elizabethan authors has the best claim to the supervision of most parts of a revised edition, as in his Folio Works in 1616. Greg knows where he stands when it comes to the Folio Every Man in his Humour which, though set from an annotated quarto, was so heavily rewritten as to enforce the choice of the Folio as copy-text, it being a labor of Hercules to work up an apparatus for a text that would endeavor to insert the


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Folio accidental as well as substantive revisions in the original Quarto texture. What Greg does not mention, and may even not have recognized, was the fact that for choice of copy-text it was not the question whether Jonson's revision of the Folio accidentals in this play made them on the whole more authoritative than those of the Quarto (a proposition that could be readily paralleled in modern times). Instead, he accepts the Folio as copy-text on what turn out to be grounds of expediency: because of the very thorough substantive rewriting, the accidentals that accompany the altered wording must of course be accepted, and these are so numerous as to make it almost impossible to attempt with any consistency to preserve the Quarto accidentals when revision of the substantives would not necessarily have affected their variation. In this particular example there is nothing wrong with expediency (although Greg does not call it that) as a practical matter, but expediency can seldom operate as a principle. Thus when he comes to other of Jonson's revisions his gingerly treatment is likely to mislead a reader who does not know enough about the circumstances to recognize that at bottom Greg is also applying expediency to cases that are not at all parallel and should have been subject to principle.

In dealing with the Jonson Folio as a unit, Greg notes that although it has been disputed whether Jonson revised the proofs, Simpson was most likely correct in assuming that he did so; but there can be no question that Jonson was responsible for the numerous corrections made while the sheets were in process of printing. He continues: "Simpson's consequent decision to take the folio for his copy-text for the plays it contains will doubtless be approved by most critics. I at least have no wish to dispute his choice" (pp. 390-391). He then appends to this last sentence the footnote "Simpson's procedure in taking the 1616 folio as copy-text in the case of most of the masques included, although he admits that in their case Jonson cannot be supposed to have supervised the printing, is much more questionable." This position about the Folio is difficult to equate with Greg's principles for the choice of copy-text as illustrated by Nashe's Unfortunate Traveller—that identified substantive revision should be introduced into the accidental texture of the earliest edition. It is this pronouncement about Nashe that has been taken by modern critics as an absolute, without sufficient understanding of the complex reasons (including expediency) that led Greg to take the opposite position for Jonson, and not necessarily just for Every Man in his Humour.

In the first place, Greg certainly thought of Jonson's care to supervise the printing of his works as an exception to ordinary Elizabethan authorial procedures. For the Folio Greg mentions three stages of supervision


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of the revised edition: Jonson's marking of alterations in the copy sent to the printer; Jonson's revision of the Folio proofs; and finally his correction of the sheets while they were in process of printing. The first and third of these are incontrovertible, whereas the second (which could be argued was perhaps the chief reason for Greg's acceptance of Simpson's choice of the Folio) is so conjectural as to be of small value as a basis for editorial principle. A distinction exists between the second and third that is a product of hand printing only. A scrupulous author could indeed require pre-printing proofs, but they were not at all common chiefly because they delayed production of the volume and in some cases even the output in other respects of the printing shop. That is, since type was in short supply and had to be distributed before the next sheet (in general) could be completely typeset, composition of the Folio would have been suspended while Jonson read such special proofs. Under these circumstances printers ordinarily required authors, instead, to attend the press. This term meant that an author would drop by the printing shop each day and would read whatever proof was handy. Sometimes it might be newly-set type-pages if available, but ordinarily the author picked up a sheet being printed, marked any changes he wished, and the press was stopped while the changes were made, to be incorporated in all subsequent sheets printed. Collation of multiple copies, as was done with the Jonson Folio, will reveal the majority of such in-press alterations, which indeed were the usual method of proofreading even by the printer's own reader.
Note: For the usual methods of making in-press corrections, see my "Elizabethan Proofing," Essays, pp. 240-253. Simpson's slightly vague language may just possibly have misled Greg into thinking that a claim had been made for substantially more authorial proofreading than the at-the-press correction that Simpson recognized took place. In the textual discourse on the 1616 Folio as a whole, Simpson contents himself (Works, IX, 51-52) with the statement that "It was the exception, not the rule, for a seventeenth-century printer to send out proofs to an author. The author dropped in at the press once or twice a day, looked over the newly taken pulls, and corrected such errors as caught his eye in a cursory reading." This comes in a discussion of the in-press corrections and by no means implies that Jonson worked differently. Writing of Sejanus (Works, IV, 339) Simpson states only, "Jonson's proof-reading was probably done at the printing-house from fresh pulls supplied him on the spot" and he continues with a discussion of the number of errors not altered by the press-correction because of these less than ideal conditions. The equation of 'newly taken pulls' and 'fresh pulls' would seem to indicate that Simpson was not describing the special conditions of formal proofs sent to Jonson while printing was suspended but instead the normal attendance of an author at the press which would produce the visible

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variant states of the printed sheets and not invisible and unknowable preprinting correction. Indeed, on the evidence, this latter pre-printing correction is unlikely, for if Jonson had read proofs at his leisure before impression of any sheet was made, he should have had no occasion to make so many as the six hundred odd changes that mark his press-correction of the Folio.[22]
If, then, any suggestion can be dropped that Jonson read proofs other than at the printer while the sheets were being machined, an editor is spared having to take account of quite unassessable evidence and can approach the task of comparing the printed Quarto with the Folio in its uncorrected and corrected formes in a rational endeavor to estimate, as an editor must, how much of the accidental variation was due to Jonson and how much to the printer. The choice of copy-text will depend upon his answer.

In the nature of the case we have no means of knowing precisely to what extent Jonson marked the accidentals for change in the original copy for each separate play; but in certain plays like Sejanus Simpson can point with certainty to Jonson's idiosyncratic attempts to impose a classicizing spelling system on Greek and Latin derivatives and to utilize the apostrophus, a metrical punctuation designed to mark the presence of an extra syllable to be lightly sounded in the line (IV, 337-341). He also gives examples, which appear to be buttressed by the evidence of Jonson's holographs as well as his press-corrections, illustrating some of the subtleties of Jonson's punctuation alterations (IV, 342; IX, 73).

The important question then arises of the degree, outside of the preserved evidence of the press-corrections, to which Jonson was able to enforce the compositors to follow copy in the details he had presumably marked for alteration as well as in those he had not. The evidence suggests that he had the usual Elizabethan luck, meaning that the compositors despite what may have been good intentions by no means followed copy in anything approaching the manner one would expect in


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modern times. The evidence is of two kinds: first, the extraordinary amount of press-correction required when printing was in progress (presumably to correct departures from copy in at least some part); and second, the large number of idiosyncratic accidentals lost in the transition from Quarto to Folio even though some were added, not only the classicized spellings but particularly the apostrophus, which Simpson was forced to supply from the Quarto in perhaps half of the total occurrences. Especially when it is considered that in Sejanus specifically, and in general in the other plays also, Jonson did nothing in the press-corrections about the Folio departures from his ordinary spellings (and these were fairly numerous), a problem does indeed arise whether the supervision that he gave the play both in the preparation of the marked Quarto copy and in the Folio press-correction is sufficient to elevate the Folio to copy-text status for plays (unlike Every Man in his Humour) where the amount of substantive revision was markedly less and so had little or no effect on the separate problem of the accidentals that were independent of revision. In this connection Greg's footnote about the masques is surprisingly mild. It does not seem 'questionable' to accept the 1616 Folio as copy-text for portions that Jonson admittedly did not supervise in the printing: it seems quite contrary to Greg's whole position since for the masques, at least, the line is a thin one between the case of The Unfortunate Traveller except for the hypothesized marking of the masque copy. That is, if the control that Jonson exercised by press-correction is missing (and this should have no bearing on matters of copy-text), Greg's mere questioning of Simpson's choice of copy-text for the masques implies his at least partial acceptance of the proposition that Jonson's marking of his copy was sufficiently detailed to change the texture of the Folio accidentals from derived to 'substantive' status. Such a view needs more evidence than has been advanced: it is basically most improbable.

Some hint as to Greg's seemingly paradoxical reasoning may be extracted from a statement he made about Sejanus. Although this play comes in a part of the Folio where Jonson did exercise what control he chose over the printing as well as the copy, Greg allows that "In the case of a work like Sejanus, in which correction or revision has been slight [in comparison with Every Man in his Humour], it would obviously be possible to take the quarto as the copy-text and introduce into it whatever authoritative alterations the folio may supply." He then adds, "and indeed, were one editing the play independently, this would be the natural course to pursue." The coda indicates that somehow Greg felt it was suitable to choose the Folio as copy-text for Sejanus in an edition within the Works that (rightly or wrongly) had opted for the Folio as


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the more convenient or even authoritative copy-text document as a whole, even though if one were editing the play independent of its place as a Folio play, the Quarto would be the natural copy-text. Since Sejanus is by no means an exception but rather the rule within the Folio, this seems to me to exemplify either a singularly uncharacteristic waffling in the matter of the Herford-Simpson edition or a complete disregard of his own acute and important distinction between editions of particular authorities and editions of works (p. 384). The Herford-Simpson Jonson was ostensibly an edition of the works which by a mistaken choice of copy-text for many parts turned itself into an edition of the Folio. That Greg gives simultaneous approval to two contradictory positions in respect to the same play confuses the more general application of his principles. And his return, after the discussion of Sejanus, to Every Man in his Humour as a revised edition does not assist matters, since this is admittedly an exceptional case, one in which the Folio's authorial accidentals are dependent upon the amount of substantive revision, whereas in Sejanus, the other plays, and the masques, the substantive revision is insufficient to affect the central copy-text question of how much Jonson was able to impose his wishes (assuming that he had such comprehensive wishes, for which the evidence is partial) upon the accidentals of the Folio text, regardless of the substantives.

On page 390, in which the discussion of Jonson is concluded, Greg in effect decides that in cases of revision no hard and fast rule can be laid down as to when an editor should take the original edition as his copy-text and when the revised reprint. This is not very helpful nor is it necessarily true. What is less than satisfactory is that in the end, given the contradictory state of the Jonson discussion, Greg leaves the reader with a generality and no guidelines except for the almost unique case of Every Man in his Humour and the elementary case of The Unfortunate Traveller. The general impression is that he has not himself thought through the situation, with enough concrete examples in mind over a broad enough scope, to afford the reader any material assistance, even in formulating rules of thumb. It cannot be sufficiently emphasized that Every Man in his Humour is not a useful example of revision either in its own day or later,[23] and what holds true for it need not hold true for other revised editions in which the rewriting of the substantives has


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not throughout so vitally affected the forms of the accidentals. Most revised editions have not been subject to such thorough rewriting; hence the editorial problem for them is the extent to which within the areas of unchanged substantives the differences in accidentals in a revised edition may be referred to the author. It is this question, and this question only, to which the choice of original or of revised edition as copy-text must be directed.

Note: No one can speak with authority who has not studied the textual transmission of Sejanus in depth and with careful attention to the Jonsonian accidentals of the preserved holographs of other works. I can offer only a theoretical opinion after a cursory run-through of the Simpson apparatus and the Jonsonian manuscripts. The press-correction of Sejanus is insufficient to produce all of the authentic variation between the two editions, and we must assume that Jonson marked the printer's copy in various respects. How minutely this was done is open to question except for certain specific Jonsonian idiosyncrasies, but there is seeming evidence that, in addition to the classicizing spellings and the added examples of apostrophus, plus a general tendency to reduce capitals and to tinker with other typographical conventions that Simpson remarks, a not entirely comprehensive revision of the punctuation was undertaken, how thoroughly is difficult to determine (see footnote 22 above). As in the apostrophus, there are in some respects debits in the Folio general punctuation running contrary to the more characteristic forms in the Quarto, these being indicative of Folio compositorial variation from copy. Thus whether on the whole the Folio punctuation in the uncorrected states of the formes represents Jonson's revising wishes better than the Quarto is probable but not demonstrable without closer study than the matter has received, and even then many cases of variation would no doubt be unassignable.
If the spelling is taken as the main determinant (as is customary in Elizabethan editing) and if (subject again to closer study) the normalized Folio spelling forms are on the whole compositorial save for the recognizable idiosyncrasies which present no difficulty, then it would be practicable to take the Quarto as copy-text in order to preserve its generally superior texture of ordinary spelling forms and to treat the idiosyncratic accidentals of the Folio like the substantives by incorporating such as the editor believes were authentic Jonsonian alterations in the printer's copy plus those that he knows are Jonson's by reason of Folio press-correction. This would make for a relatively long emendations list in which the few variant substantives would present no problem. The movement of such an apparatus would be forward in that it would provide a reader with a conspectus of recoverable Jonsonian markings in the Q copy and in the F (and Q) press-correction. If F were chosen as copy-text instead, the list of emendations would comprise a return to such Q spellings as the editor believed, on sufficient evidence, had been unauthoritatively altered by the compositors, plus punctuation in the same category, plus the numerous idiosyncratic accidentals in Q normalized

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or corrupted in F. The movement would be backward. Instead of reflecting the Jonsonian revision of the text, the apparatus would record the correction of unauthoritative changes made in the printing-house from what is taken to have been the marked Q from which F was set.
The specific editorial problems in each would differ. When F is taken as copy-text, the reverse possibility exists, that the editor will allow compositorial variation to remain in the text and not correct it from Q. In the first case, it could be argued that the odds favor the retention of original Q authority even at the expense of some overlooking of F correction, whereas in the second the more frequent retained readings of the F copy-text that were compositorial would be unauthoritative. At least theoretically, then, the skilful treatment of Q as copy-text would reproduce more quantitative authority than the same skill applied to purifying F as copy-text, even though the authority of Q had in turn been modified by fresh authority. (This is to assume of course that on the whole the retained Q readings were not in themselves variants from the lost manuscript copy: whether they were or not so variant would be at best conjectural since in the absence of the manuscript Q constitutes the only basic authority we have.) Some analogy is furnished by my statistical survey of the special evidence for Dryden's revision of the accidentals in the first and second editions of The Indian Emperour, with the conclusion that if the revised edition had been taken as copy-text a far greater number of unauthoritative accidentals would have been accepted than (unidentifiable) revised ones preserved ("Current Theories of Copy-Text," Essays, p. 287). However, the analogy may be more suggestive than exact since it would seem that Dryden's concern for the accidentals in his press-alterations (and presumably in the marking of copy) was less than Jonson's, although careful by ordinary standards of his day.
Any question of copy-text cannot ignore the fact that the chosen text must be given general authority for the indifferent accidentals. Critical judgment may succeed relatively well in the choice of variant substantives from an original and its revised edition, but many accidentals—chiefly punctuation—are less subject to critical analysis and certainty. It follows that if Q Sejanus were chosen as copy-text, only certain well-established categories could be identified by consensus as accidental revisions in F, to be adopted as emendations: the F reduction of Q capitals, the additions of a few more examples of apostrophus and of classicized spellings in F come to mind as the simplest transfers on a group basis, to which might be added hyphenations in compounds. But the determination of the numerous other punctuational differences would be subject to the editor's discretion on a less firm judgmental basis than the substantives or the agreed-upon groups of accidentals. Otherwise—and especially in the spelling—the general texture of Q would be retained on the theory that Jonson (on the evidence of press-corrections in F) seldom concerned himself to alter spellings except to conform to his identifiable classicizing intentions. With due regard for the evidence of category and intention in the press-corrections, some attempt might be made to restore from F what could be taken as Jonson's specialized comma or other punctuation.

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If we concentrate only on the matter of spelling, we can see that if F were the copy-text an editor would have a difficult task correcting the F compositorial departures from Q copy, which would presumably represent readings not marked by Jonson. The corpus of Jonsonian holographs is not large and comprehensive enough to furnish material for many decisions. For example, if one takes the non-classicizing spelling variants between Q and F in the first two acts of Sejanus, the following words in Q agree with holograph forms although they have been altered in F to uncharacteristic spellings: Q favor] F favour; honor] honour; labor] labour; rumor] rumour; fervor] fervour; terror] terrour; fruicts] fruits; remoove] remove; coulor or coulour] colour or collour; disseignes or dissignes] designes; commaund] command; inough] enough; encrease] increase; enlarge] inlarge. (Doubtless there are others; these happen to be the ones I have noted.) This is not much of a bag, of course, if with an F copy-text one were restoring known holograph spellings from Q. On the other hand, in these same two acts appear the following additional variants (excluding classicizing spellings going either way): Q cossen or cosin] F cousin; loose] lose; to] too; grouth] growth; phisitian] physitian; graunt] grant; shal] shall; woes] wooes; here] heere; breath] breathe; whether] whither; mind] minde; blist] blest; where] were; forth] foorth; opportunitie] oportunity; daungers] dangers; approach] approch; of] off; sinewes] sinnewes; duety] dutie; hould] hold; tast] taste; knowe] know; ould] old; chord] cord; togither] together; paralells] paralels; begonne] begun; donne] done; lets] letts; guest] ghest; thether] thither. A more careful search of the holographs might identify some of these and authenticate such forms as graunt, daungers, hould, and ould; but on the whole they need to be taken on faith, since at best they represent only what the Q compositor set when he worked from holograph. However, the odds would appear to be somewhat more in their favor than the corresponding F spellings, which in their turn represent only what the F compositor set as he worked from Q —assuming that these are not the sort of spellings that Jonson would have marked for alteration.
If Q were the copy-text, these spellings of unknown but generally presumptive authority would be retained; if F were the copy-text, it would be a bold editor who would accept many of them from Q as emendations when not confirmed by holographs, and hence the critical text would reproduce what on the whole are more likely than not to be the Folio unauthoritative normalizations. The evidence of this enlarged group of 'normal' spellings, therefore, suggests the acceptance of Q as copy-text if the prime purpose of the copy-text at this period is to preserve the spellings that are closer to authority than in a revised reprint. When even idiosyncratic spellings like Q aequall are corrupted in F to equall, it may be suspected that by and large the variant F spellings of Sejanus derive from the compositor. On the other hand, with Q as copy-text an editor must be prepared not just for the relatively simple task of isolating specific Jonsonian accidental idiosyncrasies in F in order to transfer them to the copy-text but also for the more complex decisions in respect to the variant punctuation. My uninformed guess is that more often than not an editor who carefully studied the Jonsonian press-corrections

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in the Quartos and in the Folio for a precise view of what Jonson wanted, and then related his findings to the holographs, could make shift to emend Q in these respects from F more accurately and comprehensively than if he attempted to correct the F copy-text from Q. In short, the odds may seem to favor an editor's ability to recognize Jonsonian annotation of Q better than compositorial variation in F.
A practical consideration also arises. In some critical editions when an early edition has been chosen as copy-text the accidental variations adopted from a later revised edition are recorded under Emendations but no record is made in the Historical Collection of those not accepted, the ground being that they have been assessed as presumptively unauthoritative and that the weight of a mass of unauthoritative accidental minutiae is too much for the apparatus (and the reader) to bear. On the other hand, if an editor chooses a later edition as copy-text, nevertheless any earlier substantive edition (or even revised reprint) has general authority in its accidentals also, and an editor who does not record the unadopted originals in his historical collation could be open to the charge that he has failed to supply the reader with maximum information about the variants in the substantive text, certainly a matter of major interest. This has been the attitude adopted in the William James edition, which generally selects the later authorially revised editions as copy-texts and records the unadopted accidental as well as substantive variation of early periodical versions and of manuscripts. The theory is that if an original edition is not the copy-text but instead a revised reprint, the apparatus should enable a reader to reconstruct the original manuscript or substantive printed edition without parallel texts. Ideally, of course, a reader might like to have similar information about a revised reprint when an earlier substantive edition is the copy-text, for otherwise he has no means of evaluating the editor's failures to emend. This gap in the provision of full information would signify little in the Renaissance when the proliferation of accidental variants in reprints is certainly compositorial and of no value to record save in some special case like Ben Jonson, and it is perhaps always a matter for editorial judgment even in much later times. If there appears to be a good chance that a revising author did in fact concern himself intimately with altering his accidentals, then a full list is advisable, as in the James edition. This was the judicious attitude of Professor Peter Nidditch in his Clarendon edition of Locke's Of Human Understanding (1975). Because he felt that the fourth edition of 1700 had been scrupulously revised by Locke both in accidentals and in substantives by marking a copy of the similarly revised second edition of 1695, and seeing it through the press, he chose this fourth as copy-text. He then felt it incumbent to record all accidental as well as substantive variants in the first and second editions; but he omitted unique accidental variants in the third, an edition that he felt had no authority. He then faced a problem approaching that of Jonson in the fifth edition of 1706, which Locke had begun to prepare as a revision of the fourth but died before completion. Professor Nidditch makes a compromise here in that he does not adopt in his text any accidental readings unique with the fifth on the ground that he cannot be sure that they were authorial,

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for Locke did not supervise the printing; on the other hand, he does record these unique accidentals in what corresponds to his historical collation despite their uncertain status. In doing so it is clear that he is often listing what are simple compositorial modernizations of no authority whatever. And since he does not trust their authority sufficiently to adopt any as revisory emendations in his critical text, it may be that it was superfluous to record them even though they have a slightly different status from those of the third edition. (For a discussion of the methodology of this significant old-spelling edition of Locke, see my review in The Library, 31 [1976], 385-395.)
This question of the extent and purpose of the apparatus is not to be ignored and merits more attention than the rather casual remarks about what may or may not be emended or recorded that Greg provides (pp. 385-386), for the problem of the apparatus could in some cases have a bearing on the choice of copy-text. At the moment it may be said that an editor of Sejanus would have an extensive emendation list (especially in punctuation and capitalization variants) if he chose Q as copy-text, whereas if he chose F he would have a smaller (although still extensive) list of corrections as emendations but the historical collation would be enlarged over that for a Q copy-text if it should (as it should) contain all rejected Q accidentals: if necessary the Q copy-text historical collation could, in addition to the same number of substantives, contain only the rejected F semi-substantive accidentals if an editor felt confident that not much would be gained by a fuller record of all rejected F accidentals.
Some readers might feel that separate layers of early and late accidental texture according to the state of a reconstructed text would be distracting and that a relatively uniform system (given normal compositorial variation) adopted from the Folio would be preferable to any necessarily mixed style. For Jonson, at least, this is unlikely to be a valid criticism nor need it be necessarily so for other authors: it is conditioned by the hankering after editions of particular authorities instead of works, and so does not affect principle. Of course, there are always exceptions. Marlowe's Massacre at Paris is known only in a bad quarto, but eleven verse lines from what is almost certainly an authorial manuscript are preserved, providing the correct text for lines 806-820 in the corrupt printed version. In editing this play I thought it better to retain the corrupt text for these lines, uniform with the state of the rest of the play, and to furnish the good manuscript version in a footnote on the same page, especially since the scene continues after the manuscript ends. One reviewer disapproved of this procedure but I am unrepentant. Just possibly I might have felt differently if the good text had been more extensive or if it had contained a complete scene. These are matters of opinion.

Greg's "Rationale" presents some difficulties even in dealing with the texts of his own day. The first has little or no relevance to modern textual problems and can be passed over quickly with only a few words of explanation of Greg's position. On pages 384-385 he remarks that


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whenever there is more than one substantive text of comparable authority, then although one of them must still be chosen as copy-text, the substantive readings of this chosen edition have no preponderant authority over those of the other substantive text. To this he adds a footnote stating that he inserts the proviso that two substantive texts must be of 'comparable' authority in order to exclude the so-called 'bad quartos' of Shakespeare and other reported texts whose testimony can in general be neglected.[24] He should then have emphasized on page 391 that his examples of Richard III and King Lear are commonly taken to represent 'bad quartos' and hence that 'revision' of these texts in the Folio is on a very different basis from what a modern reader might suppose. As a result, there is no proper analogy between them and examples of post-publication authorial revision as represented by Nashe's Unfortunate Traveller or Jonson's Sejanus, or by the second and third editions of Dryden's Indian Emperour and the fourth edition of Tom Jones.[25] Richard III and almost certainly King Lear, then, should never be cited by modern textual critics as Elizabethan examples of revised texts in the usual sense that an earlier satisfactory state of the work has been worked over by an author in order to incorporate improvements and corrections.

Note: Briefly, a 'bad quarto' is a memorial version of a work, a reported text. It is usually taken that most came into existence by the efforts of small companies touring the provinces and wanting to act the latest popular London plays. In some cases, at least, it seems relatively certain that (as with the actor who doubled Marcellus and Voltemand in Hamlet) a member of the company had participated in a London performance and knew something of the play. Other bad quartos may have been communal reconstructions

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as has been conjectured for Richard III. However they may have been formed, they represent texts of considerable corruption that can scarcely be taken to reproduce a recognizably authorial version, as may be seen by comparing the preserved fragment of manuscript from a good text of Marlowe's Massacre at Paris with the parallel text in the bad quarto. If a good text were subsequently published, convenience dictated the method. For The Merry Wives of Windsor the Folio printer was given an authoritative manuscript, which he set with no reference to the bad quarto. The unannotated bad quarto of Hamlet seems to have been consulted in the first act, where its reporting was best, to help the compositor of the good Second Quarto decipher the difficult manuscript from which he was setting. On the other hand, the third edition of Richard III's bad quarto was brought into general conformity with a playhouse manuscript by some agent and the result was used as setting copy for the Folio. Only by courtesy could this action be called 'revision,' for the copy was made up in lieu either of sending a manuscript to the printer that could not leave the playhouse, or by the printer as affording a quicker setting copy for his compositors than the manuscript furnished him. In no sense was an unauthorized bad text 'revised'; instead, a good text was substituted for it in toto—at least that was the intention.

No comparison with a bad quarto can or should be made—in respect to copy-text—with such plays as Hamlet (presumably) but certainly Othello and Troilus which were also set up in the Folio from an annotated quarto that had been conflated with some manuscript. In these plays the original quarto text derived from an authorial manuscript, whether or not at some remove; hence its accidentals have a link with authority as well as its substantives. However, because of the memorial transmission of the text in a bad quarto, the transcriptional link with the author's manuscript is broken and its accidentals can have no possible authoritative origin. Under these circumstances it would be largely pointless to choose a bad quarto as copy-text and insert in its texture the more authoritative substantives of the good text. Naturally, the Folio's accidentals of Richard III have no presumptive authority either, except as the scribe may have been influenced by his manuscript in new text or (perhaps improbably) in collating fairly close passages that required less annotation. But however doubtful the authority may be, it is at least better than that of the Quarto, which in the case of Richard III does not even represent the period of the original printing. It follows that a reader could be misled at first when Greg writes, "So great and so detailed appears to have been the revision that it would be an almost impossible task to distinguish between variation due to the corrector and that due to the compositor, and an editor has no choice but to take the folio as copy-text." This criterion has no applicability whatever (as it has in Every Man in his Humour) and the case is not altogether set to


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rights when Greg immediately adds, "Indeed, this would in any case be incumbent upon him for a different reason; for the folio texts are in some parts connected by transcriptional continuity with the author's manuscript, whereas the [bad] quartos contain, it is generally assumed, only reported text whose accidental characteristics can be of no authority whatever" (p. 391).

This whole discussion of Richard III and of King Lear as examples of occasions when "a reprint may in practice be forced upon an editor as copy-text by the nature of the revision itself, quite apart from the question whether or not the author exercised any supervision over its printing" is useless for principle since its practice is so limited and the custom of treating these bad quartos is so established as not to require comment. They have no value in establishing a classification (to set against Every Man in his Humour) of textual situations where the nature of the revision may force upon an editor a reprint as copy-text, "whether or not the author exercised any supervision over its printing" since the choice of copy-text in good texts versus bad memorial versions is established not by the quantity of the revisions but by the nature of the bad original, without authority for its accidentals. The point lies elsewhere.[26] What Greg needs to strengthen his argument are not hypothetical examples to add to Every Man since its editorial problem will so seldom arise; what in fact need illustration are (a) cases of true substantive collateral texts (for which no examples are given) and (b) further analysis of authorially revised editions not conforming to the quantitative criteria necessary to apply to Every Man but instead to the qualitative criteria applicable to Sejanus.

It is particularly unfortunate that the first of these is neglected, for in modern times various combinations of (a) and of (b) may arise to plague an editor. What emerges is that Greg is not very satisfactory in dealing with texts of multiple authority when both are printed editions, and he omits entirely any discussion of the more common case of dual authority when one text is a printed edition and the other a manuscript. One problem that he did not face squarely is that the familiar examples of Elizabethan dual authority in printed editions are mixed, not independent; thus questions of copy-text are not much involved with the examples he gives but instead editorial judgment in the selection of the substantives as between the variants in the two editions.


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In fact, Greg does not rule on the copy-text that should be chosen for Hamlet, Troilus, Othello, and 2 Henry IV, and his paragraph about McKerrow's lack of attention to these plays is without point for his argument although he comes to lean on it. In context we may take it that he raised the issue of these plays because in discussing problem texts of the two authorities, and the treatment of readings, McKerrow's Prolegomena had practically confined itself to Richard III. Greg certainly approved of McKerrow's decision to use the Folio as copy-text for Richard III and in general to throw the weight of authority for the substantives on the Folio version as well; but he is interested in what McKerrow's views would have been about the substantives if he had lived to encounter the problems of Hamlet and the rest. Although Greg does not say so, it would seem that he believes McKerrow would have chosen the Quartos as copy-texts and would shortly have found that his rule would not have worked that in essence forbade a choice among the substantives, for he implies that McKerrow would have preferred many Folio substantives for these plays and would have run into trouble when he encountered, also, manifestly superior Quarto readings. Any real application here to copy-text is remote. For instance, on page 387 Greg starts to deal with true revised texts and notes McKerrow's position as earlier described on pages 378-381 but only in respect to The Unfortunate Traveller and according to a principle that McKerrow abandoned; and in contrast he refers the reader to his own emendation of McKerrow's rationale on pages 381-382. However, these pages mention only Hamlet and similar plays and immediately go on to illustrate the tyranny of copy-text in respect to substantives; it follows that his recapitulation on page 384 of his own position is in some part colored by the special cases of texts like Hamlet and the rest where questions of actual revision enter less frequently than the corruption of the lost original copy in the process of multiple transmission. It is once again the lack of distinction on Greg's part between variants that arise in the course of pre-publication transmission and those that result from post-publication transmission that causes difficulty. As a result the one clear statement (apart from the Jonson discussion on pages 389-390) that he makes about the problems of revision, on page 387, is less than comprehensive. He supposes that normal revision for a new edition will be made by an author sending a list of changes to the printer or else a corrected copy of an earlier edition. He then lays down a set of syllogisms to guide an editor in the choice of substantive variation, with one of which—the lesser authority of a revised edition in cases of doubt—I have a serious quarrel. But these syllogisms apply literally only to editions in linear relationship to each other, like the four revised editions of


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Joseph Andrews. They need modification (where Greg gives no guidance) for multiple pre-publication authority in textual situations like Hamlet, or Beggars Bush and Womans Prize, or (to jump ahead) Stephen Crane's Red Badge of Courage but more particularly, because of its simultaneous problem of copy-text and substantive authority, Crane's Third Violet, to say nothing of his "Price of the Harness," "Death and the Child," and "The Revenge of the Adolphus."

It is time to recapitulate and to see what emerges for editors of modern documents. Greg's rationale distinguishing the authority of substantives and accidentals is a sound one. However, a modern editor must always be aware that when he follows Greg he is not necessarily dealing with the same conditions and that the frame of reference may therefore alter in subtle ways that end with important differences. For example, when Greg writes "the historical circumstances of the English language make it necessary to adopt in formal matters [accidentals] the guidance of some particular early text" he is considering a problem of no application to late nineteenth- and twentieth-century literature. In Greg's early period in matters of accidentals the language was much more idiosyncratic and in process of flux than is true at the present time when standards of correctness exist that are relatively stable and simple to apply. Given the circumstances of transmission, Greg tacitly has little faith that in most cases more than the general characteristics of the period will be preserved by an insistence on the superior authority of the accidentals in the document closest to the lost manuscript. In multiple manuscripts it is clear that he has no faith at all that authorial characteristics can be recovered. In printed documents he recognizes the chance that something may come through, but it is clear he is not optimistic. The uncertainty about the effect of transmission has its effect on his discussion of the copy-texts suitable for Jonson according to his rationale. In contrast to Nashe, he recognizes that Jonson had some concern for the accidentals of a revised edition in a work like Sejanus and this leads him to sympathize with Simpson's selection of the Folio as copy-text although in the next moment he notes that in many respects the Quarto is the more logical choice. In opting for the Quarto in an independent edition he reflects his general position about Elizabethan accidentals in revised editions; in accepting Simpson's choice of the Folio he indicates his uncertainty as to how much of Jonson's marking of the Quarto as setting copy (and possibly of proof before printing began, as he thinks) might not have come through even though in such an unidentifiable form that it would not be practicable to isolate and transfer editorially from the Folio back into the Quarto copy-text as emendation.


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This indecision is symptomatic, it would seem, of a general view that the choice of copy-text on the basis of its accidentals is more a formal than a basically meaningful proposition, a convenience but not a great deal more. No editor of modern literature could feel in this way: in contrast to Elizabethan, the linguistic interest in the spellings of a modern author is minimal; what impels an editor of later works to concern himself with copy-text is the conviction that the accidentals are an inseparable whole with the substantives in transmitting the author's total meaning. That they have a literary interest, not merely a philological, marks a considerable difference in the point of view and very likely in the rationale for the selection of copy-text when revised editions are concerned, as well as the treatment of this copy-text once selected.

Other differences are involved, however. A present-day editor who does not wish to normalize the accidents of his text chooses his copy-text and then generally retains its system not as a convenient guide but in the belief that he is relatively near to the formal features of the lost copy (in case of a first edition as copy-text) or the conviction (if he selects an authorial typescript or manuscript) that he is preserving an authentic example of the writer's own system. Ordinarily he will be right. However, if we inquire in what respects he believes the author's intentions are best preserved (apart from certain habits like word-division), an editor will ordinarily be forced to admit that he is basically referring to the punctuation as a significant guide to, and controller of, shades of meaning. (This is to omit consideration of alterations in syntax that properly come under the heading of substantives or at least semi-substantives.) Some authors may have highly idiosyncratic occasional spellings like Hawthorne's cieling (perhaps best emended, given his period); in other cases the idiosyncrasy is mild and easily preserved, as in the tendency for nineteenth-century American authors to adopt the -our spelling in the English manner for some words but not for others,[27]


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or to use s for z as in recognise, or connexion for connection, and so on. Rarely an author comes along like William James with a few pronounced views on spelling, such as his 'reform' tho (not the correct tho') or excentric, and the like. In short, spelling is not ordinarily a part of an author's individual method of expression, whereas in Elizabethan times it is of especial importance to a scholar to attempt to reconstruct because of the possibility that phonetic spellings will guide us to clues about pronunciation or will offer evidence to assist the emendation of compositorial misreadings of peculiar forms.

Note: It will be observed that Greg talks always in terms of spellings and not of the interest that may lie in the preservation of the punctuation of the period; in fact, on page 385 he suggests that if the copy-text punctuation is persistently erroneous or defective an editor may prefer to scrap it altogether for a system of his own. This comes after a statement that he sees no reason why an editor may not alter misleading or eccentric spellings "which he is satisfied emanate from the scribe or compositor and not from the author" (p. 385),[28] and indicates not only the lack of importance that he attaches, in comparison, to punctuation but also his apparent belief, shared by most scholars of the period, that whereas some distinctive manuscript punctuational characteristics filter through into printed texts (as witness the Ralph Crane parentheses in the Shakespeare Folio plays this scribe prepared), by and large whatever influence the accidentals of the copy might exercise on a compositor was more likely to be represented by the variable spelling. (It must also be confessed that some authorial and even scribal punctuation is so erratic as to be almost meaningless to preserve verbatim except in cases of possible ambiguity. Taking account of this condition, Moxon's seventeenth-century printers' manual advised the compositor to read ahead in the copy and to consider the sense carefully so that he could punctuate it properly when he came to set the type.) The transmission of spelling is most uneven, of course, depending upon the compositors. Compositor B of the First Folio is so firmly fixed in his ways that very little information about the underlying copy can be procured from his stints. On the other hand, the same two compositors who typeset the first edition of The Merchant of Venice in relatively conventional spelling also set the Second Quarto of Hamlet with rather eccentric spelling, this difference leading to the conjecture that Shakespeare's own papers may underlie the Hamlet print but probably a scribal manuscript the Merchant First Quarto (this last a new concept). Yet All's

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Well that Ends Well
, also set almost certainly from Shakespeare's holograph, emerges at the later Folio date and in the work of three different compositors with spelling characteristics unlike those of the Second Quarto Hamlet. Nevertheless, how much spelling differences in the copy may in fact be reflected in the print, if one is fortunate, can be seen from a passage in the Beaumont and Fletcher 1647 Folio text of Beggars Bush. Because of an irregularity in the manuscript copy caused by the insertion of a speech on a separate piece of paper, the character Bertha is given a set of repeated lines, one from the original manuscript and the other from the added leaf by another hand. The accidentals differ significantly in the two versions, proving in this case the influence of copy upon the compositor:
Ber. O I am miserably lost, thus falne
Into my uncles hands from all my hopes,
Can I not thinke away my selfe and dye?
O I am miserably lost; thus fallen
Into my Uncles hands, from all my hopes:
. . . . . . . .
Can I not thinke away my selfe and dye? (V.i.84-85, 98)
A preserved scribal manuscript, probably at two removes from the original underlying the Folio, reads:
O I am miserablie lost, thus faln
into myne uncles hands from all my hopes
can I not thinke away my selfe, and die?
a good example, too, of unsatisfactory manuscript punctuation.

Modern editing and Greg's rationale join in the wish to preserve as much as possible of the authorial accidentals,[29] but they do so for different purposes (critical versus philological)[30] and with markedly different results, even granting the information from preserved holograph documents about the accidents of a modern author available to the editor. It is a fair interpretation that so long as his major interest in editorial freedom of judgment was satisfied, Greg—knowing the uncertain basis of transmission—was prepared in general to accept as copy-text any document with reasonable claims to authority. He is firm, of course, that in a series of linear reprints without revision only the first edition will do, and he is firm that in cases where the revising author may be supposed to have paid little or no attention to the accidentals the first edition is also the proper copy-text. But for a situation like Sejanus in which


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there is evidence for the author's attention to the formal features in marking up the revised printer's copy, he is so much the reverse of doctrinaire as to be almost indifferent whether an editor chooses the Quarto or the Folio. This being so, modern critics are mistaken who apply Greg's rationale narrowly to revised texts and insist that the rationale requires the selection of the first edition (or of a manuscript or typescript) as copy-text, followed by the insertion of revised substantives into this earliest accidental texture. Greg does not lay down the law and is much more permissive than is generally supposed by those who take his remarks about The Unfortunate Traveller as the sole guide. More typical is: "The fact is that cases of revision differ so greatly in circumstances and character that it seems impossible to lay down any hard and fast rule as to when an editor should take the original edition as his copy-text and when the revised reprint. All that can be said is that if the original be selected, then the author's corrections must be incorporated; and that if the reprint is selected, then the original reading must be restored when that of the reprint is due to unauthorized variation. Thus the editor cannot escape the responsibility of distinguishing to the best of his ability between the two categories. No juggling with copy-text will relieve him of the duty and necessity of exercising his own judgement" (p. 390).[31] Modern editors must understand, however, that in Greg's view this emancipation applies only to the treatment of the substantives and that the copy-text accidentals are to be followed conservatively, as a convenience, except in the case of error.

Once again it must be emphasized that to Greg Elizabethan accidentals are not really a part of the total meaning of a work in the modern manner of thought. This important distinction between the concepts has at least two consequences of importance for the present day. First, since the general texture of the accidentals at the present time is much more uniform than in the period with which Greg was concerned, the choice of copy-text transcends the grounds of expediency and must


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be recognized as having a critical significance beyond that which Greg conceived. Second, it follows that given the generally greater information about an author's accidentals possessed by an editor of modern documents, and often the wider range of preserved transmitted documents starting with drafts and ranging through typescripts and sometimes even proofs, an editor may be able to exercise his judgment in the choice of accidentals between competing authorities in a manner impossible for Greg to envisage as applying in the early period. It is true that the kind of accidental material on which an editor's critical judgment can operate is less susceptible of demonstration from the test of meaning than that applied critically to substantives. Nevertheless, although certain areas of accidentals may seem generally to be so indifferent in their variation as not to be subject to reasoned choice, a knowledgeable editor can deal with other areas on the same basis that Greg urges for the substantives. This new condition presents fresh problems that have not been much explored and where Greg can offer little guidance.

Generalizations about the fidelity of the printer to his copy are dangerous in any age; but it is at least allowable that from the late seventeenth century when more uniformity in spelling and in standards of punctuation began to be imposed on compositors, the uncertainty that attaches to Elizabethan conditions of transmission begins to clear. Of course, all conclusions based on compositorial fidelity to setting from printed copy (the usual evidence) are not necessarily applicable to setting from manuscript: in any age printed copy, having been styled already, will be followed more faithfully by a compositor than he is likely to reproduce a manuscript which (until comparatively recent times) it was his duty to style on the author's behalf.[32] Nevertheless, the practical


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hopelessness an Elizabethan scholar feels about the problem of identifying authorial accidental characteristics imbedded in the variable systems of different compositors can begin to yield to modified optimism by the twentieth century, it would seem, and sometimes considerably earlier according to special conditions. With the change come certain modifications that may need to be applied to the popular interpretation of Greg's rationale.

Obviously, when no anterior documents are preserved, the first edition is the substantive text and in lieu of further revision must become the copy-text instead of any later reprint. When revised editions are present, the modern editor has the same problem that exists in the Elizabethan choice of editorial method to deal with revision as between Thomas Nashe and Ben Jonson; that is, he must attempt to find evidence that will permit him to evaluate whether the author confined himself chiefly to the revision of substantives or else included accidentals as well and on more than a casual basis. If the evidence suggests that substantives were the author's major concern, then it is probable that the edition nearest to the lost holograph—that is, the substantive first edition—should be retained as the copy-text. In this event the accidental variants can be winnowed for possible authorial changes as against publisher's and printer's, these assumed authorial markings to be inserted in the copy-text on the same basis as the revised substantives. The process is materially aided in the twentieth century by the fact that generalizations about transmissional variation appropriate for the age of Shakespeare are of lesser validity now.

Note: One must also consider the differences in the kinds of departures from copy (questions of styling aside) that result from machine versus hand typesetting. The hand compositor memorized a certain portion of the text and then turned to his cases to set the types in his composing stick. Under these conditions his memory might betray him and it was easy inadvertently to substitute one word for another with the same general meaning, or to set the wrong word because of memorial contamination with other text in the memorized portion—the possibility of corruption increasing toward the end of the memorized piece of text. He was instructed carefully to consider the text before beginning to set it so that he could punctuate it properly according to the sense; but in addition the fact that setting was done with the eye off copy encouraged the substitution of compositorial for authorial accidental characteristics. On the contrary, the modern typesetter sits at his machine and sets copy like a typist with his eye constantly on the copy and ordinarily

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with comparatively little regard for the sense (which had to be paramount in hand setting). A good typesetter, or typist, transfers the symbols in his copy to his machine with his fingers almost by reflex action in automatic reproduction of what he sees, not necessarily reads in the usual sense of comprehension, the transference of thought as an act of will. As a result memorial errors are fewer, and although the omission of words (a common error) and occasional contaminations may plague an editor, many setting errors are mechanical and easily corrected. If one is fortunate, substitution or misreading may be confined to such examples as difference for different, like for unlike, and so on.

When an editor decides that an author revising an edition has concerned himself in a meaningful way with marking accidentals for alteration, he has Greg's blessing for choosing the revised edition as copy-text. This choice is not one to be made lightly, however, nor without concrete documentary evidence relating either to the work itself or to other works with which the text under consideration shows common characteristics presumably arising from similar causes. For instance, a few examples of the marked periodical copy are preserved that William James used for his book collections, enough to demonstrate that he was every bit as concerned to modify his accidentals as his substantives before typesetting began. However, when the book shows further accidental as well as substantive changes from this revised copy, an editor must decide whether the accidental changes are again of a piece with the substantives or else may be mainly attributed to the printer. Comma for comma no editor can demonstrate that every individual difference is authorial; but enough general Jamesian idiosyncrasies come through to indicate that James was in the habit of heavily revising his book proofs even after he had carefully marked the printer's copy, and that these proof changes concerned the accidentals as well as the substantives.[33] As a result of a full analysis of James's revisory methods, in the James edition the volumes in which the periodical articles constitute the original texts and a book the revised reprint of these articles offer a critical text based on the final revision as copy-text.[34] Evidence for any one of these works is buttressed by identical evidence for the others. In its nature, for example, the evidence revealed by the collation of journals and book is practically interchangeable between Pragmatism and The Meaning


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of Truth, indication of James's customary scrupulous revision of book copy and then of the proof of both volumes, even though no corrected book proof-sheets have been preserved as documentary evidence.[35]

It can be said, then, that the important evidence should be sought in two parts before a revised edition can be made the copy-text with any confidence: first, firm evidence that the author revised the formal features of his text as well as the substantives whether in the press copy or in proofs or in both;[36] and, second, some evidence when obtainable about the degree of fidelity given by the printer to the press copy, this as an assistance in estimating the influence of the author on the altered accidentals.

Note: This analysis of the printer's share in variant accidentals is also an assistance if the editor proposes to emend the copy-text in favor of known authorial forms whenever the printer has imposed his own identifiable and contrary styling. For example, it was the Riverside Press's housestyling in the early 1900s to enclose all quotations in single quotation marks whereas James preferred double. One or more of the Riverside compositors spelled more words with the -our ending than James, who confined himself to colour and usually to honour. Compositors at the Riverside and also at the University Press in Cambridge at this time generally set a comma before a dash although James seldom writes a comma except inadvertently when in his manuscripts he has altered a comma to a dash and forgets to delete the original mark. Matters like these need not influence the selection of copy-text away from a revision, for they are easily identified and emended by reference to the setting copy or else they may be 'normalized' when present in what have clearly been holograph additions in the preparation of copy for a revised edition. In short, when a writer's accidentals are familiar to an editor, in certain clearly delineated respects much can be done to evaluate the authority of at least some classes of variants in a revised edition. If a writer has unfortunately chosen some other copy than a substantive one to annotate in preparation for a revised edition, and if this selected text is suspect in its accidental differences from the first (as if it is a mere reprint of the substantive without

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authority or if the writer in its preparation had revised a few readings but had paid little if any attention to the accidentals), certainly an editor may wish to work over the latest revised-edition copy-text by correcting back to their first-edition forms those accidental variants that originated in the unauthoritative press copy and were passed on to the revision, this despite any suggestion that by failing to alter them in the revision the writer was 'approving' them. One may grant that perhaps only the tip of the iceberg can be sawed off by such a procedure: the accidentals in a revised edition demonstrably stemming from the printer and hence subject to correction may comprise only a few categories; nevertheless, in my own view any such purification of a text by substituting the authorial for the printer's style is worth the effort.
In many respects I admire John M. Robson's account of his solution of the various editorial problems that arose in the John Stuart Mill edition. From the little I know of the matter I am not inclined to quarrel with his bold choice of the later revised editions as copy-texts even though I am concerned that expediency may have bulked too large in his defence of the procedure. But I am made uneasy by his general acceptance of Greg's Elizabethan principle of following the accidentals of a chosen copy-text conservatively and altering them only for positive error. (For a modern editor 'error,' I believe, must include any printer's identifiable departure from an author's form of accidental, although Greg would certainly not have wished to extend the definition this far.) The confinement of editorial activity largely to the substantives is a strictly Elizabethan editorial attitude fostered by the frank admission that in most early texts no means exist to identify authorial accidentals. However, it does not seem to me to be an appropriate position to take, no matter what the age, when the authorial form is known. For example, in my view it was a Folio 'error' in Sejanus to print equall when the Quarto copy read aequall since Jonson could never have approved or marked such a change in his copy; in these circumstances Herford-Simpson were ill-advised to retain equall in their critical text simply because they had chosen the Folio as copy-text. Correspondingly, if a book printer of William James set though or eccentric when the periodical copy read tho and excentric, not to correct the revised copy-text to agree with the certain authorial preferred form seems to me indefensible. If so, it may seem equally indefensible not to emend book though in the same essay if encountered in a passage that would have been added in autograph to the revised copy, for the copy-text 'error' is just as evident. I argue this not alone on grounds of uniformity—of the anomaly in a modern critical text (though not in an Elizabethan one) of two different spellings within the same unit—but also on the grounds that to follow the copy-text though is to perpetuate an 'error' that the editor would reject were it a substantive. Editors are inclined to treat accidentals as second-class citizens: I do not agree whenever the individual case is such that an editor has as good (if not a better) basis for a reasoned choice as that he enjoys for the emendation of the copy-text's substantives.

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The pertinent passage in Dr. Robson's essay (Editing Nineteenth Century Texts, pp. 116-117) runs as follows:

Simply . . . we have held that [the accidental texture of the revised] version in Dissertations and Discussions is given sufficient authority by Mill's approval of it. There can be little doubt that the normalization that occurred in the revised versions is a result both of Mill's and the printing-house's actions; I am convinced that he also had a hand in the altered punctuation. That he is solely responsible is an untenable view, but the irregular variations in accidentals in the periodical versions indicate as strongly as anything could that what is found in them seriously differs from Mill's intention through editorial and compositorial practices and carelessness. I should myself like to go back beyond the Ur-text to the ideal Platonic text that never found concrete embodiment, but we have not found it practicable—nor do we think for our purposes it is necessary—to make as detailed a study of printing-house and compositorial habits and practice as would permit a more informed guess about responsibility for particular accidentals and patterns of accidentals. Electronic aids may eventually make such a study practicable, but we have not stayed for an answer to the question which we believe is in Mill's case relatively unimportant.
My unease is really with the argument that Mill's 'approval' constitutes such overwhelming authority in a revised-edition copy-text that an editor may decline to emend by reference to earlier authority such accidentals as he felt were demonstrably not Mill's. This is a far cry from a computer concordance that might or might not serve as the evidential basis for an overall attempt at deciding each and every detail between the printer and Mill. I seriously doubt that for punctuation such an 'ideal Platonic text' is possible for any author. I am suggesting, chiefly, that half a loaf is better than none if one takes accidental authority as seriously as substantive authority.[37] If an editor chooses to apply to modern authors the criterion of linguistic expediency Greg felt forced to defend, then our positions are so far apart that argument can scarcely be heard across the gap. It does seem to me, however, that if in Mill's case the accidentals are 'relatively unimportant,' the assertion should be illustrated and the text modernized. Certainly if there is to be one rule for creative writers and another for economists and philosophers and historians, perhaps the subject is worth some interested discussion to clarify the respective positions. In my own experience, I should say that the accidentals are more important in the text of the philosopher William James than in the several prose fiction writers I have edited; that is, if the attention James paid to them in print in contrast to the others is a criterion.

If any discussion about the importance of accidental fidelity in editions of writers of different kinds were to develop, one of the first problems would be to clarify the role of 'authorial approval.' Strictly speaking, all a proponent can assert is that the writer has tacitly 'approved' the accidentals of


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the press copy by declining to alter them in the preparation of a revised edition.[38] This is a severely limited but logically defensible position although painful to anyone who would like to see identifiable authority in accidentals restored. However, the printed result may differ from the setting copy. In some cases variation may be so indifferent that no decision is possible whether the writer or the printer was on the whole responsible (although in such neutral circumstances the printer is usually blamed). In others, an editor may feel strongly that the writer has intervened, whether in the lost copy or in proof. In still others, the variation is of a nature readily assignable to the printer. In this last category, and perhaps in the first, the question then arises whether by the act of reading proof (if this act can be established) and failing to alter the printer's differences from the original 'approved' copy the author has made a further act of approval that can cover these variants, on the simple ground of non-interference whether or not in fact he may have noticed their variation.[39] I believe this second proposition is less defensible than the first; nevertheless, it is equally pertinent and hence affects the first. The question often overlooked by advocates of authorial blanket approval is this: which style was approved—printer's copy or final result? What if an author did not read proof for a revised edition but was confident that the publisher could handle the situation. Is he then responsible for having 'approved' the printed result as well as the press copy? The whole matter goes much deeper, however, and into areas too large to discuss here. Prominent is the question whether an author's acceptance of publisher's or printer's styling constitutes 'approval' sufficiently valid and meaningful to be utilized by an editor as a basis for judgment about copy-text.

More copy-text problems are raised by the preservation of manuscripts and typescripts than can be covered here, especially since the textual situation may be complicated by a subsequent revision of the original substantive document. Textual situations may range from editions produced directly from holograph or from authorial typescript


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with little authorial attention in proof, to professional typescripts with their peculiar problems of authority and 'approval,' and on to circumstances of extreme complexity in which an author may so rework a manuscript by revising the typescript made from it as to destroy in major part the efficacy of manuscript authority except for a casual accidental here and there, as with D. H. Lawrence's The Rainbow (private information from Dr. Charles Ross). Or as happened with James's A Pluralistic Universe, the author may have revised the typescript of the book once, and then independently further revised parts of another copy of the typescript to prepare copy for the periodical publication of some of the lectures before the book was issued, and finally read proof on each form without reference to the other. The manuscript of A Pluralistic Universe is the only pre-publication document preserved; but James's treatment of it, as manifested in the considerably altered journal and book texts, suggests the view (supported by other parallels) that he really regarded his manuscripts as drafts both for substantives and for accidentals, to be revised and perfected by reworking any typescripts made from them but with the major revision likely to occur in galley proof (those being spacious days). Under these conditions (as worked out in detail in the ACLS edition for the Harvard University Press, 1977), the finally revised book was selected as the most appropriate copy-text.

It will be seen that we are here in an area of substantially different problems (not always so recognized, as remarked in the discussion of Greg's examples of revision) in which revision is pre-publication and not, except as a separate problem, represented by such post-publication revision as is found in James's Pragmatism or in Mill, or in Nashe and Jonson as against the example of pre-publication revision in Troilus and Cressida. In pre-publication revision one may need to deal with such transmissional variation as that created by one or more typescripts (Stephen Crane's Active Service) and, inevitably, with variation from manuscript or typescript due to the compositor(s) of the first edition (The Red Badge of Courage), with an eye out for publishers' readers. Frequently documentary links in the chain of transmission are wanting and their reconstruction difficult if not impossible except on such a hypothetical basis as to be nearly valueless for evidence. Under the more extreme of these circumstances, any preserved manuscript or early typescript material assumes an almost overriding importance unless it appears to the editor that the author has entered the transmissional process at a later stage than the preserved documents and in such a significant manner affecting the accidentals as to promote some perhaps final document like the first edition to superior overall authority in the choice of


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copy-text based on the accidentals in the classic Greg rationale. This last was the case with A Pluralistic Universe, and it resulted in the defensible choice of the first edition as copy-text over the manuscript on the grounds that the evidence indicated that the majority of the accidental differences could be imputed to the author. On the contrary, this evidence was wanting in the textual history of Hawthorne's romances The Blithedale Romance, The House of the Seven Gables, and The Marble Faun.

The reasons for the selection of the manuscripts as the copy-texts for editions of these Hawthorne works have been fully discussed in the textual introductions of the Centenary Edition and pinpointed further in my "Practical Texts and Definitive Editions," Essays, pp. 412-439). Basically, several thousand accidental differences in each text appeared between the printer's-copy manuscript and the first edition. On the whole these could not be imputed to Hawthorne (a) since they often ran contrary to the established uniform characteristics of all the manuscripts taken as a group, (b) since even without reference to the above it would be absurd anyway to believe that Hawthorne made so many accidental alterations in proof, and (c) since the amount of accidental variation from manuscript differed among the identified compositors who set the first editions. The general authority of the manuscript accidentals as against those of the first edition thus being established as a working hypothesis, and the manuscript selected as copy-text, the copy-text accidentals were reproduced with relatively few exceptions—these deriving mainly from first-edition correction of positive errors and oversights and from a few forms that seemed characteristic of Hawthorne and conjecturable as his proof-alterations like the similarly slight alteration in proof of the substantives. In these examples of direct linear derivation, the editor had two primary documents of printer's-copy manuscript and printed book. Missing, and their details to be reconstructed by conjecture, were the intervening proofs. Since Hawthorne was not a copious rewriter of his works in proof, the want of these was not such a serious loss as with an author of a different kind. The evidence of the proofs was not really required to demonstrate how much the compositors had altered Hawthorne's intricate parenthetical punctuation system in the interests of simplification although they would have been useful, of course, in positively identifying whatever few accidental (and substantive) changes he did make.

Other examples may hold as well even though the linear transmission has not been so fully preserved in the documents. Stephen Crane's manuscript of The Red Badge of Courage was professionally typed; a copy of this lost typescript, further revised by the author and probably looked


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over by Ripley Hitchcock, the Appleton editor (although the depth and extent of any correction are obscure),[40] was given to the printer of the first edition. Missing are not only the proofs (only a negative loss since Crane was a careless and reluctant proofreader) but, more important, the marked-up typescript the original of which certainly contained corruptions that were passed on to the first edition.[41] Viewed as a whole, the first edition is more likely than not to smooth over the idiosyncrasies of Crane's accidentals. It follows that the manuscript reproduces in a more faithful manner than any other preserved (or conjecturally reconstructable) document the peculiar characteristics of Crane's accidentals, eminently worth saving for their flavor and their stylistic effect—often affecting rhythm and pace—and hence it is the most suitable copy-text. In this particular example the existence of the collateral newspaper texts does not affect the copy-text authority, for these stem from a second copy of the typescript in an unrevised state and are at best useful when they agree with the manuscript against the book, or with the book against the manuscript, in establishing the typescript readings and thus in helping to isolate post-manuscript alteration as authorial or as unauthoritative. These newspaper versions have been so seriously condensed from the full version and in part editorially rewritten as to be of little use in emending accidentals, as are the newspaper versions of Crane's Third Violet, however.

The above examples concern different aspects of authorial prepublication intervention in the transmission of a text which has a direct linear relationship between the preserved authorities, even with


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missing intermediate documents whose essential features can be reconstructed without insuperable difficulty. Greg's rationale, based on post-publication revision, operates with equal efficiency on simple conditions of pre-publication revision as in Hawthorne; but for more complex cases one must include his recognition (even though generally expressed) that conditions may enforce the selection of a later revised document over an earlier authority if the accidentals appear to be more authoritative. However, questions of multiple authority, as remarked in his references to Hamlet and allied Shakespearean plays, are not satisfactorily resolved in the "Rationale." In multiple authority as found in modern editorial problems the main point of investigation is to establish as specifically as possible whether diverse authority is what may be called technical (or mechanical) in the sense that variation is due exclusively to the transmissional process or whether one branch is weighted by authorial revision. In the first case all documents may be technically of equal accidental authority if at equal distances from the archetype; or they may be of unequal technical authority if some documents are further removed than others. But no matter how equal or unequal the distances, no fresh authority has entered the transmission at any point either directly or by reference. In the second case, a decision needs to be made whether authorial intervention has increased the authority of one line chiefly in respect to the substantives (only casual attention probably having been given to the accidentals) or whether there is evidence that the alteration of accidentals bulked sufficiently large so that accidental variation must be treated with as serious a scrutiny for authority as substantive differences.

The purest example of technical multiple authority that I know of comes in Stephen Crane's "The Price of the Harness," sent in manuscript (now lost) from Cuba to his agent in New York who had a professional typescript (now lost) made from it. One copy of this typescript was sold to the Cosmopolitan in the United States and the other to the British magazine Blackwood's. Crane could have read proof on neither. Because of their immediate radiation from the same typescript with no opportunity for authorial revision, both printed versions have technically the same authority for the accidentals (and in this case for the substantives). The choice of copy-text is one of convenience only and meaningless in principle. It follows that the accidentals of the critically edited text must be drawn freely from both versions according as the editor judges one or the other to reproduce Crane's particular characteristics (as filtered through the typescript) the more faithfully. The same freedom of choice is required for the accidentals as Greg adjures for substantives, and the reproduction of the accidents of one authority


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in Greg's and the modern conservative manner would be illogical and anomalous.[42]

Crane's novel Active Service in some part illustrates unequal authority in two arms of radiation. One copy of the typescript that Cora Crane made from the lost manuscript is preserved, this being the setting copy used by Heinemann for the first English edition. A second copy was sent to the publisher Stokes in the United States, who—dissatisfied with Cora's bad typing—had a fresh typescript made from it to use as setting copy for the American edition. The manuscript being lost, the preservation of one copy of the original typescript is basically all that matters to an editor; since Crane's proof-corrections are few or nonexistent, the typescript must be the copy-text and there is no true radiation by the American branch but only derivation. Hypothetically, of course, if the typescript had not been preserved, the two editions would have radiated from this lost document, which would need to be reconstructed from the evidence of their multiple authority, although with lesser weight given to the Stokes edition because of its more distant relationship to the archetype (if this fact could itself have been recovered). Actually the case is more complicated than the preservation of the typescript suggests. From time to time the preserved typescript copy-text is wanting or defective, at which points the Heinemann edition becomes the copy-text as one step nearer to lost authority than the Stokes; but in these places it is proper to correct the Heinemann copy-text by reference to the accidentals of the radiating American edition if these are thought to preserve the formal features of the typescript more faithfully than the English. In Chapter V of the novel by an extraordinary accident the Heinemann typescript is entirely missing but is replaced by the corresponding pages of the American transcript, which had been used in this place as the setting copy for the English edition, the American edition by mirror image being printed from the lost section of the original typescript. In this chapter both the preserved typescript and the Stokes edition radiate at equal removes from the lost original and, as in all situations of multiple authority, the choice of copy-text becomes one of expediency (or convenience)—in this case the American typescript may be taken to have preserved the accidental features of the original more accurately on the whole than the Stokes edition set from Cora's original.

Whenever Cora's typescript is preserved, questions of authority may


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slightly weight the matter of copy-text even though—for Crane, whose revision of accidentals was minimal either in the pre- or post-publication stage—these are likely to concern the substantives more than the accidents. That is, the early ribbon part of the original typescript has no written-in authorial revisions, whereas the later carbon section is occasionally corrected and revised. Because this revision agrees substantially with the distinction between ribbon copy and carbon, there is a chance that the copy sent to the United States (although in batches) contained such revisions in its early carbon section which would have been perpetuated in the American edition. One may still feel slightly uncomfortable about this possibility since some of the evidence is contradictory although on the whole against the presence of such authority in the earlier part of the Stokes edition. Even if authority were to be demonstrated, however, the likelihood of Crane's formal alterations, such as they would be, being recognizable after passing through another typing and then the American compositor(s) is so minimal as not to disturb the choice of the preserved typescript as copy-text throughout except for Chapter V and a few minor gaps.

Distance from the archetype is not an automatic rationale to apply without a full evaluation of the evidence. For instance, one copy of the typescript of Crane's Third Violet was sold to a newspaper syndicate which set it up in proofs that in turn were distributed to six known subscribing newspapers as setting copy for their compositors. The other example of the typescript, almost a year later, was used to set the book, somewhat revised by Crane in the interval. In editing this work it was most convenient to choose as copy-text the radiating arm represented by the book, in part because it was one stage closer to the lost typescript than any newspaper, in part because during the revision Crane could have altered any of the typescript accidentals that he did not like (not a probable hypothesis for any extensive alteration but still a possibility), and in part because of the difficulty of utilizing as copy-text a synthetic reconstruction of the lost syndicate proofs made from the evidence of the six newspapers. This latter operation would yield an exact account of the substantives but a less exact even though tolerably full account of the accidents. (Of course, insofar as the syndicate proofs can be reconstructed, they and the book are at equal distance from the typescript: the only problem remains the fact that we know the book's accidentals precisely, whereas in various details some of the proofs' punctuation, for example, must remain conjectural owing to the newspapers' conflicting evidence.) On the other hand, the book shows the effects of publisher's editing (probably) and of compositorial styling (certainly); as a result, in many respects the accidentals of the newspapers reconstructing


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the lost proofs are closer to Crane's characteristics than the book's despite the latter's more immediate derivation. As a result, a critical text produced from such radiating authority had to be very much a combination of book and reconstructed syndicate proofs, the total evidence attempting to reproduce as closely as possible the accidents as well as the substantives of the lost typescript, the farthest back a reconstruction can penetrate.

In similar manner the periodical texts of four of William James's Pluralistic Universe lectures in the Hibbert Journal could be balanced against the book to reconstruct in many respects the accidentals of the lost typescript from which each derived at equal distance. Any choice between journal and book as copy-text for this work would be superfluously theoretical; nevertheless, in the editing process the reconstructed accidental characteristics of the lost typescript were of real concern since some of their variance from the preserved manuscript could be attributed to James's own revision.

It may now be possible to sharpen some of the essential differences between the Elizabethan conditions with which Greg's rationale was contrived to deal and those of later periods to which editors now attempt to apply the formulas, with whatever conclusions can be drawn about the modifications that appear to be required in principle or in procedures. Insofar as the single matter of copy-text is concerned, Greg's rationale and his illustrations are centered on the problem whether a linear post-publication revised edition or the original substantive edition makes the superior copy-text, this choice having nothing to do, however, with the second matter of the editorial judgment that will select the most authoritative substantives from the two editions. Throughout he ignores the question of holograph versus first edition as copy-text simply because in his period this problem seldom arises. Even so, an example lay to his hand in the Jonson Masque of Queens which Simpson had edited in volume VII of the Works (1941) in a diplomatic transcript of the holograph. The problems in The Masque of Queens in effect differ little from those facing an editor of Hawthorne's House of the Seven Gables, even though the transmission of the text is not the same and there are added complications in the Jonson: in each the question arises of the extent to which accidental variants that appear to be authoritative can be identified in a restyled printed text and utilized in a critical edition that takes the manuscript as copy-text. In Hawthorne these are the proof-alterations he made; in Jonson the revisions occurred in the ancestral working papers he sent to the printer after making the


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preserved fair copy from the unrevised text,[43] with some chance that he also read proofs. The same also applies to the problems met with in A Pluralistic Universe when a manuscript is preserved but not the printer's-copy typescript made from it, a typescript that contained accidental as well as substantive revision in James's hand (corresponding to Jonson's revisions in his working papers except that the James is the more complex problem owing to the intermediate non-authorial typescript whose details are only partly reconstructable where they differed from the manuscript). In the Hawthorne the editor chose the manuscript as copy-text since the identifiable and even the probable authorial accidental revisions in proof were vastly outnumbered by the printer's variants from the manuscript copy. On the contrary, the editor of James chose the printed edition as copy-text on the mirror-image of this situation; that is, the evidence that the printed edition was the culmination of a series of authorial revisions during its pre-publication transmission from original manuscript and constituted a more authoritative document, on the whole, than even the holograph representation of the accidentals. Naturally, possibilities of this nature could not have been contemplated by Greg even if he had tackled the more elementary cases of holograph versus printed edition as, in some part, in The Masque of Queens. It follows that any modern attempt to impose an absolute rule that an author's manuscript is sacrosanct as copy-text finds no support in Greg and has been extrapolated from his illustrations of the transmission of accidentals from one printed edition to another, a quite different matter.

Indeed, Greg less understandably (since these are in greater supply in his period) fails to mention the problems of copy-text that arise in the choice between a printed edition and a scribal manuscript as in Fletcher's Beggars Bush, Woman's Prize, and Bonduca, as well as Suckling's Aglaura. Again, these occur in the considerable area in which a reader draws a blank in Greg—that of pre-publication textual history that may or may not involve authorial revision but that ends in producing at least two different documents with claims to authority as copy-text.


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This leaves wide open for an editor any Elizabethan parallels between scribes and modern typists, or other interveners in the transmission of a text such as the friends who assisted T. S. Eliot or Charles Dickens in the reading and alteration of proofs. The limitation of problems of copy-text to the specific post-publication circumstance of an author revising one edition to produce another fails to offer any guidance in the important questions of multiple authority affecting decisions of copy-text as found either in Fletcher's plays or in Crane's Third Violet. In these days in which recording media are joining print as authoritative documents, and a poet reading his own verses may be subject to unofficial as well as official tape recording, something of the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century conditions of multiple copies of variant texts, with their derivatives, are being reproduced although it is true that these have only a tangential relationship to accidental variation except as it could be reconstructed from pauses and the like. Nevertheless, questions of copy-text based on the matter of accidentals may not prove so simple in these cases.

What we come down to in the end is the conclusion (which actually has far-reaching consequences for the relation of the "Rationale" to the editing of modern authors) that Greg's interest in the accidentals of a text was minimal compared to his concern for the free exercise of editorial judgment in respect to the substantives. Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century conditions of transmission, whether through scribes or compositors, left small chance, or at least much uncertainty, that very much of the authorial accidental characteristics were preserved in a print—and the usual absence of authorial manuscripts to act as a guide meant that what had been preserved could not be distinguished from compositorial accidentals. In these circumstances there is little choice but to take as copy-text the document (it is simpler to think basically in terms of documents and not of editions) that is closest to authority in these respects, obviously the first edition when all antecedent documents (scribal or authorial manuscripts) have not been preserved. After this decision Greg's subsequent concern is only with the specific case of Every Man in his Humour in which extensive authorial revision has so altered the substantives as to enforce general acceptance of the Folio accidentals that accompany the altered wording. (All procedures for bad quartos which Greg considers are basically of no value as evidence for the present day.) The general conditions of Greg's period, then, encouraged his view that the chief importance of the formal features of the copy-text outside of their unknown and unknowable relation to the author was to establish the most linguistically suitable texture for the substantives—not the most authoritative accidentals on a demonstrable


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basis but the nearest to the general texture of the period of the work's composition. This attitude then leads to the principle that an editor can even scrap the copy-text punctuational system and substitute his own, although he should give "due weight to the original in deciding on his own."[44] "Much the same applies to the use of capitals and italics" (p. 385). This contrast helps to point the difference between the linguistic interest for Greg of the spelling and the lack of critical interest in punctuation and rest. It is interesting to notice that for an editor of later literature the importance of these two concerns has been precisely reversed.

Greg's natural pessimism about the specific authority of accidentals tends to widen the gap between the editorial treatment he envisages as suitable for them and for substantives and ends by removing the accidentals in major part from the function of the editorial judgment appropriate for the substantives. Once again, Greg's concern for the post-publication transmission of texts in linear revised editions prevents him from considering other conditions (even though they may seem to constitute special cases) in which something can be done with the choice of copy-text between two competing non-linear authorities as in the manuscripts and the printed texts in the Beaumont and Fletcher 1647 Folio, and in the possibilities for emending the copy-text accidentals from other authority. In this latter respect he shows practically no interest in the emendation of the accidentals that should demand editorial attention even in the linear original and revised texts of Sejanus. It is this ignoring of the possibilities that exist in some early works for the judgmental treatment of certain classes of accidents on a par with the substantives that creates the gravest difficulties when the "Rationale" is narrowly applied to the editing of modern works. One can be a rebel to Greg's general though not absolute advice to seek one's copy-text in the earliest authority, as is Dr. Robson's editorial board for the Mill's edition, and still fall into the trap of preserving Greg's conservative views on the opportunities for authoritative emendation of the copy-text accidentals.

This attitude has had, apparently, a serious effect on modern editing where the amount of information available about authorial characteristics equals and normally surpasses that preserved for Jonson and puts matters on quite a different plane from Shakespeare and other


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typical early writers who bulked large in Greg's mind. The effect is found, of course, precisely where Greg's own gaps occur: the possibility that the accidentals of a revised edition may be more authoritative than those of an earlier edition closer to lost original authority, and even that a printed first edition may be more authoritative in its formal features than the holograph manuscript from which it ultimately derives. That either exception is possible save under the rarest and most special of circumstances has been vigorously denied by some modern converts to Greg's textual theories. In fact, this denial is justified only in cases of a limited authorial interest in the revision of accidentals, these being the commonest conditions an editor may encounter in dealing with revisions. But the less common although by no means highly exceptional examples of the contrary, as occur in the writings of Walt Whitman and William James, are being supported as more editors tackle writers outside of the limited scope of nineteenth-century American fiction. James Joyce and D. H. Lawrence come to mind.

Until editors have had more experience with the special cases of revised editions as copy-texts it is not possible to lay down more than a few specific guidelines, with the advice to seek out and study the examples of this editorial procedure in order to acquaint oneself at first hand with its theory and practice. However, it would seem that several criteria must be satisfied before a revised edition can become a superior copy-text.[45] First, evidence must exist, or be conjectured with major probability, that the author revised his text not only in the substantives but with more than casual attention to the accidentals; second, evidence should be sought that the printer of the revised text was relatively faithful to his copy, or was made so by scrupulous authorial proofreading, so that the author's accidental texture has not been restyled in any thoroughgoing way. If these two criteria are met, then a third may be examined. Briefly, an editor needs to examine his collations of the variant accidentals to determine what categories are manifestly authorial and what are manifestly compositorial. These two groups should be isolated, for since they constitute the classes of accidentals that are as


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subject to critical selection or discard as are the substantives, technically they need have no more influence on the choice of copy-text than do the substantives. This is an important point in the revised rationale I am suggesting.

The copy-text is chosen on the basis of its accidentals according to Greg, for in his opinion these constitute a body not subject to the selective judgment he advocated for the substantives. The choice based on the accidentals is still (and no doubt invariably) sound in my opinion for any period although the reasons for the significance of accidentals in a text have shifted materially since the Elizabethan period. When conditions in later authors approximate those that influenced Greg to advocate as a general rule the earliest document (meaning the one closest to the authorial archetype), the rationale is also valid in both its parts. For instance, the evidence strongly suggests that in collecting the 1837 Twice-Told Tales from their various newspaper and magazine appearances Hawthorne performed a minimum of revision in the printer's copy and in proof; hence the accidentals of the originals, set from holograph, are more authoritative than those of the book reprint, although not necessarily reproducing exactly what would have appeared in the lost manuscripts.[46] This was post-publication revision of the kind that Greg recognizes. In pre-publication revision, the evidence suggests that the vast majority of the variant accidentals in the printed texts of Hawthorne's romances belong to the compositors and that some of the relatively few accidental alterations he may be supposed to have made in proof from the forms of the printer's-copy manuscripts are often unrecognizable. In earlier literature the case of the revised second and third editions of Dryden's Indian Emperour may again be cited as examples under (b) of an author whose accidental revisions may be thought (on some concrete evidence from the press-corrections in one forme of the second edition) to have been significant from time to time; but they are insufficiently idiosyncratic to be recognized among the far larger


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number of compositorial variants, and therefore the best copy-text is either the scribal manuscript of a slightly earlier version or else the first edition.[47]

Again in earlier literature, it would seem that whereas Sejanus meets the first test, in that Jonson may be taken to have revised copy for the Folio with some care for its accidentals, the second test—the general fidelity of the Folio printer—appears to be failed. Thus a doubt is raised, although somewhat less than with Dryden, about the amount of compositorial departure from copy in the Folio text. When one proceeds to the third test, in order to see if the doubt may be resolved, an editor finds it possible to isolate several ranges of Jonson's idiosyncratic accidentals that beyond question represent his markings in the Quarto printer's copy. These may be put aside (like the F press-corrections) since for the moment they should not affect the selection of copy-text. The clearcut compositorial variants are less useful, representing as they do only the Folio departure from recognizably Jonsonian characteristics found in the Quarto copy. At this point an editor may discover that the remaining accidental variants (chiefly punctuation) are still fairly numerous. If surveying these he comes to believe that on the whole they are more likely than not to represent the F compositors' variants, then he should choose Q as his copy-text since the Q accidentals in this particular category will probably reproduce more authority as a group than those in F. The set-aside idiosyncratic accidentals can then be inserted in the Q copy-text as authorial revisions holding the same status as the F authoritative substantive variants. On the other hand, if the editor is still uncertain about the neutral category of the accidentals and has some evidence from parallels to take it that, although each separate one is not identifiable, the probability rests that on the whole they are more likely in F to reproduce Jonsonian markings in copy (and perhaps undetected proof-correction changes if this evidence has not been exhausted)


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than compositorial variation from Q, then revised F becomes the natural copy-text. If so, it is the duty of the editor to correct those accidentals in F that appear to be unauthoritative by drawing on Q for the corresponding versions.

To repeat, the probability on what evidence is available about the author and his characteristics (and the printer) that a majority of the generally unassignable accidental variants is authorial or compositorial should be the ultimate determinant in the selection of copy-text as between two authorities, whether an original and a revised edition, or two collateral editions.[48] For example, it was this general sense of the authority of the indeterminate class of accidental variants between the partially reconstructed syndicate newspaper proofs and the first edition of Crane's Third Violet that finally dictated the selection of the first edition as copy-text. Under other circumstances when no question of revision was present, the Boston Museum version of Hawthorne's "Ethan Brand" appears to have received less house-styling than another publication in the Dollar Magazine (both radiating at equal distance from lost printed sheets from an unpublished magazine set from manuscript). Although the Dollar Magazine clipping was the printer's copy for the later appearance in The Snow-Image (1851), no evidence is preserved to indicate that Hawthorne had prepared it with any revisions. Hence an editor may believe that the copy-text offering maximum general authority, such as it is, is the Boston Museum (Centenary Edition, XI, 417-419). Compositorial studies showing unequal levels of variation from copy according to the stints were among the other evidence in Hawthorne's romances that led to the establishment of the manuscripts as the most trustworthy source for the accidentals as a whole. With a more complicated transmission from preserved manuscripts (in large part) through periodical publication to book collection, despite considerable substantive revision in the process the manuscript accidentals for Hawthorne's Our Old Home (1863) remained on the whole the more authoritative, also. In another situation the grave


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difficulty of accepting in the first edition of The Red Badge of Courage a number of what appeared to be sophisticating accidentals not necessarily Crane's and far more numerous from the manuscript than could be attributed to his marking of the typescript printer's copy and the book proofs, led to the selection of the manuscript as on the whole the best repository of the authoritative accidentals of this work.

As a marked contrast, when one approaches such a typical William James text as A Pluralistic Universe, each criterion for copy-text may be satisfied in favor of the general authority of the revised edition's accidentals. Briefly, preserved documents for other works in its period demonstrate the frequency of James's attention to accidentals in preparing printer's copy and in the revision of a book's galley-proofs. Second, the evidence of Some Problems of Philosophy indicates that the Riverside Press was exceptionally faithful in setting the accidents of his copy except for a few categories of housestyling that can be readily isolated. In the third test, although some of James's idiosyncratic accidentals had clearly been inserted in the book as deliberate alterations of the typescript (and manuscript), a large number of the book's punctuation changes could not be so precisely assigned to James in clearly defined categories; nevertheless, in the majority of cases they were either consistent with his favorite although not invariable practices or else were, at the least, not inconsistent. Various of the book's changes could be easily interpreted as James's attempts to make consistent and formal the more informal system of a manuscript that was in effect not much more than a draft which James had always intended to revise thoroughly before publication. Since evidence within the book and the journals existed for James's concern in revising his accidentals during the stages of the copy's transmission from manuscript through typescript to final print, and since the majority of the relatively indifferent variants did not seem to be assignable to the printer either on internal or external evidence, the book became the natural copy-text. The chief editorial problem for the accidentals, then, was the identification of the Press's styling so that it could be removed in favor of the authorial forms from the manuscript but with some reference as well to the possibility of post-typescript revision in the Hibbert Journal publication not transferred to the book. All this was pre-publication revision of course. Post-publication revision of the same nature and with the same problems occurs in the essays in Pragmatism, The Meaning of Truth, and The Will to Believe in which journal articles were revised to serve as printer's copy for the book and the revision of the text in both its aspects continued in the book's galley-proofs.


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Note: An interesting small case of pre-publication revision involving copy-text occurs in the first edition of Fielding's Tom Jones (1749) ("Tom Jones Plus and Minus: Towards a Practical Text," Harvard Library Bulletin, 25 (1977), 101-113). In the third volume, sheet O has been shown by Dr. Hugh Amory to be a cancellans sheet. By an extraordinary accident the unrevised third edition set from the first used as copy a volume with the lost original cancellandum text. The cancellans in the first edition was set from an authorially revised copy of the cancellandum and so is at one remove from the original typesetting. Likewise, the third edition is at one remove, having been set from an unrevised copy of the same sheet. Technically, therefore, both first and third editions have equal authority in the accidentals of the unrevised portions of the text in this sheet. A decision between them needs to be made from partially contradictory evidence. If one compares the number of accidental changes (chiefly punctuation) made unauthoritatively in the adjacent sheets by the third edition setting from first-edition copy, one will observe that these are fewer than the number of differences in sheet O. If the third edition had set the cancellandum sheet with equal fidelity, the extra variants could represent first-edition unauthoritative departures from the same copy or a combination of these with any changes that Fielding may have (undemonstrably) made while he was working over the sheet and giving some of its pages a general revision. In a very small amount of text, however, within a few pages elsewhere in which the first-edition workmen reset Fielding's revised text in separate cancellantia leaves, the reproduction of the accidentals in the reset text from the preserved cancellanda is remarkably faithful. This is the only evidence that exists from which one may gain any notion of the faithfulness of the first edition workmen to their copy, and it is too limited to be of singular service. Balancing the conflicting evidence, therefore, an editor might feel that on the whole there was something to be said for the third edition's version as copy-text for this sheet, regardless of the revised substantives of the first-edition text and the quite unknown and unknowable question of Fielding's alteration of accidentals in unrevised text as he worked over the cancellandum sheet to provide copy for the cancellans found in the first edition. But a third range of evidence casts doubt on this assumption. Although within sheet O the first edition has a few punctuation differences from the third where it is somewhat easier to believe that it is reproducing its copy instead of departing from it (as in neat parenthetical commas found in the third edition but not in the first), various of the third-edition variant punctuation readings in this sheet seem more typical of Fielding than in their first-edition form, at least to the extent that similar forms to the third are found in the adjacent sheets set by the first edition from manuscript. An example would be the use of a colon followed by a capital instead of a semicolon and lower case, or the heavier use of semicolons for commas sometimes in the manner of rhetorical pointing. Unfortunately, however, these seemingly characteristic devices are also found as unauthoritative changes made by the third edition from its first-edition copy in adjacent sheets; hence they have no value as evidence in sheet

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O and if anything work against the hypothesis that the third edition in its variants in this sheet is reproducing the lost cancellandum copy with superior fidelity. The upshot is that an editor finds he has no trustworthy evidence about the accidentals in either edition although he may have a generalized suspicion of the third's variants; in which case it seems to me he would be better advised to play the odds that Fielding may have made some changes in the accidentals and since the case is otherwise almost completely indifferent to opt for the revised first-edition sheet as copy-text.[49]

Pre-publication revision during transmission can affect the choice of copy-text when the option lies, as usually, between a preserved manuscript or typescript and the first edition. (Marked proofs for a book are preserved much less frequently than other antecedent documents, but even unmarked early proofs may be valuable for demonstrating what differences from the setting copy resulted from the transmission.) The authorial revision in some intermediate stage(s) needs then to be reconstructed. In the simplest cases when a manuscript was the printer's copy as in the Hawthorne romances or in Lectures VII and VIII of James's Pragmatism, this may be no more than the reconstruction of the proof-alterations. In more complex cases, as in James's Pluralistic Universe, a lost worked-over professional typescript plus extensive authorial proof-alteration needs reconstruction as well. In post-publication revision, ordinarily only the two printed documents (original and revised) are available, as in Fielding's Tom Jones or Joseph Andrews, Hawthorne's Mosses from an Old Manse, or Lectures I-VI of Pragmatism. Here the problem is to reconstruct the lost authorially prepared printer's copy and to attempt to evaluate the role of subsequent proof-corrections, if any. (Normally these proof-corrections could not be distinguished in the book's text from the marking of printer's copy, of course.) The circumstances will dictate the choice of copy-text. If with Hawthorne's Marble Faun—where bibliographical analysis can distinguish between Hawthorne's proof-correction and the printer's variants for major parts of the first edition—the decision is made that the printer's departures from copy in the accidents completely outweigh the possibility of the author's proof-alterations, the manuscript becomes the copy-text. If with James's Pluralistic Universe the decision is made that James's alterations in the typescript and in the proof are more numerous than the printer's departures from copy not only in respect to the idiosyncratic and hence identifiable accidentals but also to the more


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neutral forms, the first edition becomes the preferred copy-text over the manuscript. If with Locke's Of Human Understanding the decision is made that Locke not only revised the accidentals as well as the substantives for the second edition but also used this revised text as the physical basis for a further revision of both features by marking copy and reading proofs for the revised fourth, then with Professor Nidditch one would choose this fourth edition instead of the first as copy-text.

Note: It is always an individual matter how much the presence of identifiable idiosyncratic accidental revisions may be taken to imply the existence of more indifferent and unassignable alterations. In Sejanus most editors might take it that in marking Q copy the special attention Jonson clearly gave to adding examples of apostrophus, correcting English to classicized spellings when appropriate, and reducing his earlier heavy capitalization system to lower case need not hold equally for his ordinary spellings or the general run of the punctuation save for a few specific categories, generally identifiable, and thus that the punctuational system of Q is probably more authoritative on the whole in its indifferent pointing than that of F, and so with the ordinary spelling. This is because Jonson was intent only on certain theories, not on general improvement of satisfactory results. On the other hand, with William James and probably with most authors (Yeats seems to be an example too), it is a matter of where there is smoke there is fire: once his hand may be detected by idiosyncratic spelling and syntactical changes, the full complement of general improvement in the punctuational system may be expected. The relationship between the qualitative (assignable) and quantitative (indifferent) accidental variants may change not only between authors but according to transmissional agents and their ways. An Elizabethan compositor is more likely to reproduce an author's eccentricities than his conventional forms whereas a more modern compositor may be inclined to reduce the unusual to standard practice and to follow copy more faithfully when the styling is indifferent.

As every editor knows, the choice of copy-text is important not only as a means of preserving major authority in the accidents as a whole but also as providing an editor with a working hypothesis to that end when he is faced with transmissional variation whether pre- or post-publication. Greg believed that the pull of the copy-text authority could operate with the substantives as well, and he advised an editor to rely on the copy-text instead of a revised edition in cases where the choice of a substantive reading was perfectly balanced. This is often sage advice in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries when the incidence of compositorial substantive error is high and any revised edition is likely to be a mixture of wrong and of right readings.[50] It may be less useful later.


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The emphasis must rest, of course, on the complete neutrality of the readings, making it impossible in the editor's opinion to select one or the other on reasoned critical grounds. In such cases of exact balance Greg's mistrust of Renaissance compositors leads him to favor the original reading. We may suppose he had in mind the hypothesis that the original was presumptively authorial. If one then deliberately chose the indifferent reading of a revised edition, the chance entered that one was rejecting authority for a compositorial misreading or memorial contamination, especially since an apparent motive for authorial revision may seem to be wanting. Since the critical judgment could not affirm the authority of the new reading, it would seem better to stick with the authority one knows than to gamble on the unknown quality of the variant which, moreover, offered little incentive to forsake the comfort of the assumedly authoritative known. This line of reasoning gambles, in effect, that the original reading was not a misprint or corruption and the revised reading an authentic correction, but the reverse.

Note: What is an 'exact balance' (in Greg's phrase) between two readings may vary from editorial temperament to editorial temperament, of course, an inevitability that need not interfere with Greg's principle. However, in The Editorial Problem in Shakespeare, pp. xxxiii-xxxiv, Greg most acutely illustrates how an editor should exhaust every possibility affecting a decision, for when other grounds may be present (even though conjectural), simple critical judgment is not enough. He mentions the case of an editor taking the Hamlet Second Quarto as copy-text and finding the reading there at I.v.20 "Like Quills upon the fearful porpentine" whereas the Folio reads fretful. If he were puzzled by two such excellent competing readings, Greg suggests that he can find some comfort by considering (a) one or other version is bound to be a misreading, an error, not a revision; (b) "this is one of several variants (common to F and Q1) to which the same explanation might apply, but which are all characterized by a similarity of graphic outline . . . an editor, while basing his text upon the quarto, should nevertheless adopt the folio reading . . . because the quarto is known to be very carelessly printed, so that when it is a case of a simple misprint, the folio, though at least one step further removed from the autograph, may yet be the better authority"; (c) the reading fretful in the bad Q1 establishes the reading of the prompt-book. The coincidence of Q1 and F does not necessarily prove that the prompt-book had not been corrupted (and the error thence passed on to Q1 through the actor's memory and finally to F). Nevertheless, if the question resolves down to an error made in one or other printed text, the establishment through Q1 of the Folio fretful as not a misprint by a compositor

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who should have set the reading of his copy assists in the conclusion that it was the Q2 compositor who misread his handwritten copy, not the F1 workman. This is not entirely a pure case, of course, because the evidence of Q1 is of considerable importance; nevertheless it suggests a line of thinking that results at least in a working hypothesis instead of a flip of the coin.

It must be emphasized that in this matter of advocating the authority of the copy-text for evenly balanced substantive variants Greg was writing theoretically and he offered no illustrations. However, one may speculate that what he actually had in mind was less likely to be examples of linear revised relationship as in Nashe or Jonson but instead the more serious problems found in plays like King Lear where the Folio copy-text readings do not always seem superior to those of the Bad Quarto, and where there are a number of cruxes on which editors divide. Like King Lear Shakespeare's Othello involves transmissional prepublication problems, although of a different sort, that involve scribes as well as compositors, and was probably also in Greg's thought. However, the complexities of bad quarto and 'revised edition' have no relation to modern problems, nor is the Othello situation, or that of 2 Henry IV (as we dimly conceive them) very likely to arise. For any pertinence to other than special Renaissance problems one must confine the case, practically speaking, to linear transmission, either from manuscript or typescript to printed edition or else to an edition revised from the text of an earlier. Under these conditions, the closer one comes to periods where compositorial accuracy improves—especially in the setting from printed copy—the more the authority grows in favor of variants in a revised edition and the more likely it is that an indifferent variant in the revised text is authorial, not compositorial.[51] If so, a very real question arises whether Greg's advice is a good editorial principle to adopt under changed conditions from those of Renaissance compositorial and scribal free-wheeling.

Evidence for either position is hard to find that can be called demonstrable, for if the answer is known between two seemingly balanced variants then they are no longer truly balanced and the case becomes hypothetical. For instance, since neither occurs in his holograph papers it would take the evidence of a computer concordance of Fielding to learn whether in Joseph Andrews Fanny had more likely 'laid hold on


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the Girdle which her Lover wore for that purpose' (273.13-14) or, as the revised third edition has it, laid hold of; or whether between the first and third editions Fielding had come to feel that 'was the Subject of your Contention anywise material' had better be changed to anyways (and then in the fifth edition to any ways). Ultimately these difficult decisions involving idiom may come to be less conjecturally based than what songs the sirens sang;[52] but more certainty is possible in other matters that might at first sight appear to be equally balanced. For example, beginning with this revised third edition a number of alterations affecting small irregularities of modification and coherence are improved, such as 48.21 first edition 'She was a poor Girl, who had formerly been bred up in Sir John's Family' altered in the third to been formerly bred up, a change seemingly of some indifference and possible as the compositor's memorial failure. A more obvious example of the same is the original 'whom he observed not to be fallen into the most compassionate Hands' (61.25-26) which appears in the third edition as to be fallen not into; or 'If it was only our present Business to make Similies' (45.30) altered in the third to was our present Business only to make. If an editor stuck to the copy-text in such readings, taking it that the third-edition order resulted from memorial failure or a purist compositor intent on making the style more formal, he would quite definitely be wrong, for (a) the third edition exhibits half a dozen more cases scattered sufficiently to make it unlikely that all were the doing of one compositor,[53] (b) similar improvements are made in the fourth and even in the revised fifth edition, (c) the identical kind of alteration is a feature of the revised fourth edition of Tom Jones.


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Contiguity may play a part in the evidence an editor seeks, for in a revised edition it may seem more likely that a cluster of variants results from authorial marking than from a sudden spate of compositorial error. For instance, in Joseph Andrews 57.8-18 the text of the first two editions reads:

Tow-wouse, (who notwithstanding his Charity, would have given his Vote as freely as he ever did at an Election, that any other House in the Kingdom, should have had quiet Possession of his Guest) answered, 'My Dear, I am not to blame: he was brought hither by the Stage-Coach; and Betty had put him to bed before I was stirring.' 'I'll Betty her,' says she—At which, with half her Garments on, the other half under her Arm, she sallied out in quest of the unfortunate Betty, whilst Tow-wouse and the Surgeon went to pay a Visit to poor Joseph, and enquire into the Circumstance of this melancholy Affair.
In the revised third edition three substantive variants occur: ever he for he ever, should have for should have had, and Circumstances for Circumstance. Each one of these seems about evenly balanced but their clustering pyramids the advisability of adopting the third-edition readings as authorial alterations.

An author's special revisory interests will sometimes indicate that one or other of a choice—revised edition or original copy-text—is the more authoritative. Fielding's concern for clarifying his modification was only one of his interests in revising both Joseph Andrews and Tom Jones. Another was to weed out certain old-fashioned usages in the preterites of verbs, like altering bid to bad (five times) and begun to began. This is also a feature of the revision of Tom Jones in the fourth edition, in which tore is changed to torn, bore to borne, and begun to began (four times).[54] Other concerns manifest themselves in revisions. In Tom Jones the first-edition copy-text reads, 'yet so discreet was she in her Conduct, that her Prudence was as much on the Guard, as if she had had all the Snares to apprehend which were ever laid for her whole Sex' (36.9-37.2). This seems unexceptionable, and the revised fourth edition's if she had all could easily be an eyeskip. An editor might be tempted to retain the copy-text unless he had observed that the fourth edition alters had had to had nine additional times: clearly Fielding was making a special revision throughout the novel. On the other hand, when in Joseph Andrews or Tom Jones the revised editions slip and substitute has for hath, or does for doth, an editor may safely retain the


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copy-text, there being dozens of examples in the two novels of Fielding's revision to his preferred forms hath and doth.

Not only substantives but forms of words ordinarily classed among the accidentals but better listed as semi-substantives because of their linguistic interest may offer serious problems because they are as subject to compositorial as to authorial modernization. In Tom Jones whether the first edition Recipe or the revised fourth's Receipt is authorial cannot be known in the absence of the word in preserved holographs. In the fourth edition Fielding seems to have been concerned to alter older and ambiguous forms to modern, as in Council to Counsel, and errant to arrant (see the textual notes to 111.39 and 190.15 on p. 1014), although he missed wave for waive (212.2). This being so, the question arises whether the invariable change (except for its single use as a name) of Ostler to Hostler in the fourth edition is compositorial. In earlier works the word had been printed as Hostler, but it is hard to believe that the workmen setting the first edition in different places altered manuscript Hostler to Ostler. Since there seems some reason to conjecture that Ostler was what appeared in the manuscript, it is difficult to know whether the fourth edition's changes represent Fielding's or the compositors' modernization, and the same for the change from hollowing to hallowing some half dozen times, especially since hollowing is the form printed in Fielding's earlier works. A conservative editor may prefer to stay with his copy-text, a more adventurous one to suspect that Fielding may have been the modernizer.

In any large work like Tom Jones or even Joseph Andrews, intermediate between Elizabethan and modern printing, small verbal differences will of course occur that seem to be perfectly balanced especially when the differences are slight. An example might be cited in Joseph Andrews (27.25-26) where the first-edition copy-text reads, 'She plainly saw the Effects which Town-Air hath on the soberest Constitutions' but in the revised second edition the Town-Air, an easy printer's sophistication but a possible authorial correction or revision. In Tom Jones the ubiquitous problem of these and those rears its ugly head, as at 54.32, 74.28, 385.10, etc., variants that seem paralleled by Joseph Andrews 242.2, which may or may not support the otherwise more doubtful variant in the same work at 126.12. It is particularly difficult to attack such problems, often of misreading, when the compositors cannot be identified. A misreading problem in which one word is very likely right and the other wrong is posed in Joseph Andrews when the captain pulled the chair from under Parson Adams as he was sitting down, so that 'he fell down on the Ground; and thus [or this as in 4-5] completed Joke the first, to the great Entertainment of the whole Company' (245.37).


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Perhaps in the category of Fanny's having laid hold on or of Joseph's girdle but slightly more possible as an authorial revision is the question whether Lady Booby's soul was 'tossed up and down by [or with in 5] turbulent and opposite Passions' (287.6). When choices of reading involve such exquisite factors, and the problems of compositorial misreading or memorial corruption in original or revised edition are complicated by the possibility of finicky authorial revision, the presumption of error in the reading of the revised edition that led Greg to suggest the advisability of retaining the copy-text is not quite so firm even though it may sometimes be operative.

The differences may be observed in the Wesleyan-Clarendon editions of Joseph Andrews and Tom Jones. For the first, in my role as textual consultant I recognized that each edition through the fifth had been revised—not in any sense thoroughly but by a polishing and refinement of the language and syntax not always in a conspicuous manner—yet it also seemed clear that the fidelity of the compositors was suspect beginning with the third edition, the doubt increasing as the identifiable authorial revision dwindled in the fourth and fifth editions. This uneasiness about the authority of various small changes, combined with the powerful influence Greg's precept about indifferent choices then exercised on my thinking, led me to suggest the advisability of marked caution in the acceptance of minor differences in the revised editions, advice that I now see led to too many retentions of copy-text authority and too few inclusions of neutral-seeming revisions. Later, doing the Tom Jones text from scratch as my own responsibility, I conceived a higher opinion of the fourth edition's faithfulness to copy despite a number of small lapses by its workmen, and a lower opinion of the value of Greg's advice in periods later than the Renaissance, especially as applied to linear revised editions set with greater general accuracy than is expected in Elizabethan reprints. As a result, in Tom Jones proportionally far more indifferent variants are inserted from the revised edition into the first-edition copy-text than in the conservatively treated Joseph Andrews, although still perhaps not quite enough (because it is difficult not to suspect small idiomatic changes in a revision). In short, eighteenth-century are not Elizabethan compositors; and from this experience I conceived a distrust under some circumstances for the general principle of retaining the copy-text reading in cases of balanced variants. In later periods it is even possible that the advice is dangerous since it may foster an attitude too conservative for the changed conditions. When a modern author gives evidence in his revision that he has been concerned with small things as well as great, I now believe that an editor is better advised to give the benefit of the


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doubt to the readings of the revised edition provided he has some reasonable faith in the general fidelity of its compositors to copy[55] and believes that the author was capable of making the changes in question. On the whole, this applies to accidentals as well as to substantives and hence may lead to a selection of the revised edition as copy-text, in which case an editor may return to Greg's conservatism but in the reverse direction.

In the Elizabethan period the nature and extent of authorial revision is sometimes in doubt, and variation between editions representing some authority (as possibly in Hamlet or Othello) may arise not from authorial intervention at some stage but from different textual traditions complicated by scribal transcripts (and in the drama by theatrical tinkering). Under such circumstances one needs to be conservative and to require a possible 'revision' (especially arising in prepublication transmission) to cross the balance line before a supposedly authoritative original is to be altered—like fretful for fearful porpentine. But the climate of opinion changes with post-publication authorial revision of an earlier print. Joseph Andrews and Tom Jones in the mid-eighteenth century offer a halfway house for the work of a practising author in ordinary conditions whose copy was transmitted by compositors still subject to the faults inherent in hand setting. (Alexander Pope's careful attention to his revised texts in preparation and in proof is quite another matter, just as Walt Whitman is another matter.)

By the time one reaches the nineteenth century, although still in the period of hand setting with its greater opportunities for compositorial sophistication, the accuracy in following copy increases for the substantives and with it the odds that these variants in a revised edition are the more likely to be authorial in an overwhelming majority of cases. In Hawthorne's Twice-Told Tales, for instance, in "The Gray Champion" seven authorial substantive revisions appear to have been made in the 1837 collection from the periodical copy but no other variants, and the tale was reprinted in three other editions to 1853 without further substantive difference. In "The Minister's Black Veil" the only unauthorial substantive variants are two that crept into the fourth-edition


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reprint; in "The May-Pole of Merry Mount" seven substantive revisions appear in 1837 as against one misprint; in "Mr. Higginbotham's Catastrophe" Hawthorne made twenty-nine revisions in 1837 although here an estimated four printer's errors appear simultaneously; in "The Great Carbuncle" five revisions appear but no unauthorial substantive changes in 1837 (four occur in the unrevised third edition of 1851), and so on. By the time one reaches William James, no more than one or two unauthoritative substantive variants (if that) are likely to appear in any one of his collections revised from journal articles, although there is a good possibility that in the revised The Will to Believe (1897) it was the printer who was responsible for the consistent change of amongst to among.

In fact, it is not until one encounters a textual situation as in James's The Meaning of Truth in which the revised edition is itself the copytext that Greg's advice, paradoxically, proves to be sound for modern literature, since the cases are few in a carefully proofread book like this where the substantives of the text (and not just some accidentals) may need correction by reference to an earlier authority. However, the scrupulousness of a James does not seem to be required to reverse Greg's principle for any period after the Renaissance—and it may be that even in this period the application needs more testing with the readings of authorially revised linear editions. One may flip a coin or for lack of a better reason adhere to the copy-text with a complicated textual situation like that in Othello, or King Lear,[56] but for normal conditions when in genuine doubt the odds may be taken to favor the in-line revision over the reading of the earlier copy-text. The wheel comes full circle, of course, when the revised edition is the copy-text.

Notes

 
[1]

Greg's paper was solicited for a bibliographical section in the 1949 English Institute meetings in New York City, was read in absentia on September 8, and printed in Studies in Bibliography, 3 (1950-51), 19-36. It was reprinted, with a few minor changes, in The Collected Papers of Sir Walter Greg, ed. J. C. Maxwell (Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1966), pp. 374-391. Quotations are taken from this latter source.

[2]

A dissenter is John M. Robson, who in 1966 gave a reasoned defence of a choice of the final edition as copy-text for the Toronto edition of John Stuart Mill: see "Principles and Methods in the Collected Edition of John Stuart Mill," Editing Nineteenth Century Texts, ed. J. M. Robson (University of Toronto Press, 1967), pp. 96-122. If I follow correctly the implications of the argument, the grounds for Dr. Robson's disagreement are as much ideological as practical, and—although the comparison is not elaborated—rest on "the differences between printing and publishing practices in the Renaissance on the one hand, and the nineteenth century on the other, [which] suggest a proper divergence in editing procedures, a divergence as justified as that between procedures in editing classical and Renaissance texts" (p. 114). This is a question I propose to discuss. Greg's rationale has not found favor on the European continent. The Soviet Russian textologists seem to be most advanced in the acceptance of the function of editorial judgment acting within the analysis of textual transmission; but it is unclear what their practising attitude is to the matter of accidentals in relation to the rationale's precepts, and thus their acceptance of critical editing procedures appears to be confined to the second half of Greg's propositions without taking in the first. Otherwise, it would seem that the German school, basically one of variorum editing, rules. The best statement in English of this European editorial theory and practice may be found in Hans Zeller, "A New Approach to the Critical Constitution of Literary Texts," Studies in Bibliography, 28 (1975), 231-264.

[3]

Warner Barnes, "Nineteenth-Century Editorial Problems: A Selective Bibliography," op. cit., ed. Robson, p. 129. Barnes does not specify, but the views would need to comprise (a) the choice of copy-text on the basis of the authority of its accidentals, not that of the substantives, and (b) in a critical edition the necessity for the editor to exercise his judgment in the selection of substantive readings from more than one authoritative document, not necessarily the copy-text.

[4]

In his excellent general survey, combining theory and practice, which should be obligatory reading for all students, G. Thomas Tanselle argues that at least implicitly Greg was aware that his rationale was applicable to literature later than that of the Renaissance: "can Greg's rationale be applied to the products which emerged from the very different publishing circumstances of later periods? Greg's own answer to these questions, I think it can be plainly inferred from his essay, would be Yes," "Greg's Theory of Copy-Text and the Editing of American Literature," Studies in Bibliography, 28 (1975), 181. The point is not an important one, but some clarification may be useful. My personal acquaintance with Sir Walter Greg would lead me to believe that in this essay, as in all his work, he was cautious about asserting that his concepts were applicable to a wider field of evidence than that in which he chose to set them. The reader might endeavor to extrapolate them to test their broader efficacy, but Greg would have hesitated to suggest in any manner that this was his own intention or even wish. I suppose that knowing he was on firm ground in the period of his experience, he disliked to introduce the possibility that doubt might arise about his position if a reader began to make exceptions suggested by his special knowledge of other fields. Obviously, a reader sympathetic with Greg's position has a duty to test it in circumstances not envisaged in the essay; but Greg's personal attitude, I venture to say, would have been that he does so at his own risk. In my view, Dr. Tanselle's evidence for his suggestion that Greg was thinking in broader terms than the set of conditions he was illustrating from the Renaissance is based on a misinterpretation. For instance, one piece of evidence brought forward of Greg's reference to scribes and compositors (p. 181) does indeed suggest, as he asserts, that Greg took it that human beings react similarly whether copying by hand or setting type. But Greg was thinking quite plainly of medieval and Renaissance scribes, and of Renaissance compositors setting by hand. He would have distrusted the application of this generalization, in as precise a way as he had utilized it, to a period, say, of typist copying or linotype setting. The different conditions produce in many respects different kinds and possibly different quantities of error. Other indications that Dr. Tanselle finds of Greg's broader implicit purpose are true enough if one recognizes that Greg is looking back to medieval manuscript texts, many of whose problems are applicable to the scribal copy behind Elizabethan books and present in a few respects relatively close analogies with the hand-setting of type in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Thus, when Greg refers to another period than his own, he deliberately looks back, and not forward as has been suggested.

[5]

Misunderstandings leading to adverse criticism of Greg's position are perhaps even more common than doctrinaire rigidity in its application. Tanselle (p. 197 and note) remarks that "one cannot help regarding many of the recent discussions (both favorable and unfavorable) . . . as naïve and parochial, and frequently as uninformed or misinformed." For examples, see p. 201 ff., principally pp. 203-204, 207-219.

[6]

See my "Current Theories of Copy-Text, with an Illustration from Dryden," "Multiple Authority: New Concepts of Copy-Texts," and "Remarks on Eclectic Texts," collected in Essays in Bibliography, Text, and Editing (University Press of Virginia, 1975); also, "Textual Criticism," in The Aims and Methods of Scholarship in the Modern Languages and Literatures, ed. J. Thorpe (MLA, rev. ed., 1970), pp. 29-54. The textual introductions in a number of editions approved by the Center for Editions of American Authors (now the Center for Scholarly Editions) have made valuable contributions. Dr. Tanselle's important survey article has already been mentioned and the various references in his footnotes offer a useful conspectus of the numerous discussions not mentioned here.

[7]

Briefly, although certain syntactical punctuation like a period to end a sentence was recognized, in general the punctuation marks indicate not syntactical units and relationships, as in the present day, but instead a graduated series of pauses rising in weight from comma to semicolon to colon. The present distinctive use of the colon versus semicolon was unknown, and it is highly doubtful that the principle of restriction and nonrestriction was present in anyone's mind for phrases and clauses, apart from pauses: it certainly did not govern the presence or absence of punctuation. The loose Elizabethan syntax and its punctuation work together very smoothly once one becomes accustomed to its flexibility and occasional uncalculated ambiguities. Editors of modernized texts have difficulty fitting the sprawling syntax into neat modern units of syntactical punctuation and find themselves forced into an excessive use of dashes, or into J. Dover Wilson's idiosyncratic use of a series of dots.

[8]

Although critics loosely talk about house rules in the Elizabethan printing shop, little evidence exists to support their position. Personal example, and the master-apprentice system, might encourage some degree of uniformity in the treatment of certain accidentals: thus there is evidence that Jaggard's apprentice Compositor E rather quickly acquired many of the prominent characteristics of the shop's premier Compositor B. Nevertheless, the spelling of the First Folio is so individualistic that the exact pages set by each of six compositors can be established on the evidence of their spelling habits, combined with a few idiosyncratic typographical conventions. Hence some compositors could be called more 'modern' than others within the same shop. It follows that at least certain accidental characteristics of any printed book would vary according to the compositor who set the pages, and uniformity of accidental texture within any book is ordinarily non-existent. There was so little house style in Jaggard's shop, even in matters outside of spelling, that no fixed system was enforced in the First Folio about the italicizing or non-italicizing of the names of countries and cities, or of territorial titles. Even simple typographical mechanics were not standardized, as witness Compositor C's habit of setting a space before a comma in certain circumstances.

[9]

The printer's housestyling of books in the nineteenth and the publisher's styling as the twentieth century wears on might in some sense impose uniformity of system on an unsystematic author; but this is seldom referable to the spelling, for example, since in most respects general standards of acceptability had been established and the stylization of spelling is largely (although not entirely) a question of the correction of error, with some occasional standardization in the United States according to Webster's. Light or heavy punctuation systems and matters of word-division will bulk larger in the styling of accidental changes, whereas in Shakespeare's day the problems of recovering authorial spelling for its intrinsic interest and as a guide to emendation has proved to be of more concern than ordinary questions of authorial punctuation. For a recent study of the statements in nineteenth-century printers' manuals about the following of copy, see John Bush Jones, "Victorian 'Readers' and Modern Editors: Attitudes and Accidentals Revisited," PBSA, 71 (1977), 47-59. On p. 58 the conclusion is drawn: "Granted the dominant view was that accidentals were the printer's particular concern, nevertheless as early as 1808 Nightingale was advocating at least limited querying rather than arbitrary correction, and after mid-century there was an unsteady but visible progression of opinion toward preserving authorial accidentals." On p. 59 the important distinction is made: "the fact (according to De Vinne) that house styling of accidentals took precedence over authorial intentions in late nineteenth-century periodicals raises doubts about their reliability as copy texts for short works and serialized novels first published in magazines." I have observed this distinction to hold in the essays that William James published in popular magazines like McClure's in the early twentieth century but not in general in the learned journals where his work first appeared.

[10]

Since Greg's day the science (or art) of identifying compositors by their spelling and sometimes by certain mechanical characteristics has advanced rapidly. But the further step of identifying the underlying characteristics of the copy is still awaiting more information. When no sample of autograph manuscript is preserved, to identify an early author's variable accidentals as distinct from the compositor's is conjectural at best.

[11]

As, for instance, in the mainly collateral texts of such plays as Hamlet, Othello, and Troilus and Cressida, in which two different authorities are represented by the early Quarto and the later Folio texts. Regardless of the substantives, an editor will choose the Quartos as copy-text because the accidentals reflect a texture more nearly contemporary with Shakespeare whereas the Folio's texture is posthumous and modernized. (This is to ignore other considerations such as the physically derived nature of the Folio from the Quarto texts owing to the use as Folio printer's copy of a Quarto brought into general conformity with a second authority by scribal annotation.) The question of these collateral texts will be discussed later, as well as the somewhat confusing use that Greg makes of 'bad quartos' as illustration of revised texts. At the present, however, it may clarify matters to point to Greg's speculation (p. 381) about McKerrow's position if he had lived to apply the Prolegomena form of his editorial theory to plays with more than one authoritative text "as in Hamlet and perhaps in 2 Henry IV, Troilus and Cressida, and Othello." What Greg has in mind here is the uncertainties of his own day about the authority of the variant texts of 2 Henry IV, Troilus, and Othello as against the then certainty that the Folio version of Hamlet represented a substantially different authorial text from that of the Second Quarto. At the present time scholars are inclined to believe that, perhaps even more than in Hamlet, the texts of Quarto and Folio Othello possibly, and certainly of Troilus, are different in their origin more by reason of the author than of the conditions of transmission, with QF 2 Henry IV considerably more in doubt as of true independent authority. However, Greg does not have in mind in his distinction the bibliographical question whether, in using an annotated quarto as printer's copy, the Folio text can properly be called 'substantive' in a pure sense in comparison with a play that exhibits no physical derivation. Here only 2 Henry IV among Shakespeare's non-bad quarto texts is any longer seriously in question whether the Folio was set from manuscript or from a marked-up quarto. It must be admitted, however, that although 'bibliographical links' establish the derivation from the Quarto of the Folio texts of Troilus and of Othello, these links have not been so firmly demonstrated in Hamlet. Hence at least in theory the anomalies produced by the Folio reproduction of the Hamlet Second Quarto's substantive errors are susceptible of conjecture that they derive from some common lost manuscript. If the Second Quarto were indeed set from Shakespeare's working papers (for which again there is only a belief based on the unusual spelling and the apparent difficulties in legibility of the manuscript), then the notion of the derivation of common error is more difficult to maintain, for it would require the scribe making the copy that ultimately produced the Folio to have mistaken various words in the identical manner as did the compositor of the Second Quarto—more of a possibility than a probability.

[12]

Renaissance scholars always have in mind the possibility if not the probability that a scribal transcript may intervene between the holograph and the printed book, and sometimes more than one. Hence among the problems in assessing the accidental authority of an early printed text is that of the difficulty of finding evidence as to whether the printer's copy was a holograph or a derived scribal manuscript. A late nineteenth-century parallel would be the question of setting from holograph or from professionally made typescript; in the twentieth century the question may arise whether a book were set from an authorial typescript or from a professional one ordered by the author's agent and very likely never looked over by the author before type was set from it. It is true that some international publishing conditions may in later times reproduce a few of the problems of early collateral manuscript texts, as in the quadruple transmission of Stephen Crane's "Death and the Child" without authorial revision accounting for this multiplicity of documents. But the special medieval conditions of copies being made from other copies at different removes is not present.

[13]

The use of the word reprint in Greg's essay is subject to some possible confusion. In a strictly textual sense it means a resetting of an earlier printed edition that has not been subject to authorial correction or revision and hence is completely unauthoritative in every respect. In a looser sense it is often employed to mean any edition reset from another, whether or not the author or some other agent had altered the copy from which the later edition was typeset or had similarly intervened during the course of printing as by proof-correction. The modern reader must be on the lookout for the different shades of technical meaning in writings on textual matters. In hand printing a reprint normally implies a resetting of the type; but the word is also used (instead of reimpression) for the rare cases of another printing from standing type, corresponding in modern terms to the 'reprinting' of a book from the same plates. The confusion derives from the fact that in one sense reprint is a textual word with certain important critical implications; in the other it is a mechanical term for the printing process. A purist would confine reprint to the first and reimpression to the second; but many textual critics employ the term in its mixed or general sense, trusting to the context to prevent misunderstanding. Greg's objection on p. 379, note 1, to McKerrow's very loose use of reprint to describe a modern old-spelling edition based on an early copy-text is not nitpicking, for McKerrow's choice of the term is in fact misleading for anything other than a diplomatic reprint, or transcript, of some early authority. Greg usefully writes 'revised reprint' for a reset edition modified by the author or by reference to some other authority.

[14]

The parenthesis refers exclusively to reported texts, or 'bad quartos,' which are memorial reconstructions by some agent(s) other than the author and hence break the transcriptional link with a holograph since their accidentals can have no relation to those of the original text being memorially reproduced.

[15]

This is the conventional method in all ages for authorial revision. In the seventeenth century John Dryden marked up a copy of the first edition of The Indian Emperour to serve as printer's copy for the revised second, and he did the same with the second edition to produce setting copy for the revised third. Henry Fielding not quite a hundred years later annotated a copy of the third edition of Tom Jones to provide the printer's copy for the only revised edition, the fourth. William James in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries customarily annotated pages from his periodical articles when he reprinted them in revised form in a book collection. I do not know of examples, but I can imagine that at the present day if the authorial annotations were very copious and difficult to read, to spare expense in the printing some publishers (or agents) might make up a typescript of the authorially marked printed copy for the printer's convenience. Especially if the author were not informed of this fact (as is probable he would not be) and so could not recollate the entire typescript text, not just his annotations, typist variations could enter the transmission indistinguishable from printer's variants not caught and altered in proof unless the typescript (and original copy) were preserved as evidence for future generations of textual scholars. There is an unsubstantiated rumor that for at least one or two plays in an early volume of the Cambridge University Press's critical edition of Beaumont and Fletcher's dramatic canon (1966—), the Press made such a typescript from the difficult marked-up xeroxes of the original copy-texts although, if so, the editors were given back only the xeroxes for proofreading copy.

[16]

Actually, within this group the technical authority is by no means comparable in anything but a general sense. How much of the differences between the Quarto and Folio texts of 2 Henry IV stem from the scribe who copied the manuscript behind the Folio text is unknown; indeed, the whole lost history of the transmission of these texts before print is highly conjectural. Although the Second Quarto text of Hamlet may have been set from Shakespeare's own working papers, it seems clear that the Folio version derives from a prompt-book that from time to time had been adjusted for performance and may not even be the original book; hence in practical terms few modern editors have taken the Folio Hamlet as literally of comparable authority with the Quarto for the generality of its readings. There is some chance, however, that the two versions of Troilus have an immediate or very close relationship to Shakespeare and in the technical sense are comparable for their substantives. Even if one stemmed from a fair scribal copy and the other from Shakespeare's own papers, I fancy the overall authority is little disturbed, no matter how one might view the formal details of the scribal copy, principally because the odds seem very good that an original and a revised Shakespearean document lie behind the two forms. My intentionally neutral statement that the author 'was equally concerned in the composition of both versions' would also cover the case of Othello (albeit in a quite different sense) if Greg is correct (and not Walker) in his estimate that Quarto and Folio each derives from the versions produced by two scribes copying the same Shakespearean manuscript for different purposes.

[17]

For an extended analysis of McKerrow's definition of 'substantive' edition and of Greg's subsequent expansion of this term to include mixed texts like Richard III, Troilus, or Jonson's Catiline, whether resulting from scribal conflation with another authority or from authorial revision, see my "McKerrow, Greg, and 'Substantive Edition,'" forthcoming in The Library. The problem in the "Rationale" resulted from Greg's abandonment of his position about mixed texts as held in the Editorial Problem and his return to McKerrow's narrow definition. However, two particular remarks in the "Rationale" can be interpreted only in terms of his original acceptance of mixed texts as substantive and so suggest either incompletely digested revision of his essay or else an inadvertent anachronism in his thinking. It may be remarked that in 1942 Greg believed that the Folio Hamlet and Othello were printed from independent manuscripts, not from annotated quartos (Editorial Problem, pp. 64, 108). In his Preface to the second edition in 1951 he acknowledged the scholarship that had shown Othello and confirmed Troilus as set from quartos but he allowed his earlier statements about Hamlet to stand.

[18]

The shift might be confusing to a reader intent on following every point in the argument. In practical terms whether an edition is substantive or not, in McKerrow's sense, is of some editorial importance. If two editions are printed from different manuscripts, concurrence of readings is generally good evidence for their authority (barring common error transmitted from some antecedent document), whereas if two editions are bibliographically linked this concurrence might mean only a printing error in the first passed on to the second by scribal oversight, as is usually supposed to have happened with good kissing carrion and pious bonds (or bands) in Hamlet Q2 and F1.

[19]

At this time, especially, printers much preferred even heavily annotated printed copy to manuscripts as setting copy. In my own view, not all of the annotated copy was necessarily furnished Jaggard by the Folio editors: it is just as possible in cases when the company had provided some manuscript other than the prompt-book (not allowed from their possession) that Jaggard himself had an available quarto annotated by reference to the manuscript for the convenience of his compositors. If a prompt-book had been the only manuscript, the theatrical company would necessarily have been responsible for the marked-up printer's copy that had been conflated with it.

[20]

The only question (which Greg does not mention) might be the practicability of retaining a bad quarto's accidentals as more representative of an Elizabethan author's period than, say, a good text printed much later which modernized the formal features of some now lost early document. But the chances for such occurrences are so limited as to be ignored. In the Cambridge edition of Marlowe, it seemed pedantic to attempt to restore the bad quarto's first-edition accidentals in the text of Doctor Faustus for those portions of the later good quarto based on the annotated third edition of the bad. In order to avoid a top-heavy apparatus of emendation, convenience suggested the propriety (since in neither case was there evidence for accidental authority) of using the later good edition as copy-text. Interestingly, on page 111 of Prolegomena McKerrow discusses the possibility of using the accidentals of the bad Q1 Richard III and decides that it was mainly convenience that dictated his choice of the derived Folio as copy-text instead.

[21]

Actually convenience cannot be ignored when the choice seems relatively indifferent because of one's ignorance. In both Beggars Bush and The Woman's Prize the manuscript behind the 1647 Folio seems to be closer in text to the authors' working papers but the printing was about fifteen to twenty years later than the inscription of the preserved manuscript. Nevertheless, the punctuation of the manuscripts would have called for an extensive apparatus of emendation had they been selected as copy-text. The difference in formal features did not seem sufficient to justify the considerable reworking of the accidentals that would have been necessary in a critical edition, especially since it was possible that the system of the Folio, being set from an older manuscript than the scribal transcripts, might still be closer to the authors. When nothing is known of an author's accidentals, a practising editor (as distinguished from a textual theorist) is likely to have some sympathy with Greg's remarks about expediency.

[22]

In his general account (IX, 72) Simpson also remarks on the fact that the press-corrections are heavier in the older works and drop off markedly in the newer, which he takes to be an indication that Jonson was bringing these older plays up to date. One may comment that if Jonson had indeed read pre-printing proofs, this disparity need not have existed since then his in-press alterations should have shown light polishing and second thoughts plus the correction of compositorial failure to follow copy. Instead, the evidence suggests the serious correction and revision at the press that is to be expected if these were the only proofs he saw. The disparity in press-correction between the older and newer plays also has another implication in that it automatically reduces assumptions about the amount of compositorial transmissional error corrected in press and increases the amount of Jonson's independent revision to be found in the press-variants in the older plays. In turn this suggests that the original marking of setting copy may have been less extensive than usually thought in respect to the kind of details represented by his press-corrections since these would mainly be new changes.

[23]

The closest parallels I can think of concern the relation between a preserved early draft manuscript or typescript like Stephen Crane's "A Detail" or "The Octopush" and the completely rewritten revision that was subsequently published from a now lost quite different copy. Even the William James manuscripts that must yield as copy-texts to his greatly worked-over book publications are not this distant from the revised form: the choice of James's books as copy-texts is made for other reasons than those that affect Every Man in his Humour.

[24]

This is a confusing footnote at best since it seems to use Greg's discarded expansion and not McKerrow's strict bibliographical definition of 'substantive edition.' Technically, the Shakespearean bad quartos that represent two substantive editions in the bad and good texts according to McKerrow's standard would be like The Merry Wives of Windsor where the bad quarto was not utilized as copy for the good Folio text. (Q1 and Q2 Hamlet, in my opinion, would also be substantive in this sense.) Plays like Richard III offer a paradox. Technically according to the "Rationale" the bad quarto (Q1) is the substantive edition since it alone was printed without reference to any other edition, and the Folio is a derived edition since its printer's copy was contrived by annotating a copy of the Quarto (Q3) with readings from a good manuscript. But to be technical in this matter is to be ridiculous textually, and other terms must be sought. It would have been helpful if Greg had not blurred the distinction between the two kinds of bad quartos, for this distinction powerfully affects his definition of the corresponding good texts.

[25]

Among other important differences, the accidentals of the earlier edition have no authority and the bad quarto would not be an acceptable copy-text even if it were practicable to introduce into its accidental texture the good substantive readings (and their accompanying accidentals) from the Folio. Moreover, when as is inevitable the Folio of Richard III is taken as copy-text, no one but a variorum editor would dream of recording the Bad Quarto's variant accidentals as Simpson felt obliged to do for the Quarto (and later editions) when he selected the 1616 Folio as copy-text for Sejanus.

[26]

The only question (which Greg does not mention) might be the practicability of retaining the bad quarto's accidentals as more representative of an Elizabethan author's period than, say, a good text printed in the eighteenth century with the texture of that period. But the chances of such occurrences are so limited as to be ignored. The First Folio's accidentals, although 'modernized' from copy, are not so vitally different from those of earlier quartos as to be anachronistic to a serious degree.

[27]

When in the manuscript of The Marble Faun Hawthorne was endeavoring to spell in the English manner for the English publishers of the first edition, he nevertheless retained neighbor as an -or spelling. William James is an -or speller but he invariably writes colour and usually honour. Hawthorne's attempts to style his manuscript in the British manner led him to adopt some -our spellings that were not acceptable by English standards of the day. Having chosen the manuscript as copy-text in the Centenary Edition of this romance, I felt that to alter Hawthorne's uncharacteristic but self-imposed -our to the American -or he used in other works (or even to the current British standards) would have been essentially to modernize the text. This is a different matter from my editorial position that British forms in William James's articles printed in English journals should be Americanized to his standard manuscript practice, observable in those preserved manuscripts underlying the British prints. Naturally, when James revised such articles for American book collection, he or the compositors gave them the normal American spellings in the editions that have been chosen as copy-texts. Thus the two principles are quite different and do not apply to each other even when James's British periodical articles might become the copy-text in default of other more authoritative documents.

[28]

This is less open-ended than it sounds because in this period (with authors like Jonson something of an exception) one can usually never satisfy oneself that such spellings are not authorial: ordinarily Elizabethan works are edited with no authorial manuscripts preserved to indicate what the author's accidentals were like. Moreover, given the variation in spelling the same word customary in most authors (and many scribes), to decide whether or not some word is authoritatively spelled requires more confidence in normality than most Elizabethan editors would wish to assume. The practical upshot is that the more eccentric the spelling, the more likely an editor is to impute it to the author.

[29]

Always granting that in early authors they usually cannot be distinguished from compositorial or scribal spellings and that the preservation of authorial characteristics in early literature is likely to be less than in later, much depending, however, on the care with which a later writer marks copy and reads proof.

[30]

In a far cry from the attitude of the editor of modern literature toward the importance of copy-text to the presentation of an author, Greg writes (p. 384), "The thesis I am arguing is that the historical circumstances of the English language make it necessary to adopt in formal matters [i.e. accidentals] the guidance of some early text."

[31]

Although Greg would not necessarily have wished to confine this statement to substantives, the context makes it clear that he is thinking only of substantives when he writes 'original reading' and that his chief concern in this passage is to defend the rights of an editor to choose substantive variants from authoritative editions other than the copy-text. How much he would have defended the same rights as applied to accidentals is problematic. In the "Rationale," at least, he does not remark on the anomaly that Herford-Simpson in Sejanus (F being the copy-text) add certain cases of apostrophus from Q which F had dropped but do not emend, according to the same principles, when F normalizes the Q classicizing spellings with one hand while adding a few with the other. Nor does he comment on the tyranny of the copy-text that persuaded the editors to retain what appear to be F corruptions of Q's use of apostrophus, as in He's for Q He'is. Rightly or wrongly, the general impression one is likely to receive from the "Rationale" is a concentration on editorial freedom to deal with variant substantives but little recognition of the comparable opportunities that exist with accidentals.

[32]

Especially when a reprint is line for line with its copy, considerable mechanical advantage accrues in hand setting to follow the accidentals of the original in order to speed justification of the line. I am no historian of publishing practices and have no idea when the modern custom of a publisher styling the manuscript, to be followed exactly by the printer, revolutionized the older system. What I know from observation is that Hawthorne's manuscripts in the 185os were not at all marked by Tichnor and Fields but were heavily styled at the Riverside Press, several thousand accidental variants from the manuscript press copy appearing in each first edition. (There is also some question whether Tichnor and Fields ever assisted Hawthorne in reading proof for these romances.) The Marble Faun manuscript was not marked, either, by Smith, Elder, its British publisher. In the first decade of the twentieth century Longmans, Green never attempted to style William James's manuscripts or typescripts: James dealt directly with the Riverside Press for each step of the books' production. Whether it was the passage of fifty years or the difference between a fiction writer and a philosopher, in contrast to Hawthorne the Riverside Press set James's copy with considerable fidelity. A test case is his posthumous Some Problems in Philosophy in which his customary heavy proof-correction is not present to interfere with the evidence. The Riverside Press departed from the typescript copy furnished it by Horace Kallen in only about one accidental for every five or so printed pages. In PBSA, 71 (1977), 59 (see fn. 9 above), Bush detects a movement from the mid-eighteenth century toward the substitution of copyreading for the proofreader's correction of authorial accidentals; but he remarks "How widespread this reader's function was is impossible to say," and the references he cites are few and rather vague.

[33]

Here the evidence of Some Problems of Philosophy is very useful, indeed, in giving us an insight into the fidelity of setting his works customary at the Riverside Press. In James's Psychology (1890) the Holt printer's fidelity in close to verbatim setting from printed copy suggests that when more numerous variants from copy are elsewhere found the creator of these variants (both accidental and substantive) was James himself.

[34]

After the editor had made a futile attempt with Pragmatism, the initial volume, to apply the more common Greg rationale and insert substantive book revision in the journals used as copy-texts.

[35]

In "Principles and Methods in the Collected Edition of John Stuart Mill (Editing Nineteenth Century Texts [1967], p. 117) J. M. Robson remarks that "An electronic eye may find otherwise, but to the human eye there is (in general) a uniformity in accidentals between the substantively revised and unrevised portions of the later editions, a uniformity which does not exist between later revisions and earlier revised passages." The sense of this is not wholly clear to me, but if it attempts to distinguish the uniformity throughout the latest revised edition, for which Dr. Robson is arguing as copy-text, from the lack of uniformity in earlier revised texts, the evidence is not necessarily an indication of Mill's extensive accidental revision in the uniform text but could be the styling applied alike to revised and unrevised sections by the printer of the final edition. Dr. Robson may well be right in his choice of copy-texts, but his evidence is suspect.

[36]

A complicating factor can be the publisher's revisions also introduced into a revised text, as happened with F. Scott Fitzgerald: see M. J. Bruccoli, Apparatus for F. Scott Fitzgerald's The Great Gatsby (1974).

[37]

Naturally, no one would argue that in the transmission of meaning accidentals are as important as substantives, although there is always the example of the letter in Ralph Roister Doister as well as the two versions of Hamlet's what a piece of work is a man speech to show the contrary. I am talking about editorial principle, insofar as it can be implemented, and not expediency in any individual case. Since accidentals in modern times have lost the philological significance that Greg thought worth preserving, if they have not gained correspondingly in importance as a part of the total complex of authorial meaning, then all later texts might be modernized and discussions of copy-text are idle.

[38]

However, one must always consider the role of authorial oversight; even the scrupulous William James sometimes inadvertently overlooked in one passage anomalies he had set right in another.

[39]

Few writers are likely to quarrel with normal printer's (or publisher's) styling when the sense is acceptable even though it may differ from their own accidental characteristics, which alone should concern an editor and which, incidentally, are likely to remain constant in later documents. For instance, Stephen Crane seldom put commas between adjectives in series although the printer almost invariably 'corrected' him. He made no effort to remove these commas when he read proof, but neither did he accept the lesson and insert such commas in his subsequent manuscripts. William James usually (although not invariably) omitted the comma in the British fashion before the and or or of a coordinate series of three or more, which American printers usually inserted. He would sometimes in proof remove this inserted comma but perhaps more usually not, although his own practice was never affected in his manuscripts. The question that goes unanswered is whether a writer's indifference, his oversight, or an unwillingness to demand resetting of such departures constitute 'approval' of uncharacteristic accidentals in a revised edition, especially when the setting copy itself exhibited certain categories of these accidentals in the writer's characteristic form.

[40]

In the Berg Collection of the New York Public Library is preserved a memorandum written by Hitchcock addressed to but not demonstrably seen by Crane which was sent by Hitchcock to the printer in order to correct nine readings in subsequent impressions of the Red Badge. The following semi-query was addressed to Crane but no answer is preserved in case he ever saw it: "I don't understand just what local dialect you give your men, but suppose it to be western New York—I thought 'derned' and 'yeh' did not begin till farther west, but it is doubtless all right." The corrections (some of which are sophistications) are not in themselves evidence of Hitchcock's intervention in the preparation of the typescript for the printer, before or after Crane had himself finally revised it in New Orleans. In fact, it could be suggested that the readings (and the dialect) are matters he would have taken up in any careful publisher's reading of the typescript setting copy. It may be noted that the one major substantive alteration Hitchcock ordered (Moreover for Too) caught only one of the four occurrences in the first edition (and manuscript) of this typical Crane locution and is a manifest sophistication.

[41]

One need not be too casual about these losses, of course: preservation of the proof would help to identify any publisher's alterations, and preservation of the typescript would establish the extent of the publisher's editing of the printer's copy as against Crane's New Orleans revisions. However, if the manuscript is taken as copy-text, the loss is not so great as if the first edition had been selected (or the manuscript not preserved), for the authorial markings in these two documents would not have been extensive (especially in the proofs) and most substantive authorial changes may be identified by comparison of the manuscript with the first edition.

[42]

Since I have extensively analyzed problems of copy-text, with illustrations, in "Multiple Authority: New Problems and Concepts of Copy-Text," Essays, pp. 447-487, with further discussion in "Remarks on Eclectic Texts," pp. 488-528, the account here is correspondingly brief.

[43]

If Jonson did revise some of the accidentals as well as the substantives in the working papers before sending them to the printer, such accidentals would be impossible for an editor to distinguish from those originally present in the working papers but inadvertently not copied faithfully in the fair authorial transcript. Of this nature perhaps are the characteristic parentheses that Simpson notices as appearing in the Quarto Masque of Queens in some places where they are wanting in the preserved fair copy. Of course, from the point of view of a critically edited text, the origin is of no practical account so long as such variants are established (a) as authorial, and (b) as not representing a revision in writing out the fair copy although permitted to stand in the working papers and thence transferred to print.

[44]

Greg adds that the editor should also record "the alteration whenever the sense is appreciably affected." This selective permissiveness would prevent a reader from reconstructing the original from the apparatus and hence he would never know in any given case whether he was reading the original or the editor's silent substitution. Greg's remarks on the treatment of accidentals in an apparatus are not to be taken seriously as prescripts.

[45]

If the ideal state prevailed that an editor would produce the same critical text regardless of the choice of copy-text, then the whole matter would be academic and the choice would rest purely on the convenience of the apparatus. But except for multiple-authority texts like newspapers set from a common syndicate proof and preserved in sufficient numbers for statistics to operate, this state is quite theoretical, for few cases permit an editor to be certain about the exact authority of each individual variant accidental. Thus the choice of copy-text will exercise an important influence on the neutral accidentals printed in the critical edition: all those in the copy-text not subject to treatment like substantives must be taken on faith as in general representing more authority than those in the other document(s).

[46]

The textual commentary in the Centenary Edition (1974), IX, 536-547, may be consulted for the details. More evidence is present, with more variety, in Mosses from an Old Manse (1974), X, 537-556. The transmissional problems of The Snow-Image (1974), XI, 411-422, do not differ in kind except for one or two tales. In all these stories the collected book editions were taken to be of lesser accidental authority than the earlier printings and hence were rejected as copy-texts since Hawthorne had made only a minimum of alteration either in copy or in proof. In short, many more accidental variants appear in the books than those that might be imputed to Hawthorne. Under these circumstances, authority is best preserved, on the odds, by altering the originals in the few cases when the book accidentals give evidence of authorial change than by accepting the book's accidentals en bloc and restoring the forms of the originals only as corrections of the errors in the book.

[47]

For example, three accidental press-corrections were made in the punctuation of the four pages of the inner forme of sheet B in the revised 1668 edition, but in this same forme two variant spellings from the first edition, two variant word-divisions, three variant capitalizations, and three punctuational differences were not touched although presumably compositorial. If the revised 1668 edition had been chosen as copy-text over the 1667 first, ten unauthoritative accidentals would have been reprinted in order to secure three authorial (not identifiable if they had not been determined by press-correction). However, the third edition of 1670 was also revised. In the same four pages this text makes four substantive alterations. If Dryden had also touched up the accidentals at the same time, on the evidence of the 1668 copy whatever he had altered would be lost among the three changes from 1668 in word-division, twenty-three in capitalization, and eight in punctuation. The revised 1670 edition, therefore, would depart from 1667 in a total of forty-four accidentals, of which only three by a fortunate chance can be identified as authoritative. The major part of the remainder are presumably compositorial, including those categories not press-corrected by Dryden in 1668.

[48]

This would include radiating texts in which a choice of copy-text rests on the convenience of the reader according to the ease with which he can refer to the apparatus. That is, it is most convenient, usually, to select that radiating text that needs the least correction from the others and thus one that has the fewest unassigned accidentals. When enough witnesses have been preserved so that the statistical tables of the accidental variants can be utilized as the basis for choice, there should be little if any need for an editor to rely on any accidental in the copy-text simply because it occurs in the copy-text, although he may of course take that fact into account when the copy-text document seems on the whole to be relatively faithful and all other evidence is indifferent, as by only partial corroboration from other witnesses. On the other hand, if an editor chooses to adopt G. T. Tanselle's ingenious suggestions for a new kind of apparatus for radiating texts, the need for an arbitrary copy-text vanishes: see his "Editorial Apparatus for Radiating Texts," The Library, 5th ser., 29 (1974), 330-337.

[49]

The necessary changes according to the textual results of this new discovery are incorporated in the text of the 1977 paperback edition published by the Wesleyan University Press, with page-line references to enable holders of the two-volume Wesleyan-Clarendon edition (1975) to correct their copies pending a second printing of the larger form.

[50]

Some useful surveys of two of the Shakespeare Folio's compositors' errors in setting against copy may be found in Alice Walker, Textual Problems of the First Folio (1953), especially pp. 31-35, 86-93, 119-120, 130-134, 143-149. Another such list can be found in John S. O'Connor, "A Qualitative Analysis of Compositors C and D in the Shakespeare First Folio," Studies in Bibliography, 30 (1977), 69-74.

[51]

One may add, as a contributing factor, the possibility with careless authors that an indifferent variant in the revised edition may also be the publisher's editor, as happens in Crane's revised Maggie, and, as mentioned, in F. Scott Fitzgerald's plate revisions. This publisher's intervention can come in a different line of revision, as between an author's manuscript and the copy finally given to the printer, as assumed in Crane's novels published by Appleton although the extent of Ripley Hitchcock's ministrations is still far from certain as compared with those of the printer.

[52]

If, as seems likely, Fielding's lost manuscript actually contained laid hold on and anywise it might not be enough to show that these locutions could be found elsewhere in his works. Unfortunately, even their appearance at a date later than the 1743 third edition might not provide positive evidence one way or another, for it is clear that some of the readings of the 1749 first edition of Tom Jones (revised about a year later in the fourth edition) repeated the same sort of original readings that had been revised out of Joseph Andrews in 1743 and 1748. What would be needed would be evidence that Fielding used both, whether indiscriminately or chronologically. In that case the third-edition reading could be taken with more confidence as an authorial revision. If the third-edition form never appeared elsewhere in Fielding, it would suffer under the presumption of error, of course.

[53]

This is an argument to be used with discretion, of course, when the compositorial stints are unidentifiable. In Tom Jones, for instance, I am not troubled by the revised fourth edition's normalization of a country landlady's 'Here's a great young Squire, and a many other great Gentlefolks of Quality' (537.6-8) to and many other, for it is a natural sophistication or eyeskip; and when at 834.30 the same change is made in a reported speech by Squire Western an editor may merely note to himself that the earlier occurrence now seems more probable as sophistication. It seems difficult to believe that Fielding would remove such an idiom from two dialect speaking characters: a literal minded compositor, or even a pair, seems the better explanation.

[54]

On this evidence it is probable that in Joseph Andrews two examples of the reverse movement, both in the fourth edition of 1748-49, are not revisions but compositorial changes to be ignored in favor of the copy-text: broke for 1-3 broken (151.10) and tore for torn (331.40).

[55]

Estimate of error outside of positive typographical misprints or quite contrary sense, which do not count as evidence, is partly subjective, of course. Nevertheless, in Tom Jones if one sets aside the cases when the fourth edition followed a variant in its corrupt third-edition copy, there appear to be no certain compositorial substantive errors departing from copy in Book I, only one in Book II, two in Book III, six in Book IV, nine in Book V, seven in Book VI, and so on. Given the quantity of text, this represents greater faithfulness than would be expected in an Elizabethan printing-house. These presumptive errors contrast with seemingly authorial substantive revisions as follows: twenty-three in Book I, eighteen in Book II, eighteen in Book III, thirty-nine in Book IV, forty-three in Book V, and twenty in Book VI.

[56]

One must repeat that all rules are off when dealing with variant pre-publication scribal transmission of authority as with Shakespeare's two-text plays, or Fletcher's plays with preserved scribal manuscripts in a different line. Usually in such plays the chances for tracing the origin of error in any bibliographical sense are minimal, at least with results likely to win a consensus.