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The first facsimile reprint of Whitney's emblem-book was edited in 1866 by Henry Green, who as one of the founders of the Holbein Society pioneered the modern study of emblem literature.[1] Continuing his interest in reviving the study of Renaissance iconography, Green edited, between 1868 and 1872, many reprints ranging from Hans Holbein the Younger's Icones Historiarum Veteris Testamenti and Les Simulacres de la Mort (1869), to Henry Godyere's The Mirrour of Majestie (1870), and to the principal early editions of Alciati's Emblemata. Except in his last work, Andrea Alciati and His Books of Emblems (1872), nowhere did Green lavish as much effort as in the reprint of Whitney. In addition to the "Introductory Dissertation," "Index to the Mottoes," and "Postscript to the Introductory Dissertation," which traces the ancestry of Whitney, Green appended four "Literary and Bibliographical" essays, close to one hundred pages of "Notes" and "Addenda" as well as sixty-three plates, most of them title-pages and selected emblems from early emblem-books. Yet more recent scholars of emblem literature have paid only passing attention to Green's edition as a whole. Rosemary Freeman notes briefly that "H. Green in his edition of Whitney's A

Choice of Emblemes. 1866. p. 252. has shown that 202 out of 248 woodcuts were printed from identical blocks."[2] In Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery, Mario Praz also notes tersely: "Edited in facsimile by Green for the Holbein Society, 1866, with a survey of the first emblem-writers, and various observations on sources, etc.; all with little method and less accuracy."[3] It is with Green's study of Whitney's sources that the other recent treatises on Choice have concerned themselves. John Franklin Leisher, in his 1952 Harvard dissertation, "Geoffrey Whitney's Choice of Emblemes and Its Relation to the Emblematic Vogue in Tudor England," corrects several of Green's oversights, discovers a new source in Georgette de Montenay's Les Emblèmes ou devises chrestiennes (1571), and eliminates all of Green's "similar" sources as irrelevant. In her 1964 Saint Louis University dissertation, Sister M. Simon Nolde reaches conclusions similar to those of Leisher, even though working apparently without knowledge of the latter's study.[4] Perhaps the first person ever to study the manuscript original of Choice (the presentation copy to the Earl of Leicester now in the Harvard College Library, designated, and hereinafter referred to, as MS. Typ 14), Leisher unfortunately made only perfunctory use of it. MS. Typ 14 is more fully described by Frank Fieler in his introduction to the 1967 reissue of Green's edition published by Benjamin Blom.[5] The general nature of this introduction, however, precludes any detailed treatment of the similarities and differences between the MS and the printed edition and the drawing of meaningful conclusions as to the process of converting from one to the other. The story of how

Whitney produced the printed edition of Choice from the MS remains to be told.[6] Moreover, in view of the fact that the two recent revisions of Green's attribution of sources both appear in unpublished theses, a few readers still regard Green's edition as the sole authority and do not hesitate to rely on his findings, inaccurate though some of them have been proved to be.[7] There is a need, therefore, for a fresh study of Whitney's A Choice of Emblemes, in light especially of its manuscript, and of those aspects that have been neglected both by Green and by recent studies of Choice. This need is all the more urgent now that Whitney's emblem-book is rapidly becoming more available because both Choice itself and Green's edition of it have been reproduced by many enterprising reprint presses. For example, in 1969, just two years after the reissue of Green's edition by Blom, Choice was reprinted by the Scolar Press of Menston, England, as No. 3 of its English Emblem Books series with a note by John Horden, as well as by Amsterdam's Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (distributed in New York by Da Capo Press) as No. 161 of its English Experience series; and in 1971, Green's edition was again reprinted by Olms of Hildesheim, Germany (distributed in New York by Adler's Foreign Books). Although most of the biographical and bibliographical details in Green's edition remain useful, his neglect of Whitney's woodcuts, verses, annotations, and "newly devised" emblems must be remedied, and his treatment of Whitney's sources and mottoes reviewed and revised.

The purpose of this essay, then, is to provide a more accurate and comprehensive study of Whitney's A Choice of Emblemes. It will concern itself with these areas: 1. source, 2. motto, 3. woodcut, 4. verse, 5. annotation, and 6. "newly devised" emblems. In each area the

manuscript version will be compared with the printed version in order to disclose the process by which one is converted into the other, assuming of course that MS. Typ 14 was, if not the copy, at least the basis for the copy, of the printed edition. Comparison of the two versions will also reveal the number of emblem-books that were available to Whitney during the composition of the manuscript in England and the number of new sources he used in producing the printed version at Leyden. Of especial interest are those twenty emblems in the MS that have no known emblematic sources; ten of them were copied and made into woodcuts at Leyden by an artist/engraver who, under Whitney's instruction, added five more such emblems. A study of these fifteen "newly devised" emblems along with an examination of the other five areas will go far toward rescuing Whitney from the common modern estimate of him as merely an emblem-collector/translator of little originality and discovering him to be an emblem-writer of considerable ingenuity and skill. Above all, such a study will provide a more enlightening background for relating Whitney's emblem-making to poetic imagery of such English authors as Spenser, Shakespeare, Daniel, Chapman, and Donne. Before proceeding with the six areas of concern, it would be helpful to give some general ideas concerning the composition of both MS. Typ 14 and Choice, together with a brief account of the circumstances under which the latter was printed.

Bound in sixteenth-century vellum, MS. Typ 14 contains 98 folios, written on both sides of each leaf. Presented to the Earl of Leicester on 28 November 1585 (according to the date in the printed version of the "Epistle Dedicatorie" since the MS epistle is undated), it is decorated with 197 emblematic drawings in pen-and-ink, sepia, and blue water-color. Offered for sale in December 1899 in Quaritch Catalog 194, No. 1395, and bought by William Augustus White on 2 January 1900, it was presented to the Harvard College Library in 1941 by Harold T. White and Mrs. Hugh D. Marshall.[8] It has two parts. The first part, written in ink now turned brown, begins on fol. 1v with the arms of the Earl of Leicester and continues with the epistle dedicatory (fols. 2-5), the dedication to Jove (fol. 6v), and 91 drawings (fols. 7-50). The second part, written in violet ink, follows a blank page (fol. 50v) and has a half-title which has in the middle the Leicester crest of a muzzled bear chained to a ragged post surrounded by a knotted belt with the famous motto, "Honi soit qui mal y pense," and

a six-line Latin quotation from Nicolas Reusner. Following this half-title are verses in praise of Leicester and his brother Warwick (fols. 51v-52) and 106 drawings (fols. 52v-98v). There is a missing leaf in the MS between fols. 43v and 44. On fol. 43v is a drawing with the motto "Quicquid delirant reges, plectuntr Achiui" and a stanza of ten iambic pentameter lines which correspond to the emblem "Non dolo, sed vi" on p. 58 of Choice. On the first half of fol. 44, instead of the beginning of the next emblem with its motto and woodcut, are the last two sextets of the missing emblem "Silentium" which in the printed edition appears on p. 60. The woodcut of "Silentium" pictures Harpocrates holding an index finger over his mouth while reading a book at his desk; it is supported by a seven-sextet verse, the first half of which appears on the same page with the woodcut. The remaining three and one half sextets continue on the next page, p. 61; separated from these verses by a horizontal bar of a decorative border, the alternate emblem, without woodcut, entitled "Video, & taceo" in eight lines of poulter's measure fills out the rest of this page. Correspondingly, the identical alternate emblem also fills out the second half of fol. 44. The missing leaf should then contain on its recto the emblem "Nimium rebus ne fide secundis" identical to that on p. 59 of Choice and on its verso the motto "Silentium," a drawing corresponding to the woodcut on p. 60 of Choice, and a verse of five sextets that is continued by the two sextets on fol. 44.[9] The MS measures 270 x 190 mm. (10 ¾ x 7 ½”). The drawings in the first twenty folios are enclosed in heavily lined (the rest in thin-lined) rectangular frames. The dimensions of the drawings vary, depending on whether they appear alone on a leaf, fill out half a leaf, or share a leaf with another drawing. The single drawing on a leaf measures 64 x 86 mm. (2 ½ x 3 ⅜”); the double drawings on a single leaf 44 x 80 mm. (1 ¾ x 3 ⅛”); drawings used to fill out the lower half of a leaf sometimes measure 58 x 83 mm. (2 ¼ x 3 ¼”). The changes in size between a model and an MS drawing, and between the latter and the woodcut in Choice, tax the ability of the copying artists and sometimes produce interesting results (see Section 3 below). These changes also reflect the progressive differences among designs of the model, the MS, and the printed version.

Just ten days after he received the manuscript of Choice from Whitney, Leicester went to the Low Countries on 8 December 1585 as the Queen's Lord Lieutenant and Captain General of the English forces to help the Dutch States General against Spain. Whitney followed him there shortly as a supernumerary in the party of Janus Dousa, one of the ambassadors sent to England after the fall of Antwerp in August by the States General to seek Elizabeth's intervention. At the beginning of the new year (1586), the Dousas, father and son (to each of whom Whitney dedicated an emblem, and the younger Dousa also wrote the first commendatory verse, in Choice), along with Whitney were at the University of Leyden, where the senior Dousa was the rector and where on 11 January the Earl of Leicester was entertained as the honored guest. Leicester stayed in Leyden until the twentieth. It is not inconceivable that it was on this occasion that Whitney was persuaded to publish his collection of emblems from the MS, as he said that he was ". . . earnestlie required by somme that perused the same, to haue it imprinted. . ." ("To the Reader," sig. **3v). "By somme" might very well refer to the Dousas, who had taken a great personal interest in Whitney and his talents.[10] Perhaps to facilitate his task Whitney was matriculated at the university on 1 March 1586 and lived close to both the university and the Plantin printing shop, whose printer Francis Raphelengius later became professor of Hebrew at Leyden. Whether or not the printing of Choice by Raphelengius was also motivated politically to popularize Leicester's name so as to enable him to assume sovereign power in the Low Countries, as has been suggested by Fieler (p. xiii), may not be as relevant to our purposes here as the fact that Whitney had less than three months in which to publish the book—in which to select from the Plantin stock over 200 woodblocks, instruct an artist/engraver to copy 35 additional emblems and to devise five new ones, compose or translate verses for at least 62 emblems that were not in the MS, and to add a large amount of marginalia. The text of the verses in the printed edition shows signs of haste in the many punctuation and spelling errors by an illiterate compositor. Although Whitney caught nine of the "Faultes escaped in the Printing" (sig. ***2v), and although he mentioned that he had

already corrected most of the faults, there are legions of others—particularly the overuse of commas and the atrocious use of the question marks. Yet, on the whole, the printed Choice, completed on 4 May 1586, is comparable in execution and attractiveness to the best of the continental emblem-books of the period.

A Choice of Emblemes follows the two-part division of the MS, but with the addition of the epistle "To the Reader" (sigs. **3v-**4v), seven commendatory verses (sigs. ***1-***2), the errata already mentioned and on the same page the same verse dedicated in the MS to Jove now addressed to D.O.M. (Deo, Optimo, Maximo). Part one has 113 emblems, one of them, on p. 61, as has been mentioned above, is a "naked" emblem, an emblem without woodcut, and one of them, on p. 95, is a "newly devised" emblem. Of the emblems in this part, 17 contain no marginalia; 31 are dedicated to Whitney's acquaintances. Part two has 135 emblems; 14 are "newly devised," 31 without annotation, and 60 are dedicated. All emblems in Choice are surrounded by decorative borders; those dual emblems that occupy the same page sometimes have borders only on two sides. The size of woodcuts is more uniform than that of the MS drawings; a vast majority of them measure in a square of 57 mm. (2 ¼”), although those from Sambucus and Junius vary in height from 47 to 51 mm. (1 ⅞ to 2”). The most noticeable exceptions in size are those woodcuts borrowed from Paradin which are unframed and measure as high as 83 mm. (3 ¼”). In changing these vertical rectangular models into his horizontal rectangular drawings, the MS artist produced a number of inferior copies. With this general description of both MS. Typ 14 and Choice, the full story of their conversion is now ready to be unfolded.

1. Review of Sources

In the "Epistle Dedicatorie" to Leicester, Whitney reveals the nature of his collection: ". . . most humblie presente theise my gatheringes, and gleaninges out of other mens haruestes, vnto your honour. . . ." The printed title-page also announces that Choice is "For the most parte gathered out of sundrie writers." The extent of his acknowledged sources may be deduced from his references to them in the letter "To the Reader" and from his annotations in both the MS and Choice. Apologizing for having dedicated his emblems to his friends, he cites the practices of Reusner, Junius, and Sambucus; and in referring his readers to further discussion on the meaning of the word emblem, he lists those by "And. Alciatus, Guiliel. Perrerius [i.e., La Perrière], Achilles Bocchius" (sigs. **2v-**3). Annotations on some of his sources further show his use of Alciati's Emblemata, especially the Plantin editions (after 1573) with copious commentaries by Claude Mignault (or Minos), Barthélemy Aneau's (or

Anulus') Picta Poesis, and Gabriel Faernus' Fabulae Centum. With these clues as to Whitney's possible sources, and anxious to show Whitney's familiarity with as many contemporary emblem-books as possible, Green establishes three categories of emblem according to their sources; those untraced which he classifies as Whitney's "original" or "newly devised"; those identical to their sources because they were struck off from the same woodblocks used in printing their source emblem-books; and those similar to and suggested by their sources. To quote from his summaries: "Thus the devices in Whitney, which are similar to those of other emblem writers of his own era, and which might be suggested by them, are 103—to be thus distributed: to Brant, 7; Perrière, 13; Corrozet, 11; Horapollo, 9; Aneau, 12; Coustau, 8; Giovio and Symeoni, 13; Freitag, 13; Beza, 4; and Reusner, 13. Probably, however, he did not borrow from these sources above 23 emblems"; and "Now, ascertaining the results of inquiry after the devices in Whitney, struck off from the same wood-blocks, and therefore identical with those of other emblem writers, we count up—for Alciat 86 instances, Paradin 32, Sambucus 48, Junius 20, and Faerni 16; in all, 202. In Whitney's work there are 248 devices [i.e., emblems], and we have accounted for the whole; 23 were original, 23 suggested, and 202 are identical with those of the five emblematists last named. Thus in 'The Choice of Emblemes' 225 have been 'gathered out of sundrie writers,' and 23 is the number of the 'divers newly devised.'"[11] Green's method generates two types of confusion. First, in tracing sources of device and motto together, Green identified one source for the motto of an emblem, though without so specifying, and explained in the notes that for device (i.e., wooduct) another source was used.[12] Secondly, in distinguishing the 23 "suggested" sources from the 80 merely "similar" by italicizing the emblem descriptions of the former group, Green neglected to italicize five descriptions so that only 18 were "suggested." Moreover, after going through the separate lists and 103 emblems, a reader then is told that Whitney did not use them as models except in 23 instances; he feels cheated and frustrated.

In reviewing Green's source attributions, Leisher rightly criticizes the artificial distinction between "similar" and "suggested." "It should be noted," he writes, "that the other source-books listed by Green—Brant, Corrozet, Horapollo, Coustau, Giovio, Freitag, Beza, and Reusner—do not, despite careful study, yield a single design which can for any reason be

considered a source-device" (p. 394). He goes too far, however, in combining the "suggested" with the "identical" into a single "actual source" category. For him the emblems in Choice have either "actual" or "untraced" sources. This failure to recognize the 25 emblems that are "copied" and "recopied" from other emblem-books causes Leisher to be inconsistent. Those emblems from Aneau that are copied by Whitney's artists, regardless of the minor differences in design, are listed under the "actual" category, whereas the two emblems copied from La Perrière and Montenay admittedly with greater differences in design are put under the "untraced" category. For instance, in the text of his dissertation he lists Whitney's emblem on p. 225 as having an actual source in Montenay's No. 63. However, in Appendix F, "The Sources of the Devices," he omits it from the list under Montenay, adds it instead to the "untraced" list, and at the same time notes parenthetically that it may be modeled in part on Montenay's No. 12. Similarly, assigning Whitney's emblem on p. 108 to the "untraced" list, he notes in parentheses that it may be based on La Perrière's first emblem (p. 393, n. 18; cf. pp. 506, 508). The truth of the matter is that both were copied from their respective sources with considerable modifications, so much so, especially of Whitney's emblem on p. 225, that it should properly be considered as a "newly devised," having been modeled partially on more than two emblems from Montenay (see Section 6 below). The only other serious lapse in Leisher's revision is in identifying Whitney's emblem on p. 62 as from Alciati's No. XXIV and Whitney's emblem on p. 133 as from Alciati's No. CLIX. These pairings are incorrect because Leisher followed the woodcuts alone and paid no attention to the mottoes and the verses. He had based his comparison on the 1577 Plantin edition of Alciati's Emblemata, without noticing that the woodcuts for these two emblems were switched in printing by mistake (Figs. 1 & 2). The correct pairings should be: Whitney, p. 62, "Withered elm and fruitful vine" with Alciati's No. CLIX, "Amicitia, etiam post mortem durans," and Whitney, p. 133, "The vine and the olive" with Alciati, No. XXIV, "Prudentes vino abstinent." The MS artist and Green were both misled by the same printing error; however, Whitney made the right switching in Choice. (More on this in Section 3 below.)

To date, the tabulation of sources has always been made in separate lists according to emblem-writers, not infrequently resulting in inconsistencies, as in the case of Leisher's tables, and discrepancies as in the case of Green's more than fifteen lists. As a remedy a master list of the sources for the emblems with their mottoes is constructed here as Appendix II. (Henceforth references to Whitney's emblems and to those of his sources will follow the format as explained in the headnotes to that appendix.) At a glance, the preponderance of emblems whose woodcuts are identical to those of their sources can now be better appreciated. Even more significant are those "copied" from their sources and those "newly devised"; for despite their small number, 40 in all, they are more revealing of Whitney's method of collecting and devising emblems. But because of the inaccuracies in the previous source attributions, their exact number cannot until now be

established. Green's misattributions may first be summarized:

Wh	Source Assigned by Green	Revised Source
1	Par 72	Jun (14)
31	Newly Devised	Sam [249]
131	Horapollo 124 or Coustau 178	Newly Devised
133	Newly Devised	Alc (24)
166a	Newly Devised	Mon (72)
184	Freitag, 69	Newly Devised
186	Reusner, III, 21	Sam [234]
188a	Per (47) or Reusner, II, 12	Par 226
189a	Freitag, 177 or Reusner, II, 22	Sam [269]
216a	Newly Devised	Mon (42)
216b	Newly Devised	Mon (70)
218a	Newly Devised	Ane 91
221	Per (19)	Mon (39)
223	Newly Devised	Mon (56)
224a	Newly Devised	Mon (67)
224b	Newly Devised	Mon (90)
228	Newly Devised	Mon (61)
229a	Newly Devised	Mon (65)

It must be noted that the total misattribution made by Green is remarkably small; eight instances are real, one is the result of confusing motto with woodcut sources, and the remaining nine are due to his overlooking Montenay's emblem-book, even though he referred to it later in his Shakespeare and the Emblem Writers (1870). Coincidentally, Montenay was not available to Whitney when the MS was being composed. In addition, Faernus' Fabulae Centum was not among those emblem-books that Whitney owned or had access to during that time. For in the printed edition, Whitney found the woodblocks used to print the Plantin edition of Faernus and chose from them thirteen new emblems. Furthermore, he replaced three drawings in the MS—one based on Sam [216], one on Ane 80, and the third on one as yet untraced source—with three identical woodcuts from Faernus (more on this later). Besides these 25 emblems from Faernus and Montenay, Whitney added 40 more emblems that are not in the MS, but excluded 13 emblems in the MS from the printed edition. It may be instructive to parallel the frequency of source uses in the MS with that in Choice so as to epitomize the process of converting from one to the other:

Source	MS	Choice
Alc	78	87
Sam	44	51
Par	22	32
Jun	17	21
Fae	0	16
Per	9	8
Ane	7	8
Mon	0	9
Newly Devised	20	15
	___	____
Total	197	247[13]

All except one in the MS from Alciati are used in Choice, to which 10 more from the same source are added. All except one from Sambucus are used in, and 8 more are added to, Choice. Ten more are added to all of Paradin, whereas all except one from Junius with 5 more added. All except one from La Perrière are used in Choice, while all except one from Aneau and two more added. Ten "newly devised" are used in the printed edition with five new ones added.

The order of emblems in both the MS and Choice seems to follow neither topic nor subject. The order in the MS seems to have been based on the desire to space the sources, permitting no more than three consecutive emblems from the same one source, with only two exceptions in the second part. If the order of Choice was in some way based on that of the MS, Whitney took great pains to shuffle it thoroughly. For a visual demonstration of Whitney's intentional shuffling of the order of emblems in the MS so that (with the exception of the beginning three emblems in the first part and the first emblem in the second part) the order in Choice little resembles that of the MS, a list of MS emblems, their sources (a few of them have never before been identified), and their corresponding emblems in Choice is provided here as Appendix III. Even to a cursory eye, the repetitive cycle of placing the MS emblems in a widely scattered order in Choice is immediately apparent. The rationale of the order in Choice may thus be Whitney's desire to present a different appearance from that of the MS. Such a desire is not hard to appreciate, for as a result of the shuffling, the MS version would maintain its uniqueness, hence a worthy gift for a noble patron. Also as a result of the shuffling, another pattern emerges in terms of the distribution of sources in the two parts of Choice. Not only the new additions copied from Montenay and the "newly devised" (all but one) are found in the second part, but those emblems that are recopied from La Perrière and Aneau also are now collected in this part, leaving the first part with all but one emblem struck off from identical woodblocks (see Appendix II). By contrast, there are in the MS four "newly devised" emblems, five emblems copied from La Perrière, and five from Aneau in the first part, while six "newly devised," four from La Perrière, and five from Aneau are in the second part. It seems as though in reassigning the MS emblems to Choice Whitney wanted to start the first part quickly with blocks chosen from the Plantin stock and put in the second part the woodcuts that had to be copied from the three sources (i.e., La Perrière, Aneau, and Montenay) and the "newly devised" from the MS—a task obviously requiring much longer time. Be that as it may, this review of sources has produced a series of new totals: there are in Choice 207 identical emblems, 25 copied from their sources, and 15 "newly devised"

emblems. With this new count, the study of the component parts of these emblems—motto, woodcut, and verse—may now begin.

2. Changes in Mottoes

Green's contribution to the study of mottoes in Choice is limited to the "Index to the Mottoes, with translations etc.," placed immediately after the "Introductory Dissertation" (pp. lxxv-lxxix) and the list of motto changes, about sixty-five in all, as part of the "Addenda" (pp. 404-405). Like the borrowing of 207 identical woodcuts from his sources, Whitney retained a vast majority of their mottoes as well. In the MS, among the 184 emblems which appear later in Choice, 155 have the same mottoes as those of their sources; in the printed edition, only 79 mottoes differ from their source emblems. Of these 11 are of minor changes. A few examples will suffice: Wh 29 "Amor in filios" from Alc (193) "Amor filiorum"; Wh 94 "Inuidiae descriptio" from Alc (71) "Inuidia"; Wh 67 "Murus aeneus, sana conscientia" from Sam 14 "Conscientia integra, laurus"; Wh 155 "Indulgentia parentum filiorum pernicies" from Fae 119 "Exitium natis parti indulgentia patrum"; Wh 158 "Post fata: vxor morosa, etiam discors" from Fae 49 "Morosa, & discors vel mortua litigat vxor." These changes involve nothing more than adding or dropping inconsequential words or verbals or replacing the originals with synonymous phrasings. For the major motto changes among emblems in the MS, Choice, and their sources, a list is provided here as Appendix IV. The eight different types of changes in varying degrees of significance may be gathered into two groups, depending on the number of times a motto change is made. Changed once from their sources are three types: those emblems in Choice but not in the MS (20 instances represented by a dash under MS in Appendix IV), those from the MS without source mottoes (4, by a dash following Per under Wdct & Motto), and those belonging to "newly devised" emblems (3, by two dashes under Wdct & Motto). Examples of the first type are mostly from Faernus, with a few of each from Montenay and Paradin; a single illustration from Faernus will suffice. Fae 128 "Alia dicunt, alia faciunt hice mortales, ait," which is less a motto than a quotation, is based on the Aesopic fable "Lupus et Mulier." The disappointed wolf is saying, "Men say one thing, do another," on his departure after having waited for the mother to fulfill her promise of throwing her crying baby to the wolf if it does not become quiet. Whitney transformed the speech into a direct moral: "In eos qui multa promittunt, & nihil praestant" (Wh 162). The most interesting change of the second type occurs in the emblem based on Per (1), which like all emblems from La Perrière contains no motto of its own. The MS describes the subject of the woodcut with "Janus quid" (fol. 52v), but Whitney changed it in Choice, accentuating the moral, to "Respice, & prospice" (Wh 108). Once more for moral specificity Whitney changed the "newly devised" MS emblem "Furius Camillus" (fol. 95) to "Habet & bellum suas leges" (Wh 112).

Also changed once but involving all three—MS, Choice, and source—are three types: Choice motto follows MS change from source (22 instances represented in the list by ibid. under MS); Choice motto differs from that in the MS which retains source motto (7, by ibid. under Wdct & Motto); Choice motto differs from that in the MS by returning to source motto (as in Wh 58, Wh 90, & Wh 171). A few examples will demonstrate the variety of ways of changing the mottoes in this group, beginning with the last type first. In the emblem of "Dolphin aground" the motto from Alc (166) "In eum qui truculentia suorum perierit" is changed in the MS (fol. 42v) to "Exilio saepè mulctantur optimè de patria meriti." Alciati's verse supports his motto by emphasizing the fact that the sea, through its many storms, causes its own, the dolphin, to perish. Although Whitney rendered Alciati's tetrastich fairly closely, he emphasized the fact of exile and applied it to men: "The raging sea, our countrie doth declaire; | The Dolphin fishe, those that exiled are. . . So famous men, that longe did beare the swaie, | haue bene exil'd, and liu'd in habit pore" (Wh 90). However, Whitney restored Alciati's motto in Choice even though the MS motto conforms more closely to his verse. As an example of the second type, the MS (fol. 21) retains the motto "Restat ex victore Orientis" from Par 53, which depicts the de casibus theme with Saladin's shirt on a lance. Following Paradin's moral: "Auertissement à tout homme, tant soit puissant & riche, qu'il lui conuient soy despouiller de tout, au pas de mort, & s'en aller aussi nù hors de ce monde, que fait le plus indigent, ou le plus poure," Whitney changed the original "Restat ex victore Orientis," which is more descriptive of Saladin's shirt in the woodcut, to the terser but more universal "Mortui diuitiae." Three examples from the first, and by far the largest, type of changes show Whitney's expanding and reducing the original mottoes once more for greater moral specificity. Wh 9 follows the MS (fol. 15v) in shortening Sam 28 "Plus quam Diomedis et Glauci permutatio" to "Experientia docet," which specifies the moral in the story of "Prince, astronomer & husbandman." Because of his experience the farmer is able to predict the weather more accurately than is the astronomer; as a result, the prince orders the two to exchange their tools of trade and says, ". . . henceforthe wee will allowe, | That learninge shall vnto Experience bowe." What Whitney did was simply to convert the last line of his verse into a brief but lucid motto, more direct than the allusive original. Instead of Par 159 "Infringit solido" Whitney expanded it to "Calumniam contra calumniatorem virtus repellit" (Wh 138a and fol. 28v) for the emblem of an arrow broken in halves when shot at a marble wall, taking his clue once more from Paradin's wordings: "Voulant calomnier un personnage, ferme, magnanime, & constant, la Calomnie retourne contre le Calomniateur. . . ." Again, the expanded motto is more explicit of the moral in its supporting verse: "So slaunders foule, and wordes like arrowes keene, | Not vertue hurtes, but turnes her foes to teene." Finally, a unique motto change takes place in Wh 140 (fol. 78), whose motto "Feriunt summos fulmina montes"

differs entirely from its source in Sam 183 "Canis queritur nimium nocere." This new motto, however, is not descriptive of the woodcut, which depicts the ban-dog being whipped by its master whereas the lap-dog being pampered by its mistress is closer to Sambucus' original motto. The source of the new motto is strangely found in the end verse to Wh 59, a quotation from Horace (Carm. 2. Od. 10):

Saepius ventis agitatur ingens
Pinus, & celsae grauiore casu
Decidunt turres, feriuntque summos
Fulmina montes.

This end verse fits the moral of Wh 59 "Nimium rebus ne fide secondis" which deals with the whirlwind breaking the lofty and proud pine trees. To conform the new motto to the verse of Wh 140, Whitney added a third sextet which is not in Sambucus:

The loftie pine, with axe is ouerthrowne,
And is prepar'd, to serue the shipmans turne:
When bushes stande, till stormes bee ouerblowne.
And lightninges flashe, the mountaine toppes doth burne.
All which doe shewe: that pompe, and worldlie power,
Makes monarches, markes: when varrijnge fate doth lower.

Although the moral suggested by the new motto is not unrelated to the misfortune of the ban-dog, the change from Sambucus' original motto necessitates the addition of an extra sextet (more on the verse see p. 61) in order to justify the change—a sign of Whitney's conscientious workmanship.

Changed twice are nine instances which reflect Whitney's dissatisfaction with the changes from his source mottoes in the MS. A simple example is Alc (189) "Dives indoctus," which becomes in the MS, fol. 71, "In diuitem idiotam," but is changed again in Choice to "In diuitem, indoctum" (Wh 214). A more elaborate change occurs in the emblem based on Sam 198, whose motto "Fictus amicus" is made more explicit in the MS to stress the foxiness of false friendship, "Non vulpina vestis sed cor prauu sub amici specie latens, periculosissimu" (fol. 76v).[14] It is, however, changed again and simplified into Wh 124 "Amicitia fucata vitanda." Unlike the motto change in Wh 140, which Whitney borrowed from the end verse of Wh 59, Wh 58 rejects the change made by its MS counterpart, fol. 43v, "Quicquid delirant reges, plectuntr Achiui," from Sam 110 "Non dolo, sed virtute" and returns to the original with "Non dolo, sed vi." Nevertheless, Whitney retained the MS motto by quoting it as an end verse in Wh 58 and annotated it as taken from Horace (Lib. 1. Epist. 2). The most drastic modification takes place in Wh 48 "Labor irritus," which epitomizes the moral but eliminates the wordy restatement in the MS, "Fatuitas delirantium

meretrises, quibus donant quod in bonos vsus verti debeat" (fol. 68v), of the equally lengthy and allusive original in Alc (91) "Ocni effigies, de iis qui meretricibus donant, quod in bonos vsus verti debeat." Two emblems, Wh 51a and Wh 91, in this group share another feature with five others (represented in Appendix IV by quotation marks surrounding sources) which constitute the eighth and last type of motto changes: one of the changes has been traced to the motto of another emblematic source. A simple illustration will clarify this rather involved process. Wh 1 "Te stante, virebo" is identical in woodcut with that of Jun (14), whose motto "Principum opes, plebis adminicula" the MS rejects in preference to the motto of Par 72, which Wh 1 retains. Paradin's device is unframed and pictures the obelisk tipped with a crescent moon and entwined by ivy. Another example is where the MS, fol. 29v, retains the motto of its source, Par 154 "Vlterius ne tende odijs," but Wh 143 changes it to "Vindice fato," which is borrowed from Sam 206. A more complicated change is that in Wh 51a "Vitae, aut morti" with marginal reference to St. Paul's discussion of the letter versus the spirit in 2 Cor. 3:6. The MS, fol. 59a, differs, having changed the source motto "Boni adulterium" of Jun (33) into "Litera occidit," which is no doubt based on the verse from Second Corinthians. Wh 91, along with Wh 39, borrows not only its motto but also its drawing design from one emblem source in the MS, but in Choice is represented by an identical woodcut from a different emblem source. Detailed explanation of this intricate conversion process will be deferred until the next section on woodcut design. Suffice it to summarize the motto changes: all changes are in the main for the better. Whether they expand or shorten their originals, they are made usually for clarity and precision of moral and for closer conformity with the verses.

3. Variations in Woodcut Designs

Even more so than mottoes, woodcut designs help to determine emblem sources and reveal the interplay among the three components of an emblem. Not only did Whitney change mottoes for more specific moralizing and for greater conformity with the verses, but he also modified the designs and altered details of his models to bring about greater harmony between the verses and the woodcuts. A comparison between the MS drawings and the woodcuts in Choice is particularly revealing of Whitney's penchant for greater harmony among the three components. Apart from the 20 drawings whose sources have not been traced (see Appendix III), the majority of the remaining 177 in the MS follow their models fairly closely. In the printed edition, the 207 identical woodcuts of course present no variation from their sources; however, some of the MS copies from 158 of these same models do show some interesting variations. Of greater significance are 16 emblems in the MS whose drawings were modeled on the woodcuts of La Perrière and Aneau. And because these emblem-books were not printed by Plantin and therefore no blocks were available, these same emblems were

copied again and made into new woodcuts for the printed edition. In other words, for these the MS artist copied them into the pen-and-ink drawings and later the Choice artist copied them again for the new woodcuts. The resultant differences in the two sets show that the Choice artist modeled his designs not on the MS drawings except when there was no other model, but directly on the woodcuts of La Perrière and Aneau (see Figs. 20-22). Whether or not the MS artist might have been Whitney himself is indeterminable. The monogram [HA] appears on three drawings: fols. 34, 36, 39. The last is one of the 13 emblems which Whitney did not use in Choice; the other two become Wh 145 and Wh 148 respectively. All three belong to the 20 "newly devised" emblems in the MS. A relatively safe assumption is that Whitney commissioned [HA], whoever he might be, to draw or devise these three emblems. Whether the same [HA] also drew the other 17 "newly devised" emblems or whether he might be the MS artist who drew all of the 197 emblems is a matter of conjecture. The identity of artists for the source emblems has been perfunctorily mentioned and conjectured by Green (p. 248); overlooked by him are a number of emblems that are signed with the monograms [A] and [G]. Eleven from Faernus (Wh 31, 93a, 153a, 153b, 154, 156a, 156b, 158, 159, 160, 162) are signed with [A]; three (Wh 91, 98a, 157) are signed with [G]. Three from Sambucus (Wh 9, 43, 142) are signed with [A], one (Wh 206) with [G]; and from Junius two (Wh 3, 44) are signed with [G].[15] [A] is the monogram of Arnold Nicolai, who worked for the Plantin press from 1555 to 1596; [G] is that of Gerard Jansen van Kampen, who also worked for the same press from 1564 to 1584.[16] Perhaps the most unusual accident in the MS artist's copying from his source occurred when he modeled the drawing on fol. 20 after the

woodcut in Sam 164 which contains the monogram [G] among other symbols on a brick wall (see Wh 206). The copyist obviously did not realize that it was the engraver's monogram and copied it along with other symbols. It will be the main concern in this section to examine two types of variation in design: one the result of the MS artist's deviation from his models in emblem-books whose identical woodblocks are later used in Choice, and the other that of the MS artist's copying from La Perrière and Aneau, from which the Choice artist copied again for the printed edition. The copying of the 10 "newly devised" emblems from the MS by the Choice artist and his devising of five new emblems will be dealt with in Section 6 below.

Of the first type of variations only the most significantly divergent designs between the MS copies and their originals will be discussed. Among those based on Alciati (77 drawings) the single most significant change in one detail is on fol. 23v. Based on Alc (71), later Wh 94, "Inuidiae descriptio," the MS drawing shows properly the thorny staff, whereas the woodcut in the 1577 Plantin edition pictures Envy's staff without thorns.[17] Although Whitney expanded Alciati's original tetrastich into three sextets, he kept the last important detail and rendered the Latin "spinosaque gestat | Tela manu" in his final couplet: "And laste of all, her staffe with prickes aboundes: | Which showes her wordes, wherewith the good shee woundes."[18] Similarly, though the addition is more noticeable, in the drawing on fol. 86v the MS artist places an ape on the back of an ass, whereas the printed woodcut pictures only the ass along with the goat, the dog, and the swine. The ape is however not directly mentioned in Alc (76), but is added in Whitney's translation: "See here Vlisses men, transformed straunge to heare: | Some has the shape of Goates, and Hogges, some Apes, and Asses weare" (Wh 82). In adding the ape onto the back of the ass, the MS artist was forced to move the tree from the left to the right side so that the tree would not obstruct the ape from behind. Thus, the demand for greater conformity between the verse and the drawing caused the artist to add one detail which in turn necessitated further modification of the design of the model. Another such modification appears on fol. 45, modeled on Alc (54) and later Wh 33 "Swallow's nest and Medea." The

MS drawing is faithful to the verse which changes the question in Alciati's original "Cholchidos in gremio nidum quid congeris?" into a direct statement: "The swallowe yet, whoe did suspect no harme, | Hir Image likes, and hatch'd vppon her breste." It depicts a nest on the breast of Medea's statue with a swallow hovering over the nest as if preparing to enter it (Fig. 3). The design of the 1577 Plantin model, however, pictures the nest clinging to the edge of the niche over the head of Medea, and the swallow is flying toward its nest from some distance to the right (Wh 33). Clearly, the MS drawing is more faithful to its verse. In using identical woodblocks from the Plantin press and in not revising the verses later, Whitney left three emblems (i.e., Wh 33, 82, 94) in Choice with discrepancies between their verses and woodcuts. As a result of the mistaken switching of woodcuts in the 1577 Plantin edition, the drawing in fol. 72 (Fig. 4) is based on the wrong woodcut of Alc (24) which later became Wh 62 through Whitney's correction. Green, although correctly identifying Wh 62 with Alc (159), placed Wh 133 among the "newly devised" emblems; it is likely that he was consulting the same 1577 Plantin edition and discovered that the woodcut of Alc (24) showed a different design from that of Wh 133.

The most uncommon variation in design from Junius occurs on fol. 75va, later Wh 93b. This is an emblem on wifely virtues based on Jun (50) and is represented by a woman standing on a tortoise and holding a bunch of keys in one hand and holding the other hand over her mouth. The MS artist added a dove prominently to the right of the figure to support the verse, in particular, line 3 of the single sextet: "The turtull shewes hir pure & honest lyfe." But for the printed Choice Whitney took the trouble of revising this line to "The modest lookes, doe shew her honest life," thereby removing an otherwise puzzling discrepancy between the verse and the woodcut which, as does its original in Junius, shows no dove at all. The most accidental difference among drawings based on Paradin is the one on fol. 55v, which shows the crab on top holding a butterfly with its claws. As indicated in the headnotes to Appendix II, this emblem "Festina lentè" belongs to the group of 36 designed by Gabriel Symeoni and form the last part, pp. 271-316, of the 1567 Plantin edition of Paradin's Symbola Heroica (see Appendix I). On p. 273 the woodcut for this emblem which the MS copied also pictures the crab on top and the butterfly in its claws below (Fig. 5). It is obvious that the MS artist modeled his drawing on this particular edition with the upside-down woodcut. All the other Symeoni "Festina lentè" woodcuts customarily show the butterfly on top as it is in Wh 121.[19] Of a greater and more significant variation in design

from that by Symeoni (Par [311]) is the drawing on fol. 70v later Wh 169. In expanding the original woodcut of 58 x 50 mm. (2¼ x 2”) to a much elongated frame of 64 x 86 mm. (2½ x 3⅜”), the artist added some more building to the right of the center house, from the second-storey window of which an ape is scattering its master-miser's gold pieces (Fig. 6). To the left of this house, two more details are added, each of which is supported by the verse. An ape is pictured chained to a low fence at the rear of the house to the left; it is described at the end of the first sextet: "And to his clogge, was chained in the courte." A man is bending over and collecting the gold pieces that the ape is scattering from the upstairs window: "The sight righte well the passers by did please, | Who gathered scrappes that after bought them croommes" (the second line is subsequently changed in Choice to "Who did reioyce to finde these goulden crommes"). The last new detail is an ironical extension of the miser's sin of avarice, as reflected in the motto "Malè parta malè dilabuntur," especially when these passers-by were poor people and the gold pieces "all theire life, theire pouertie did ease." The first new detail is most interesting in that it enables the MS drawing to tell a fuller story, a two-stage action as it were, of how the miser keeps the ape in chains for his daily sport and how one day it gets loose and makes sport of his master's avarice. In replacing this drawing with the identical woodblock from the 1567 Paradin (see Wh 169), a great deal is lost, not to mention the resultant discrepancy between the verse and the woodcut. This case excepting, the use of identical woodblocks from Paradin in Choice is otherwise an improvement over the drawings in the MS. This is so because many of the woodcuts in Paradin are, as has been mentioned in the introduction, of a vertical rectangular design, measuring 83 x 50 mm. (3¼ x 2”). In converting these to a horizontal rectangular frame, the MS artist is invariably forced to modify the original design, frequently resulting in inferior copies. This is particularly true of fol. 42a, where the original design measuring 74 x 51 mm. (2⅞ x 2” as seen in Wh 88) must be drastically flattened and elongated into a frame of 44 x 80 mm. (1¾ x 3⅛”; see Fig. 7).

Out of the 44 drawings based on Sambucus only three diverge significantly from their models. The design in fol. 43v differs from its model in Sam 110 "Non dolo, sed virtute." The original woodcut (as seen in Wh 58) depicts in the left foreground an ape forcing an unwilling dog to retrieve chestnuts from an open fireplace; the right half of the woodcut

pictures what appears to be a sculptor's studio, with the artist carrying a bust and walking out of the room. The MS artist retains the main subject of the ape and the dog, but changes all things else, including a much more elaborate fireplace on the left, a shelf under a window in the center background, and a man entering the room from a door on the right (Fig. 8). These changes, however, affect neither the moral nor the verse. In fol. 64v the much more drastic changes are induced by Whitney's desire to conform the drawing to the verse. The original woodcut from Sam 177 "Frontis nulla fides," later Wh 100 "Dog, bull & painter," shows a man fleeing from a barking dog at his heel while watching the chase is a bull whose body from neck down is blocked from view by a seated painter drawing on a tablet which is held by a man seated opposite him. In Sambucus' verse, five creatures are named to illustrate the fact that these all reveal their true characters by their God-given traits:

Latratibus canis sic
Suae indicem dat irae.
Taurus monet furorem
Quod cornibus petendo
Laedat, venena caudis
Serpens gerit, timendus
Et scorpius cauetur.

Sambucus' artist, however, chose to present only the dog and the bull and to portray the moral lesson of the emblem with the painter—a lesson carefully prescribed in the verse also. In translating the list of animals, Whitney omitted the scorpion and added in its place the lion and the griffin in the first quatrain of the verse:

The lions roare: the Boares theire tuskes do whett.
The Griphins graspe theire tallantes in theire ire:
The dogges do barke; the bulles, with hornes do thrett.
The serpentes hisse, with eies as redd as fire.

In order to be faithful to this list the MS artist retained the fleeing man, the pursuing dog, and the watching bull—all in their respective positions in the model. The two seated men he replaced with two men standing, facing one another, with the man who blocks the view of the bull's body from neck down stabbing the other man in the abdomen with a long sword. Then he added a griffin in the upper left corner, a boar's head and one of its forelegs in the lower left corner, a coiled snake in the lower right corner, and a roaring lion at the back of the stabbing man (Fig. 9). The stabbing scene, in lieu of the original painting scene, has its support from the MS quatrain:

And hipocrites, have godlie wordes at will
And rauening wolues, in skinnes of lambes do lurke;
And Caine dothe seeke good Abel for to kill,
And sainctes in shewe, with Judas do worke.

(The third line is changed in Choice to "And Cain doth seeke, his brother for to kill.") So the two men are to represent Cain and Abel in the MS

drawing. Moreover, since the drawing omits the painting scene, the MS verse ends with the fourth quatrain (the two versions are identical in their first four quatrains) to which Whitney added a final couplet:

Nowe, since the good no cognizance do beare,
To teache vs, whome wee chieflie should imbrace:
But that the same the wicked sorte do weare,
And shewe them selves like them, in euerie case
I do affirme that man maie better scape
The savage beasts, then foes that beare his shape.

All in all, the MS drawing is closely supported by its verse, whereas the woodcut in Choice is not. Unwilling, as it were, to rewrite the entire MS verse so as to support the woodcut better, Whitney simply removed the final couplet and added an extra quatrain before concluding the Choice verse with the last sextet. As a result, the lion, the boar, the griffin, and the serpent along with Cain and Abel are not illustrated by the printed woodcut.

The last example of variation in design in the MS drawing taken from Sambucus leads to a special category in which the woodcuts in Choice are all from Faernus although in the MS drawings, in addition to Sambucus, one is based on Aneau and the other on an uncertain model. As has been mentioned in Sections 1 and 2 above, these drawings appear in fol. 33, based on Sam[216] later Wh 39 whose woodcut is identical to that in Fae 90; on fol. 9, based on Ane 80 later Wh 91 identical to Fae 95; and on fol. 92v, based on a model similar to Fae 56 which is identical to the woodcut in Wh 93a (see Appendix III). For fol. 33 Whitney based its motto and drawing on those of Sam[216], "Mediocribus vtere partis," which is based ultimately on one of Aesop's fables, "Canis & caro." The MS drawing follows Sambucus' model closely except the details surrounding the dog. Instead of the dog standing, as in Sam[216], on what looks like dry land, the MS artist added a bridge and on top of it put the dog which looks down at his own reflections in the water below (Fig. 10). Now in Choice the identical woodcut (Wh 39) from Fae 90 shows in an entirely different design the dog standing on the river bank with its forepaws in the water; its verse remains unchanged from that of the MS. Next, the MS drawing on fol. 9 is based on Ane 80, "Tecum habita," which is ultimately the Aesop's fable "Iuppiter et Cochlea." Although Whitney changed the motto to "Conuiuare raro," the MS artist followed the woodcut of Aneau closely, again with one exception. In addition to the tortoise near the lower left corner, he pictured a snail in center foreground (Fig. 11). This is done obviously to conform to Whitney's translation of Aneau's verse in which testudo was rendered "snail":

Cuncta simul venere. epulo Testudo secundo
Venit eamque morae Iupiter increpuit.
Quaerenti caussas. . . .
Tardigradam cochleam domiportam, sanguine cassam
Ex illa edixit Iuppiter esse die.

At lengthe, when all weare in their cheifest cheare:
At seconde course, the snaile crepte slowlie in,
Whome Iove did blame, cause hee so slacke had bin.

Who aunswered thus, oh kinge behoulde the cause?
I beare my house, wherefore my pace is slowe:
Which warneth all, in feasting for to pause,
And to the same, with pace of snaile to goe. . . .

This verse remains unchanged in Wh 91, which has the identical woodcut from Fae 95 where Jupiter is seated on his throne, surrounded by a deer, a horse, a bull, an ass, his eagle, and a lion. At the foot of the dais is the snail, looking up at Jupiter and responding to his question. The Latin distich below the two sextets in Choice is from the last two lines in Aneau's verse; these are the only clues to Ane 80 as the source of both the verse in Wh 91 and the MS drawing. It is apparent that Whitney was not entirely satisfied with the MS drawing, containing as it did both the snail and the tortoise, and gladly replaced it in Choice with the identical woodcut from Fae 95, which fits his verse equally nicely. Finally, the drawing on fol. 92v diverges from the woodcut in Wh 93a and its source in Fae 56 not only in background but also in the representation of the mole. Unlike the sure-footed creature in Wh 93a, the MS mole is somewhat misshapen; at first glance it might resemble a tortoise, as if the MS artist really had no pictorial model in front of him when he drew the small blind beast (Fig. 12). So much for the first type of variations in design.

Now the second type. Aside from the emblem on fol. 9 which is modeled on Ane 80, there are five more MS drawings copied from Aneau's Picta Poesis. These the Choice artist copied once more directly from Aneau, not from the MS; as a result, the Choice woodcuts are closer to the original than they are to the MS drawings, which differ from their models only in minor ways. Folio 96 omits a small dog at lower left corner and the tree in the center foreground; fol. 81v adds trees on the hilltop to which Sisyphus is rolling the restless stone and some farm buildings in the distant background to the left; fol. 90vb omits the pond in front of the ass-eared Midas, who awards the palm to the bagpipe-playing Pan instead of to Apollo. The copying and recopying from La Perrière's Le Théâtre des bons engins are more interesting in that the exact models have not hitherto been determined. Green and Henkel and Schöne, who follow him, assume that the models are from the 1539 Paris edition. The truth of the matter is that both the MS drawings and the Choice recopies are so consistently and significantly different from the models in 1539 that they must have been based on models from a later edition. According to both Robert Hoe and Praz, there is at least one edition later than 1539 that might have been used as model for Whitney's artists. Hoe lists a 1554 edition in Paris by Estienne Groulleau, in addition to Thomas Combe's English translation published in London by Richard Field in 1614, whereas Praz mentions two editions in 1545: one published at Angiers by P. Trepperel, the other at

Lyons by Jean de Tournes, "who in 1583 issued a cheap edition 16mo, 56 leaves."[20] My attention was first drawn to the possibility that Whitney's artists worked with an edition later than that of 1539 when I compared Whitney's woodcuts with those in Combe's edition. Their obvious close resemblance leads to the inevitable conclusion that Combe's edition must also have been based on one of the later editions of Le Théâtre. Professor Praz, who has, upon my request, compared Whitney's emblems with the woodcuts in his personal copy of the 1583 Lyons edition, is convinced that Whitney's artists must have modeled their copies on the cuts either in the 1583 or the earlier 1545 Lyons edition which, with its decorative borders, must have been the copy for Combe's English edition as well.[21] A few examples will show that Whitney consulted either the 1545 or the 1583 instead of the 1539 edition, using woodcuts reproduced from Combe's edition to represent the 1545 edition. Per (100) is copied by the MS artists in fol. 46v, later by the Choice artist for Wh 175 (Fig. 13), and portrays, in the 1545 edition, Diligence seated on a throne-like chariot drawn by six ants with Idleness squatting in front of her out-stretched right leg, and the chariot progressing through an open field with mountain and trees in the distance (Fig. 14). The 1539 cut, however, pictures Diligence standing on a flat car drawn by six ants with Idleness half sitting and half standing on the front edge of the platform, and the procession passing by an elaborate building in the background to the right (Fig. 15).[22] The copying from La Perrière is as a rule fairly faithful; however, because of the need to conform the drawing to a verse substantially altered from its original, a great deal of modification is seen in the copying of the first emblem from Le Théâtre. In the 1539 edition, Janus is pictured as standing, wearing a crown, holding a large key in his left hand, a blazing mirror in his right, with simple mountains as background (Fig. 23). The 1545 edition portrays a crowned Janus, holding the key in his right hand and the mirror in his left, standing to the right of a large tree, with buildings in the background to his left (Fig. 24). The MS artist retained the building and the mirror in the left hand, but removed the crown, changed the blazing mirror to an ordinary looking glass and the key to a scepter, and replaced the tree to the left with some rather indistinguishable hillock. Janus' costume was also changed to a Roman military toga (Fig. 25). In Wh 108, further changes from the MS are noticeable: the building has been moved from right to

left, and the lower part of a tree trunk, following the 1545 model, added to the right. The most interesting addition made by the Choice artist is that of Mars's sword, as if the military garb in the MS were insufficient to support the verse, where Janus is, in the third sextet, "Call'd the God of warre, and peace" (Fig. 26). As a result of these modifications, in seriatim, Wh 108 differs not a little from the model in the 1545 edition. But if examples of variation in design have thus far proved anything, they have confirmed the indebtedness of the artists to their models so long as the changes are dictated by the desire to bring about greater conformity between the verse and the woodcut.

From Montenay's Emblèmes ou devises chrestiennes the Choice artist copied nine emblems; in the process he had to reduce the original large 90 x 98 mm. (3⅛ x 3⅞”) copperplates designed by Pierre Woeiriot to a square of 57 mm. (2¼”). Moreover, since each original cut, except Mon (72), contains within its design a motto plaque, he had to remove it. As a result, there are more minor variations in design from this source than from any other sources. In two copies, however, he kept the original mottoes in Mon (72) and Mon (65). By retaining the original mottoes and by adding new mottoes of his own to Wh 166a and Wh 229a, Whitney caused these emblems to have dual mottoes: Wh 166a has the motto "Veritas inuicta" along with the words on the open Bible, "Et vsque ad nubes veritas tua" (Figs. 27, 28); similarly, Wh 229a has "Dominus viuit & videt" in addition to "Vbi es" in which the Choice artist replaced the plaque in the original with a radiating sun (Figs. 29, 30). Such a minor change enables the artist to bring about an ingenious improvement over the original. For "Vbi es" in the midst of a radiating sun—representing God's voice walking in the Garden seeking out the fallen Adam who hides himself behind a tree—more nearly conforms to the biblical account of the aftermath of the Fall. In other words, through this change "Vbi es," no longer an extrapictorial addition as in the original design in Montenay, becomes an integral and dramatic part of the emblem.

The study of variations in design and the comparison between the MS drawings and the Choice woodcuts have produced one interesting conclusion. The ability of the MS artist in modifying his drawings to bring about a closer conformity with the verse is clearly demonstrated in fols. 23v, 86v, 45, 70v, and 64v. When these drawings were replaced with woodcuts identical to their models and when Whitney did not have time to revise their verses accordingly in Choice, there resulted discrepancies between woodcuts and verses as seen in Wh 94, 82, 33, 169, and 100. Apart from these last instances, Whitney was as a rule conscientious in preserving harmony between the woodcuts and the verses in Choice, as will further be seen in the next section.

4. Survey of Verses

Because of the close interplay among the three main components of an emblem, the motto and woodcut changes have, in the two foregoing sections,

been shown to influence the verse and vice versa. Whitney, especially in the MS, changed the mottoes and pictorial designs of his sources to conform to the verses, or altered the verses to bring about greater conformity to the other two components. In this section, discussion of the verses will concentrate on both their physical and quantitative, as well as on their substantive and qualitative, aspects. Those aspects that have not hitherto been studied are: the variety of stanzaic forms and its relationship to the structure of the verses, the drastic expansion and abridgement of the verses from their originals, and the changes made in the verses in Choice from those in the MS.

By far the most frequently used stanzaic form is the sextet, and the most popular verse form consists of two sextets—83 instances in the MS, 103 in Choice. Verse of a single sextet is next in frequency: 29 in the MS, 38 in Choice; the largest number of sextets in a verse in the MS is six, that in Choice is eight. The poulter's measure, a couplet of iambic hexameter and iambic heptameter, is next to the sextet Whitney's favorite form of versification. Because of its line length it is most frequently used as a space-saver; particularly when two emblems are sharing a page, the space below the woodcut would not permit the printing of a sextet even using the smallest type face, but would allow one couplet, sometimes even two couplets, of poulter's measure. In the MS Whitney used the measure 28 times, the one-couplet and two-couplet forms most often with the highest number of couplets in one verse being 25; in Choice, 44 times, again the one- and two-couplet forms dominating, with the highest number of couplets in a single verse, 30. Rhyming ababcc the iambic pentameter sextet lends itself well to emblematic versifying. In a single-sextet verse, the first four lines are usually expository of the woodcut; then the concluding couplet rounds off the moral in epigrammatic terseness. In a two-sextet verse, the first sextet is usually given over to exposition, the second to moralizing. Often the first four lines of a second sextet are devoted to an interim application to the human situation of the exposition in the first sextet before the final couplet sums up the emblematic moral. In a three-sextet verse (which is used 23 times in the MS, 27 in Choice) Whitney revealed his talent for variation by giving the first sextet to generalizing or philosophizing before illustrating the commonplace concretely in the second, and applying and concluding it in the third. Constantly, he varied this tripartite arrangement so that the first sextet may be exposition, the third may be generalization, and the second may be application, and so on. Unlike the sextet, the poulter's measure gives a weightier impression and provides less variety. Again, because of its space-saving feature, it is frequently used to present a sustained disquisition of considerable length, especially when Whitney drastically expanded the verse from its original in other emblem-books. One interesting change in verse form from the MS to Choice occurs on fols. 40v and 41, which contain verses made up of three quatrains. Each quatrain contains three lines of iambic trimeter and one line (the third)

of iambic tetrameter, rhyming abcb; but in reality each quatrain is but a couplet of poulter's measure in disguise. In Choice these two emblems, Wh 77a and Wh 142, are made to occupy half-page spaces, and the same verses are printed in the form of three couplets of poulter's measure. The situation is different when in Wh 22 the verse contains four quatrains of the poulter's measure in disguise, but in the MS, fol. 25v, it is also written in four quatrains. The reason appears to be that neither emblem lacks space in either version.

Quatrains of four lines of iambic pentameter are rarely used. Rhyming abab, one appears in Wh 100, where, as has been pointed out in the previous section, the need to follow the original verse in Sambucus caused Whitney to expand the three quatrains and a sextet in the MS to five quatrains and a sextet in Choice. It seems as though this form of quatrain is the result of withholding the couplet, the addition of which would change it instantly to a sextet. In addition to this ingenious use of the quatrain, the only other time it is used is in fol. 74v where the emblem "Potentia amoris," taken from Alc (106) and later Wh 182a, has the unique combination of a verse in quatrain, rhyming in couplets, followed by a thirteen-couplet poulter's measure, entitled "The description of loue by Marullus & Augerianus." But because Wh 182a occupies the top half of that page, the long poem in poulter's measure is discarded. More frequently used than the quatrain, the 10-line iambic pentameter verse appears 11 times in both versions. Once, a double 10-line verse is used on fol. 82, later Wh 136. Once, in converting from the MS to Choice, the 10-line verse on fol. 36 becomes a two-sextet verse in Wh 184; the fact that there is an empty space between the fourth and fifth lines in the MS strongly suggests that Whitney added a couplet to the first four lines to convert them into a sextet.

Compared with their originals, better than half of the verses in Choice are close to their source verses. This is especially true of those emblems which share a page with another emblem; the four main groups of double emblems on each page are pp. 50-55, 138-139, 182-183, and 188-191. Because of the limitation of space below each of the two woodcuts, most of the verses take the form of a single sextet or of a couplet of poulter's measure; consequently, little room is left for much expansion. Verses varying from their sources are of two types; abridgement and expansion. Because of the set patterns in the source verses—e.g., Junius' verse is always in tetrastich, La Perrière's always in dizain—Whitney tended to expand on Junius' verse but held to a length similar to that of La Perrière. Verses from Alciati and Sambucus vary greatly in length—e.g., as short as a distich to a verse of 26 lines in Alciati, whereas no verse from Sambucus is shorter than 18 lines. Thus, some of the most drastic abridgements as well as expansions in Choice are from these two sources. As always, abridgements keep the essential morals of their sources; only the details and allusions have been eliminated or simplified. Expansion outnumbers abridgement three to one, and is used most commonly for amplification of moral and its application.

Whenever the subject of the emblem is a commonplace, therefore inexhaustible in its classical allusions and illustrations, Whitney tends to enlarge his verse extensively. For instance, the subject of Wh 60 is "Pythagoras enjoining silence," that of Wh 65 is "Aeneas carrying his father out of Troy," that of Wh 79 is "Lais with musk-cat," that of Wh 122 is "Chaos," that of Wh 141 is "Brasidas' shield," that of Wh 194 is "Terror after death" —all are commonplaces and offer a chance for Whitney to exhibit his learning. In particular, on the subject of chaos, he expanded the verse from Aneau's 8-line stanza to 25 couplets in poulter's measure. On the subject of false friendship, he expanded Aneau's tetrastich into 6 sextets, following Aneau only in the first sextet where Brasidas' death through overtrusting his shield is recounted.

Of greater originality are expansions which are the result of editorial and personal demands. Wh 1 and Wh 108, introducing respectively the first and the second parts of Choice, differ not only in length but also in substance from their sources. Ostensibly with its motto from Par 72 and its woodcut and verse from Jun (14), Wh 1 is given over to praising Queen Elizabeth, comparing her to the "mightie Spyre" and the Anglican church to the entwining ivy. The ivy is made to speak:

I, that of late with stormes was almoste spent,
And brused sore with Tirants bluddie bloes,
Whome fire, and sworde, with persecution rent,
And nowe sett free, and ouerlooke my foes,
And whiles thow raignst, oh most renowmed Queene
By thie supporte my blossome shall bee greene.

Based loosely on Per (1), the first sextet in Wh 108 tells what Whitney intends to do in the second part of Choice:

The former parte, nowe paste, of this my booke,
The seconde parte in order doth insue:
Which, I beginne with Ianvs double looke,
That as hee sees, the yeares both oulde, and newe,
So, with regarde, I may these partes behoulde,
Perusinge ofte, the newe, and eeke the oulde.

As admonished by Janus to improve upon the past, Whitney says in the second sextet that he is determined to make improvements: "Euen so, my selfe suruayghinge what is past; | With greater heede, may take in hande the laste"—a promise that is not unfulfilled in Choice. This is especially true in view of the large number of emblems he added to the second part along with many "newly devised" emblems. A purely personal note is added towards the end of Wh 134, which has expanded the 20-line verse in Alc (117) into 5 sextets. On the subject of different colors, some are national; others are local and professional. Since the woodcut depicts a dyer, and since England was known for exhibiting few colors, Whitney added two more sextets to brag about England's having Edward Dyer, "Who, alwaies hathe so fine, and freshe, a hewe, | That in their landes, the

like is not to vewe." In the same vein, Wh 196 is dedicated to Dyer and he is praised along with Surrey and Sidney. What is striking in this emblem is the extent of the expansion; Whitney expanded the usual tetrastich in Jun (60) into a verse of 30 couplets in poulter's measure. Equally extensive is the change of the tetrastich in Alc (148) into 8 sextets, praising Richard Cotton (to whom Wh 200 is dedicated) and his family seat at Cumbermaire (or Combermere), around which Whitney spent his youth. The beehive in the woodcut is compared to Combermere and Whitney himself to the bee, and the emblem elicits from him a nostalgic longing.

Dedicated "To my countrimen of the Namptwiche in Cesshire," the familiar emblem of the phoenix rising out of its funeral pyre (Wh 177 "Vnica semper auis") is used to commemorate the rebuilding of the town of Nantwich which was razed by fire (see Green, p. 372). These verses, then, not only differ drastically in length from their respective sources, but also diverge in substance from their models. Indeed, the source verses are nothing more than an excuse for Whitney to launch his original versifying at great length. This is not to infer that Whitney could not have written original verses on his own; for in fact, the two verses in praise of the two Dudley brothers (one of 5 sextets, the other of 4 sextets and its alternative verse of 6 couplets in poulter's measure [Choice, pp. 106-107]), the 11 sextets in honor of Sir Philip Sidney (pp. 109-110), the alternate naked emblem Wh 61, and the last emblem Wh 230 are all of Whitney's own composition. Although Whitney's originality varies according to the demands of his emblems, he could be as faithful to his source as he wished. A good example of this flexibility is Wh 133, where the verse is short and may be quoted in full:

Loe here the vine dothe claspe, to prudent Pallas tree,
The league is nought, for virgines wise, doe Bacchus frendship flee,
Alcia.
Quid me vexatis ramis? Sum Palladis arbor,
Auferte hinc botros, virgo fugit Bromium.

Englished so.
Why vexe yee mee yee boughes? since I am Pallas tree:
Remoue awaie your clusters hence, the virgin wine doth flee.

The literal English translation of the distich from Alciati is considerably improved when the direct discourse is changed into the indirect statement above the Latin lines. A verse of identical formula is in the MS on fol. 72v, which is not used in Choice; the Latin distich is first rendered into a literal English translation and then rewritten in a freer paraphrase. A similar instance in Choice is Wh 139b, where the original distich from Alciati is recorded in the margin: "Spes, simul & Nemesis, nostris altaribus adsunt; | Scilicet vt speres non nisi quod liceat," and is translated into English: "Here Nemesis, and Hope: our deedes doe rightlie trie, | Which warnes vs, not to hope for that, which iustice doth denie." Lack of space, in this case, seems to have forced Whitney to quote the original in

the margin; nevertheless, he obviously intended for his reader to appreciate his rendering of the original. Whitney's ability to continue to improve upon what he had written can be seen nowhere more clearly than in his revising the MS verses for the printed edition.

Significant improvements are made when single lines are altered to render their meaning more explicit. Folio 10, "Sithe tyme at lengthe will sett hir vp alofte" is modified to "Bycause at lengthe, shee shall be sett alofte" in Wh 4, avoiding the needless repetition of "Tyme" in the previous lines. Similarly, "And vp alofte Vulcanus dothe incroache" (fol. 14) from Sam 206 "Mulciber intus agit" is changed to "And to the Toppe, deuowring flames incroache" (Wh 7); "For thie, his houndes did make him straight theire praie" (fol. 26v) to "But straighte his howndes did rente hym, for their praie" (Wh 15); "Yit hurtefull weedes emongst the same do growe" (fol. 30v) to "The hurtfull tares, and dernell ofte doe growe" (Wh 68); "No foe so fell nor halfe so full of spite" (fol. 34v) to "No mortall foe so full of poysoned spite" (Wh 144); and "Theie slippe, & downe in duste theire glorie lyes" (fol. 35) to "Their fall is wrought, by thinges they doe dispise" (Wh 78). This last change is especially well thought out because "dispise" rhymes with "skies" of the previous line—"Leste when theire mindes, so mounte vnto the skies"—in a causal relationship; i.e., because they despise meaner things, their minds do mount towards the skies. Better rhyming is the cause for modifying an entire couplet: e.g., "Thus hoape of life, & feare of future lack | Houldes vp his chinne though loaden with his pack" (fol. 10v) to "Thus, hope of life, and loue vnto his goods, | Houldes vp his chinne, with burthen in the floods" (Wh 179). Aside from the greater emphasis on the avarice of this merchant through "loue vnto his goods" instead of "feare of future lack" and the closer description of the woodcut through "with burthen in the floods" instead of "though loaden with his pack," the rhyme "goods | floods" avoids the clumsy repetition of "wracke | back" in the previous lines. Similarly: "First trye, then truste: all sugred speeche eschue | The snake oft lyes in flowers of fresshist hue" (fol. 67) to "First trye, then truste: like goulde, the copper showes: | And NERO ofte, in NVMAS clothinge goes" (Wh 150); here the last line appears to have been changed first to add a historical allusion, necessitating the change of the second half of the previous line for the sake of rhyme. As these lines are the final couplet, normally containing the moral of the emblem, the changes made by Whitney tend to bring greater terseness and finality to them. Other such examples are: "Then, thoughe thou be like beares misshapen whelpe, | Yit haue no doute for arte maie nature helpe" (fol. 55) to "Then haue no doubt, for arte maie nature helpe | Thinke how the beare doth forme her vglye whelpe"—the finality achieved simply by reversing the order of these two lines and rewording the last line (Wh 92); "Oh freendes refraine the sentence of this iudge, | Like what he loath'de, though you have Venus grudge" (fol. 71v) to "But yet the wise this iudgement rashe deride, | And sentence giue on prudent PALLAS side" (Wh

83); "Theise are the foes that moste our hartes appall, | The other foes wee wey them not at all" (fol. 76v) to "No foe so fell, (as BIAS wise declares) | As man to man, when mischeife hee prepares" (Wh 124).

More extensive changes, involving an entire sextet, are equally frequent (see fol. 15v & Wh 9, fol. 29v & Wh 143, fol. 38b & Wh 125, fol. 41 & Wh 142, fol. 52v & Wh 108). Two examples suffice. In Wh 140, the first sextet is revised from the version in the MS (fol. 78):

The dogge, whose strengthe dothe other dogges surpasse,
And dare assaie the bruttissh bull or beare,
Is lod'ned ofte with burthens like an asse
Or drawes the carte, & forc'de the yoake to weare;
Where little dogges do lende him manie a snatche,
When as, before, theie durste not with him matche

In Choice, the sextet reads:

The bandogge, fitte to matche the bull, or beare,
With burthens greate, is loden euery daye:
Or drawes the carte, and forc'd the yoke to weare:
Where littell dogges doe passe their time in playe:
And ofte, are bould to barke, and eeke to bite,
When as before, they trembled at his sighte.

The economy resulting from combining the thoughts in the first four lines in the MS into three lines in Choice enabled Whitney to devote three, instead of two, lines to the behavior of the little dogs. The revision renders the sextet much more descriptive of the woodcut; indeed the entire verse is closer to the woodcut than that in the MS. For instance, in the second sextet, the last couplet "For they maie sleepe vppon their mistris lappes | And at the board be fedd with daintie scrappes" is changed into "For they maie sleepe vppon their mistris bedde, | And on their lappes, with daynties still bee fedde" (see Wh 140). Despite these changes both sextets in both versions follow Sambucus' original fairly closely. The third sextet, as has been dealt with above, is Whitney's own to support the motto. Finally, in fol. 69v the second sextet on the image of Bacchus receives extensive rewriting in Wh 187; especially, the final couplet had to be changed else Whitney would have offended his host countrymen:

Then shunne the sorte that bragge of drinking mutch,
Thou, English arte, leave that vnto the Dutch.

Keeping the first line intact except altering the spelling of "mutch" to "muche," Whitney cleverly substituted for the second "Seeke other frendes, and ioyne not handes with suche." Apart from these because of necessity, the majority of changes in verse are made to improve readability and bring about greater harmony among the emblematic components. Frequently, moreover, expansions of verse are to exhibit Whitney's learning which can also be seen in his marginal annotations.

5. Purposes of Annotations

The stated purposes of marginal annotations in Choice are given in Whitney's letter "To the Reader." "I haue now in diuerse places, quoted in the margent," he writes, "some sentẽces in Latin, & such verses as I thoughte did beste fit the seuerall matters I wratte of. . . . First I noted the same in Latin, to helpe . . . some of my acquaintaunce wheare this booke was imprinted, who hauinge no taste in the Englishe tonge, yet weare earnestly addicted to the vnderstandinge hereof: and also, wheare I founde any verse, or sayinge agreable with the matter, I did gather the same of purpose for my owne memorie, not doubtinge but the same may bee also frutefull to others" (sig. * * 3v). The first objective, to help his Dutch friends, is interesting. Although he stayed in Leyden only about a year—having arrived there in the new year of 1586 and left with Leicester in mid-November of the same year—Whitney made a number of friends among the literati associated with the University of Leyden: besides the Dousas and Francis Raphelengius, the printer of Choice, there were the Greek professor Bonaventura Vulcanius, the famous historian Justus Lipsius, and Peter Colvius, the editor of Apuleius; each of these scholars wrote a commendatory verse for Choice. Since the majority of the woodcuts in Choice had been used by the Plantin press previously in printing the emblem-books of Alciati, Sambucus, Junius, Paradin, and Faernus, these Dutch friends of Whitney would no doubt have been familiar with most of the woodcuts in Choice. Together with the Latin mottoes, the Latin marginalia would, moreover, enable these readers to appreciate its contents, even though they might not be able fully to understand its English verse. The second objective, to help Whitney himself remember those Latin verses and sayings which "may bee also frutefull to others," is a common practice. That it was the humanists' task to edit ancient texts, to provide glosses, to write erudite commentaries, and to compile illuminating compendia by ancient authors is also well known. The practice of adding copious marginalia to a text by the author himself or notes by a commentator is also widespread. Beginning with the 1549 French, Spanish, and Latin editions of Alciati's Emblemata the emblems were accompanied with brief notes, epimythiae or "affabulationes" by Barthélemy Aneau, Franciscus Sanctius, and Sebastian Stockhamer.[23] Claude Mignault's copious commentaries (written in 1571) began to accompany the Emblemata with the 1573 Plantin edition, and further expansions were made by Pignorius, Morell, and Thuilius to the massive 1621 Padua edition. As usual, the simple notes and glosses begin with the modest aim of elucidating the obscure, but soon develop into copious commentaries belaboring the commonplace by amassing, ad infinitem, quotations from ancient authors. Frequently, marginalia become a means, and often the unstated purpose, of exhibiting the author's or the commentator's knowledge of the common funds of learning.

By far Ovid is the most frequently cited author: 75 times, covering all of his major writings. He is followed by Horace (40), the Bible (22), Reusner (22). Cited 16 times are Virgil and Alciati, 14 times is Propertius, 13 times are Aelianus and Pliny, and 12 times are Claudius and Seneca. A majority of the authors are those of Greek and Latin classics well-known to every sixteenth-century educated reader.[24] Among Renaissance authors are Aeneas Silvius (Pope Pius II), Angelo Poliziano Ambrogini (Politianus), Coelius Augustinus Curio, Joachim du Bellay, Antonio de Guevara, William Lily, Sir Thomas More, Erasmus, Georgius Sabinus. Emblematists directly quoted, besides Reusner and Alciati, are Aneau 5 times, and Junius and Sambucus each once. Over five-sixths of the total 414 annotations are the result of Whitney's direct gleaning from his authors; in the remaining one-sixth, some 66 times, Whitney borrowed from commentaries and marginalia of his source emblem-books. Six times he acknowledged borrowing from Claude Mignault, but 57 other times he did not credit Mignault for his annotations, and 3 times he took from Paradin's marginalia without acknowledgement. A few examples of his unacknowledged borrowings from Mignault will reveal Whitney's interesting ways of culling from others.

To begin with the simplest. Wh 33 has an end verse of two lines by Borbonius; both the author and the verse are noted by Mignault, who introduces the quote thus: "Sed breuissime Borbonius noster, vno disticho etc." (p. 300).[25] Mignault's comment on Alc (167)—"quod Laocoon apud Virgil confirmat, cum a Troianis equum dole relictum nequaquam in vrbem recipiendum censet"—is simplified by Whitney into a marginal note: "Lacoon apud Virgilium lib. Aeneid.2. sic de equo, loquitur Troianis," and the original quote from Virgil by Mignault (pp. 751f. misnumbered for 758f.)

O miseri, qua tanta insania, ciues?
Creditis auectos hostes? aut vlla putatis
Dona carere dolis Danaum, &c. . . & deine
Quicquid id est, timeo Danaos, & dona ferentes,

is reduced to ". . . aut vlla putatis | Dona carere dolis Danaum, &c." as an end verse in Wh 37. Wh 99 from Alc (197) notes in the margin two lines from Virgil's Aeneid, which may have been borrowed from Mignault, whose notes run as follows: ". . . hoc factum Mezentio dignum, qui mortua, vt inquit Maro,

-----iungebat corpora viuis
Componens manibusque manus, atque oribus ora." (p. 884)

With a slight editorial interpolation, Whitney identified the specific book from the Aeneid, Book 8, and quoted in the margin the entire distich. Not infrequently, Whitney went beyond the simple reference given by Mignault as to his source and provided detailed and at times pedantic documentations. For Alc (148) on the beehive, Mignault cited Aelian.historiae anima.1. & 5., but Whitney in Wh 200 gave more in his margin: Aelian. de anima.lib.1.ca.59. & 60. Et lib.5.cap.11. Et Plin.Natural.hist.lib.11.cap.5. & 16. At times, Whitney's use of Mignault may be in doubt, especially when Mignault cites verses from Aneau's Picta Poesis from which Whitney copied six emblems for the MS and two more for Choice. Whereas he certainly could have copied these verses still from Mignault, it is perhaps more likely that he went directly to Aneau (see Wh 15 and Wh 57). At other times, along with Mignault's reference, Whitney added his own. For instance, Whitney added Erasmus and Tertullianus to Wh 202 in addition to Diogenes and Gellius cited by Mignault in Alc (86). Instead of following Mignault's lead in commenting on Alc (159) with a quotation from Ovid's Ponti (III, i) to illustrate the theme of "Amicitia, etiam post mortem durans," Whitney chose as his end verse a passage from the next epistle (to Cotta, III, ii) which, because of its reference to the famous friendship between Orestes and Pylades, better elucidates the thought in the second sextet of Wh 62.[26] Whitney can work independently. When the annotations are used, however, to gloss a name or an object, and when these are found in Mignault, Whitney did not hesitate to borrow silently from the commentator. In glossing the names of Epaminondas and Simonides in the second sextet of Wh 60, Whitney copied from Mignault's gloss: "Meaito apud Pindarum celebratur, . . . & illud Simonidis, Locutum fuisse poenitur, tacuisse vero numquam" (p. 98). In glossing Pittacus' flower in Wh 130, Whitney borrowed part of Mignault's long note: "Symbolum autem prioris

est gith, nigerrimum semen optimumque, excitatissimi odoris, quo minomo sumpto in cibis dat saporis gratiam: Largius autem, venenum exhibet. Plerique suspicantur esse minutulum piper, quod poyuretum nostri vocant & pharmacopolae Nigellam Romanam" (p. 842).

In addition to these unacknowledged borrowings from Mignault, there are authors or passages Whitney neglected to identify. For example, in Wh 14, the end verse from Horace is taken from Carmina, 3.6; in Wh 17, the end verse from Ovid is taken from Ars amatoria, Book 3, lines 373ff. The quotation from William Lily in Wh 60, "Est vitae ac pariter ianua lingua necis," is taken from "carmen de moribus" in A Short Introduction to Grammar (sigs. D6v-D8r). The end verse in Wh 138a is from Martial's "Falx," in Epigrammata, 14.34. Quotations without proper identification are, however, infrequent. Despite these minor oversights and unacknowledged borrowings, the majority of Whitney's annotations do reflect his familiarity with the common funds of learning of his day. Furthermore, the marginalia serve yet another purpose; for the modern student attempting to trace the literary or pictorial sources of Whitney's "newly devised" emblems, the marginal notes sometimes provide the only clues.

6. "Newly Devised" Emblems

Whitney took great pains in calling attention to the fact that a number of emblems in both the MS and Choice were newly devised. In the "Epistle Dedicatorie" to the Earl of Leicester, he writes: "I hope it shalbee the more delightfull, bicause none to my knowledge, hathe assayed the same before: &, for that diuers of the inuentiõs are of my owne slender workmanship." In the title-page to Choice, the new inventions are underscored after the derivative nature of the entire collection is announced: "For the moste parte gathered out of sundrie writers, | Englished and Moralized. | AND DIVERS NEWLY DEVISED, | by Geffrey Whitney." Unwilling, as it were, to let the fact of his having devised some new emblems slip past his reader going into the second part of Choice, he emphasizes it again in the half-title, this time by reducing the statement "For the most parte gathered out of sundrie writers" to simply "gathered." The fact that fourteen out of the fifteen "newly devised" emblems appear in the second part is therefore accurately reflected in "And diuerse newlie deuised" on the half-title. In the order in which they appear in Choice, with MS folio numbers following in square brackets, these fifteen emblems are:

95[29]
112[95]
114
129[77v]
131[80]
145[34]
161
167[94b]
168a[60va]
184[36]
185
198[19]
203[98v]
225
230

Strangely, little study has hitherto been made on these emblems, beyond listing them either as "untraced" or "newly devised"; especially lacking is an attempt to trace their non-emblematic pictorial or textual sources. The present effort will begin with those emblems that are based on simple, definite pictorial or textual sources, continue with those that are based on

more complex and eclectic sources, and end with those that are based on less certain, textual sources only. Since ten of the fifteen are in the MS, any changes in the process of converting from one version to another will again be noted.

Two "newly devised" emblems that have definite pictorial sources are Wh 203 and Wh 112. Wh 203, "A ship drawn by Providence," is based on the crest to Sir Francis Drake's coat of arms. According to Arthur Charles Fox-Davies in The Art of Heraldry, the arms are: "Sable, a fess wavy between two stars argent. Crest: a ship under reef, drawn round a terrestrial globe with a cable by a hand issuing from clouds all proper."[27] The last detail signifies divine assistance given to Drake during his circumnavigation (1577-1580) and is highlighted above the ship by the motto "Auxilio divino" (Fig. 31),[28] which Whitney borrowed for his emblem. The emblem in praise of Sir Francis Drake is dedicated to his cousin, Richard Drake, and concerns itself with celebrating Sir Francis' seamanship and God's providential help. The MS artist simply transposed the crest into a drawing, which the Choice artist copied faithfully (as is the case of all the "newly devised" emblems when there are no other models). The surrounding sun, moon, stars, and clouds were apparently added to support the verse. Written in poulter's measure, the poem begins by emphasizing the meteorological dangers that beset Drake's voyages: "Throvghe scorchinge heate, throughe coulde, in stormes, and tempests force, | By ragged rocks, by shelfes, and sandes: this Knighte did keepe his course." The reason for Drake's constancy is that "God was on his side," and the reason for his success is that he made it "By helpe of power deuine." Whitney goes on to compare the enchantment by which Medea helped Jason win the golden fleece (marginal note: Ouid.Met.lib.7) with the divine help given to Drake and belittles the small conquest of Jason. He concludes by challenging other world explorers to bring golden sands back from Ganges and by urging those stay-at-homes to give maximum praises to Drake for his incomparable feats. Wh 112, "The Schoolmaster of Faleria," with its motto of "Habet & bellum suas leges" is based upon Plutarch's life of Furius Camillus. Specifically, Whitney took the motto out of a speech by Camillus, which he quotes in toto in the margin, a portion of which reads: ". . . & tamen apud bonos viros, habentur etiam belli quaedam leges. . . ." Of greater significance is the fact that Whitney also cited in the margin the precise edition from which this speech was extracted: "Verba Camilli apud Plutarchum. Xylandro interprete." This edition of Plutarch is probably that published by Sigismund Feyerabendt at Frankfort on the Main in 1580. It is decorated with large woodcuts designed by Jost Amman. Whitney followed this Latin

version of Plutarch's account closely, especially in the first three lines of the last sextet, describing the whipping of the schoolmaster by his students on orders of Camillus: "Haec postquam dixit, lictoribus mandauit, vt proditori vestes deriperent, manusque in tergum revincirent: pueris autem virgas flagellaque darent, quibus eum ferientes in vrbem compellerent" (fol. 43v). This may be further compared with the equally faithful rendering from Amyot's French version by Sir Thomas North: "Therefore he commaunded his sergeants to teare the clothes of the backe of this vile schoolemaster, and to binde his hands behinde him: and that they should geve the children roodes and whippes in their handes, to whippe the traitour backe againe into the cittie . . . that had thus betrayed them and grieved their parents." Although in Whitney's verse the binding of the schoolmaster's hands has been omitted, the MS artist included this detail in his drawing as he copied faithfully from Amman's design. In reducing the original large woodcut of 109 x 148 mm. (4¼ x 5⅞”) into 67 x 95 mm. (2⅝ x 3¾”), he lessened the number of students from eight to six and eliminated the troops on the battlements as well as a burning town in the background (Figs. 32, 33). In further reducing the MS drawing into a square of 57 mm. (2¼”), the Choice artist had to eliminate further the city gate and a soldier standing in front of it, but he managed to restore the number of students to the original eight—another instance of his copying directly from the original model (Fig. 34). As a result, the woodcut of Wh 112 differs much from the original; yet, with Camillus on horseback in the background and the whipping of the schoolmaster by his students in the center unchanged, it represents adequately both the verse and the moral of this "newly devised" emblem.[29]

There are four emblems whose pictorial sources are not so definite; all of them are however related in a greater or lesser degree to Aesop's fables or their analogues. Wh 184 and Wh 95 may have been based on contemporary Aesopic illustrations even though their woodcuts differ significantly from their models, whereas Wh 145 and Wh 161 are only analogus to two extant fables. The woodcut in Wh 184, "Ox & the cur," diverges noticeably from the design in Freitag's Mythologia Ethica (1579) which Green suggested as a source. The etching in Freitag depicts this Aesop's fable of "dog in the manger" as taking place out of doors. Outside a farmhouse, the snarling dog occupies a haystack under what appears to be a lean-to, whereas Whitney's woodcut shows the two animals indoors with the dog inside the manger, refusing to allow the ox to feed. Since illustrated editions of Aesop's fables were readily available in Whitney's days—in fact, no fewer

than five editions were printed by Plantin between 1560 and 1581[30] —it is highly likely that the MS artist modeled his drawing after one of the illustrations in Aesop of the same fable. The fact remains, however, that the resultant woodcut of Wh 184 has a unique design unlike any of its probable models (Figs. 36-38).[31] It is not inconceivable that the MS artist who signed the drawing with his monogram [HA] devised it deliberately differently from his Aesopic models. Similar to Wh 184 in having a ready-to-hand model in Aesop is Wh 95, "De Inuido & Auaro, iocosum," although its woodcut differs even more significantly from its model than that of Wh 184. "Cupidus et Invidus," one of the five fables by Avianus, begins with Jupiter sending Phoebus to learn the dubious minds of men, and its illustration shows the envious man, his one eye plucked out, talking to Jupiter while a man (Phoebus in disguise?) with a dagger is plucking out both eyes of the covetous man lying on the ground (Fig. 39). The MS motto differs from that of Wh 95 in that it is more explicit of the moral: "Mutua auaritiae & inuidiae pœna," but the drawing is faithfully copied by the Choice artist. It depicts the envious man pointing at three eyes on the ground in front of him to the covetous man who is blinded in both eyes (Fig. 40). Moreover, the verse differs from the text of the fable in that Wh 95 plunges into the terms right away: "The Goddes agreed, two men

their wishe should haue. . . ." According to Whitney's marginal annotation (Auth. de Gueuara in Epistolis suis), his verse is based on the retelling of the same fable in one letter from Antonio de Guevara's collection of familiar epistles. In a contemporary English translation by Geffray Fenton entitled the Golden Epistles (1575), this letter has the caption of "One friend writeth to another of the rage of Envie, and the nature thereof," in which the original fable is greatly expanded and extensively moralized. Since this particular letter is not found in the original Spanish collection nor in subsequent Italian, French and English translations except in Fenton[32] and since, more importantly, the wordings in Fenton are at times similar to those of Wh 95, it is highly probable that Whitney used this version. Quoted below is the relevant portion with similar wordings from Whitney in quotes interpolated in square brackets:

. . . Whereupon he [the angel] willed them to aske what they would, and who made the first demaund should not onely haue fully all that he required, but the other should haue forthwith double as much. The one of these . . . was a couetous man, and the other an envious man, betwene whom this offer of the Angell bred no small contention ["They longe did striue, who shoulde the firste demaunde"]. For, the couetous man, who dwelles alwayes insatiable in the desire of gaine, would not make the first demaund, hauing regard to the wordes of the Angell promising double to the second ]"The Couetous man refus'de, bicause his mate, | Shoulde haue his gifte then doubled out of handes"[. The envious man, on the other-side, whose condicion is to desire that no good happen to an other, vsed scilence, determining rather to loase the benefite of the first demaund, then that his companion should enioye the double of his gaine. . . . For, being in this conflict who should aske first, and that of necessitie a demaunde must be made, the enuious man, thinking by the sufferance of simple harme in himselfe, to bring about double hurt to his fellowe, desired of the Angell that one of his eyes might bee put out, wherewith at the instant he lost one eye, and his companion was made blind of both (fol. 139r-v).

Apart from the obvious difference in Whitney, who has the gods compel

the envious man to begin: "Wherefore the Goddes . . . did commaunde, th'Enuious man beginne," the most important similarity is that the two men receive instantaneously what they have been promised: "Which beinge say'd, he did his wishe obtaine: | So but one eye, was lefte vnto them twaine." In the original fable, Phoebus laughs on hearing the envious man's request and goes back to Jupiter to report on that man's malice, and the moral of the fable weighs heavily against the sin of envy:

Tum sortem sapiens humanam risit Apollo,
Invidiaeque malum rettulit ipse Iovi,
Quae, dum proventis aliorum gaudet iniquis,
Laetior infelix et sua damna cupit.

Although the purpose of the letter in the Golden Epistles is also to illustrate the evils of envy, in its conclusion the writer introduces the element, borrowed by Whitney, of the envious man being used by the gods as a scourge of the covetous man: "So that where the one refused to bee satisfied with that which sufficed, the other was raysed as a scourge of his insatiable desires ['Wherefore the Goddes did plague him for his sinne'] and the one as wretched in spite ['who did not craue, what Midas cheife did choose, | Because his frende, the fruite thereof should finde'], as his companion in couetousneese, the one became the iust instrument of reuenge to another: A iustice of due force against such as striue in the quarrell of enuie and couetousness, both which, being contagious infections in the nature of man, the one poysoneth his soule, and the other consumes and dries up his body: of all other vices in the world, enuie is the most auncient, of most custome, and of greatest continuance, yea euen to the end of the world" (fols. 139v-140r). Touching also upon the evils of both sins, Whitney however singles out covetousness:

See heare how vile, theise caytiffes doe appeare,
To God, and man: but chieflie (as wee see)
The Couetous man, who hurteth farre, and neare.
Where spyteful men, theire owne tormentors bee.
But bothe be bad, and he that is the beste,
God keepe him thence, where honest men doe reste.

Quoting thus at length from the textual source of Whitney's verse in Wh 95 and finding no similar pictorial source for its woodcut leads to but one conclusion: the MS artist drew his picture on the basis of Whitney's verse alone. The genius of the artist is nowhere more cleverly seen than in the drawing of the three eyes on the ground, symbolizing the instant fulfillment of sinful retribution.

This same artist who signed his name with [HA] also drew the picture of "In curiosos" on fol. 34, later Wh 145. This emblem is not based on an Aesopic fable but represents perhaps an analogue of the fable about an ape imitating the fishermen and getting entangled in their nets.[33] Interestingly

enough its woodcut is similar to one of the 60 emblems in Hernando de Soto's Emblemas moralizados.[34] It is not entirely improbable that Hernando de Soto might have copied from Choice, even though it is more likely that both artists based their emblems on a common source now untraceable. Nonetheless, it is equally possible that the MS artist drew the picture solely on the basis of the verse in Wh 145, as he had done for Wh 95. Wh 161, "The sick fox & the lion," is unique in that it borrows its motto "Ars deluditur arte" from Sam 42, yet its woodcut has nothing in common with that in Sambucus. The latter shows a frog holding a stick in its mouth in order to avoid being swallowed by a menacing fish, whereas Wh 161 depicts a lion trying to trick a sick fox into letting him lick the patient with his allegedly "medicinal" tongue. It is probable that Whitney turned to his own Wh 210, "Lion feigning sickness," for an indirect pictorial model. While Wh 210 is based on one of the standard Aesop's fables,[35] the reversing of roles in Wh 161 is not to be found in Aesop or in any of its later additions. The nearest analogue could be the fable concerning a wolf and a sick ass which normally follows the sick lion and the fox in most collections of Aesop (Caxton, Book IV, Fable 12). Unlike Whitney's fox, however, the sick ass, true to his nature, allows the wolf to lick his wounds and so loses his life. Moreover, Wh 161 and Wh 210 have similar outcomes, the fox outwitting the lion in both instances, as they are given similar mottoes: "Ars deluditur arte" and "Fraus meretur fraudem." It is highly probable, therefore, that Whitney instructed the Choice artist to devise a new emblem by exchanging the positions of the lion and the fox in Wh 210 for the woodcut of Wh 161.

Two "newly devised" emblems (Wh 198 and Wh 114) base their woodcuts on textual sources, although both might have partial emblematic sources. Diogenes' living in a "tonne" and King Alexander's visiting him are the subject of one of the 74 copperplates engraved by Geerhardt de Jode, in a collection of scenes from human lives called Μιχροχόσμοζ or Parvus Mundus.[36] It is probable that the MS artist could have modeled his design partially on the plate by de Jode. However, Whitney's emblem is far from being simply a lesson on Diogenes' contentment alone. "Animus, non res" is illustrated in the second sextet with the lives of three wisemen, Diogenes, Bias, and Codrus. The four sextets, other than the first, all have copious notes to suggest the sources of Whitney's ideas. Especially, the third and fourth sextets are no more than translations of quotations respectively from Horace's Epistle to Lollius Maximus (I, ll. 51-53) and Ausonius' Septem Sapientum Sententiae (1. Bias Prieneus). But the design of the

drawing is based on the second sextet and the last two lines of the fourth sextet:

Diogenes, within a tonne did dwell,
No choice of place, nor store of pelfe he had;
And all his goodes, coulde Bias beare right well,
And Codrvs had small cates, his harte to gladde
His meate was rootes: his table, was a stoole,
Yet these for witte, did set the worlde to school?
. . . . . . . . .
Which proues: the man was ritcher in the tonne,
Then was the Kinge, that manie landes had wonne.

The first two and the last two lines above form the basis of Diogenes and King Alexander for which Whitney cites in the margin Erasmus' adage "vita doliaris" as his source. Codrus and his stool, to the right of Diogenes' tun, are more difficult to identify. Whitney's marginal note suggests Juvenal's Satyre (III, 10) as source: "Tota domus Codri rheda componitur vna." There is no mention in Juvenal of Codrus' meat being roots and his table being a stool. It is possible that Whitney found the ideas about the roots and the stool in sources other than Juvenal. Anyway, in designing the picture of contentment in poverty, the MS artist added Codrus and his stool with roots scattered in front of it to a rather commonplace emblematic representation of Diogenes. Inasmuch as Codrus is new, this emblem may properly be considered as "newly devised."

According to the marginalia, the account in Wh 114 of Attilius' heroic suffering of torture and death as a result of his keeping faith even with his enemies, as reflected in the motto "Hostis etiam seruanda fides," is based on those of Nepos, Eutropius, Italicus, and Gellius. From Cornelius Nepos' De viri illustres (Paris, 1500, Cap. xl) Whitney took for the first sextet of his verse the details of Attilius' success in overcoming two hundred thousand men, three score ships and two hundred towns in his African campaigns. The capture of Attilius by Xantippus and imprisonment at Carthage, and his return to Rome for the truce and exchange of prisoners of war, and his advice against the enemy's proposals are also elaborated in Flavius Eutropius' Breviarium historiae Romanorum. In a contemporary translation of the brief history by Nicolas Haward, Eutropius' account is rendered as follows: "And as for him, he was not worthye to be so muche esteamed (being now very aged) that for his cause, and the redeminge of a fewe others whyche were detained prisonners, at Carthage, so many thousand of their enemies should be restored. Regulus sone after, returned to Carthage: whome the Romaynes offered to detaine still at Rome. But hee denied that he woulde remayne in that city, in which he could not haue the name of an honest Citezen, sith that he had so long bene among the Carthaginiens. Whom (after his returne to Carthage,) the Carthaginiens with most cruel tormẽts put to death."[37] In adapting this account for his second and third sextets, Whitney omitted several interesting details

concerning Attilius' refusal to consider himself an honest Roman citizen because of his long captivity in Carthage, his unwillingness to live with his wife Marcia, and his persuasion of the Roman Senate not to grant a truce to the Carthaginians; instead, he emphasized Attilius' love for his own country and his insistence on returning to Carthage to keep his words. For the details of Attilius' torture, which Eutropius did not choose to elaborate, Whitney had to rely on the story of Aulus Gellius' Noctes Atticae, especially for the statement in his verse on Attilius' "mangled eies, the Sonne all daye assailes"; for the details of his death, Whitney borrowed from both Nepos and Italicus. These two details, the manners of torture and death, are extremely important because they form the bases of Whitney's woodcut. The bright sun at the upper left corner of the picture shines mercilessly upon Attilius' eyes, the lids of which have been pulled apart and sewn fast so that they cannot be closed. This form of torture is based on the account by Aelius Tubero in his Historiis from which Gellius quotes: "'In atras,' inquit, 'et profundas tenegras eum claudebant ac diu post, ubi erat uisus sol ardentissimus, repente educebant et aduersus ictus solis oppositum continebant atque intendere in caelum oculos cogebant. Palpebras quoque eius, ne coniuere posset, sursum ac deorsum diductas insuebant,'" (Noctes Atticae, VII, iv, 2). Nepos describes Attilius' death briefly at the end of his account mentioning specifically the wooden box with nails all around inside into which the Roman general was thrust. So, in greater detail it is described by Italicus,[38] who records Marus' narration of Attilius' death to the latter's son Serranus. There being no known illustration of Attilius' torture in quite the same manner as in Whitney's woodcut,[39] it is highly probable that the Choice artist drew the picture on the basis of the verse alone. What is especially significant about this verse is its highly eclectic nature, based as it is on the accounts of Nepos, Eutropius, Italicus, and Gellius.

Equally eclectic is the "newly devised" woodcut of Wh 225. It seems to have been based on three separate emblems from Montenay. As has been pointed out in the section on woodcut designs, there are nine emblems in Choice that are copied from models in Montenay's Emblèmes ou devises chrestiennes. All except Wh 225 are fairly close copies of their models (as seen in Figs. 27-30). For the design of "Superest quod suprà est" (Wh 225) the Choice artist seems to have made a composite drawing from Mon

(12), Mon (56), and Mon (63). There are three key ingredients in Whitney's emblem whose single couplet in poulter's measure quotes the Christian wayfarer as saying: "Adewe deceiptfull worlde, thy pleasures I detest: | Nowe, others with thy showes delude; my hope in heauen doth rest." To represent "heauen" the artist uses the Hebrew word Yahweh encircled by radiance and clouds; to depict the "deceiptfull worlde," he uses a globe; and the speaker of the couplet just quoted is identified as a pilgrim whose back is turned away from the globe on the ground and whose face is uplifted towards the sky where the word Yahweh shines above the clouds, and towards that direction he is walking with a long staff (Fig. 43). Now, although the artist has copied eight other emblems from Montenay, there is none among the one hundred emblems of Montenay that comes close to having all these ingredients in one picture. The closest model is Mon (63) "Beati pauperes" which shares a similar idea with "Superest quod suprà est" in that both the poor in spirit and the pilgrim are steadfast in God and in heavenly things. Mon (63) also has Yahweh and a globe; however, instead of a pilgrim, as demanded by its subject naturally, the poor in spirit is represented by a naked child, who is lifting up his heart on the tip of a long stick towards Yahweh (Fig. 42). Furthermore, the globe is pictured differently from that in Whitney's emblem. For the latter, drawn with longitudes and latitudes as well as the names of the three continents, Asia, Europa, and Africa, the artist modeled on that in Mon (56), "Nemo duobus," which he must have already copied for Wh 223, "Nemo potest duobus dominis seruire" (Fig. 44). There are thirteen emblems with a globe in them in Montenay; only in (56) is the globe drawn with lines and names of the continents. Since Whitney's artist had just copied it for Wh 223, he no doubt conveniently used the same globe once more in Wh 225. It is highly probable, therefore, that he had both Mon (56) and Mon (63) in front of him when he designed Wh 225; for the globe he copied from (56), for Yahweh he copied from (63). For the pilgrim, however, he needed another model, which he found in Mon (12), "Sed futuram inquirimus" (Fig. 45). Above all, all three of Montenay's emblems share the same idea of contemptus mundi with the motto of "Superest quod suprà est" in Wh 225. As for the four-sextet alternate verse, Whitney seems to have written it on his own, basing it entirely on numerous scriptural verses (all annotated in the margin). So, unlike Wh 114 whose verse is a composite from four different sources and whose woodcut is based on the verse alone, Wh 225 has a composite woodcut based on three different models, even though they all come from the same source, Montenay's Emblèmes.

Wh 131 "Scripta manent" may also be the result of composite borrowing from different pictorial or textual sources. Green (pp. 178, 124) suggested that the woodcut design could have been based on one emblem from Coustau's Pegma, whose woodcut pictures buildings in ruin, and one emblem from Horapollo's Hieroglyphica, which depicts the lasting value of books. Two considerations, however, argue against the validity of this

suggestion. One is the fact that apart from the suggested use here in Wh 131, nowhere else did Whitney borrow from these two sources. The other is that both the mutability theme represented by buildings in ruin and the permanence of writings represented by books are such commonplaces that any emblem that contains ruined buildings and any emblem that portrays books and manuscripts would have inspired Whitney's emblem. His verse in Wh 131 also could have been inspired in a composite way; whether or not he knew Coustau and Horapollo is less material. As for the woodcut, the MS artist could have simply drawn from Whitney's text. From the discussion of the ten "newly devised" emblems so far, both the MS and the Choice artists have been shown to be competent painters, capable of drawing from textual descriptions alone. Accordingly, since no pictorial sources have been found for Wh 168a, Wh 185, Wh 129, and Wh 167, it may be assumed that Whitney's artists drew their illustrations from Whitney's verses alone. Assumed still useful is Green's caution after he has listed 23 emblems as "newly devised": "We cannot however say with certainty that the whole of these 23 emblems are original; further researches may lessen the number, and two or three works, to which I have not obtained access, seem likely to supply some of the missing identifications . . ." (p. 237). That his number has been reduced to 15 bears out the accuracy of his prediction; however exhaustive the present research has been—and in the field of iconographical and emblematic study no research can ever hope to be exhaustive—the assumption that the number may still be lessened by further researches remains valid. On the other hand, as long as only non-emblematic pictorial or textual sources should be found, such discovery would in no way lessen the number of "newly devised" emblems. On the contrary, it would only strengthen the impression that Whitney was a resourceful emblem-writer. The last emblem, Wh 230, no doubt is entirely original with Whitney. "Tempus omnia terminat" is a fitting finale for the Choice of 248 emblems; "And all must ende, that euer was begonne."

One outcome of this comparative study of the two versions of Choice is certainly a better understanding of the intricate interdependence and interaction among the motto, the woodcut, and the verse of an emblem. Changes in one necessitate changes in the other two, and most of the changes are brought about by Whitney's desire to achieve greater harmony among these three components. Differences between the MS and the printed versions and discrepancies among the three components exist because the MS artist generally followed Whitney's verse faithfully and did not hesitate to alter his model, whereas the Choice artist, in recopying the MS drawings based on La Perrière and Aneau, tended to follow his models rather than the MS drawings (except of course Wh 108). In the case of the "newly devised" emblems that are in the MS, the Choice artist still followed directly the original source (e.g., Wh 112), but copied the MS drawing faithfully when it

was his only model (e.g., Wh 95). By using identical woodblocks from his source emblem-books and by not having time to revise his verses to harmonize with the cuts, Whitney left some emblems in Choice with woodcuts that are unsupported by their verses. The exposition in this essay of these discrepancies has provided a number of insights into Whitney's manner of collecting his emblems from other sources. Moreover, the review of his sources and the examination of his marginal annotations contribute to a fuller knowledge of how Whitney put together an emblem-book. But it is among the 15 "newly devised" emblems, particularly among the 10 with their pictorial and textual sources traced in the last section, that Whitney revealed himself to be a competent emblematist, and of especial significance to literature students are those "newly devised" emblems that are based on more than one pictorial or textual source.

APPENDIX I

A List of Source Emblem-Books Used

Alciati, Andrea. Omnia Andreae Alciati V. C. Emblemata: Cum commentariis, quibus Emblematum omnium aperta origine, mens auctoris explicatur, & obscura omnia dubiaque illustrantur: Per Claudium Minoem Diuionensem. Antverpiae, Ex officina Christophori Plantini, M.D. LXXVII. Although Green owned a copy of the 1577 Plantin edition—see his Andrea Alciati and His Books of Emblem: A Biographical and Bibliographical Study (1872), No. 93 in the "Bibliographical Catalogue" — the list of Whitney's emblems that are borrowed from those of Alciati is oddly based on the 1581 Plantin edition, (Green, No. 99). Hereinafter reference to this catalogue will be simply Green, followed by the number. In addition, I have consulted no fewer than fourteen principal editions of Alciati in the Henry E. Huntington Library, most of which belonged at one time to the great bibliophile Robert Hoe, from the earliest 1531 Steyner to the latest 1676 Plantin editions. Also available to me are two other editions. One is the undated copy of Alciati's Emblemata in the Archive Library of Washington State University. Based on the wordings of its title-page and the specific page on which Mignault's May 1576 laudation of Alciati begins, this edition appears to fit the description of the 1601 Paris edition (Green, No. 128). The other is the 1973 Scolar Press reprint of the second edition of Diego López's Declaración magistral sobre las emblemas de Andrés Alciato, Valencia 1655 (Green, No. 164).

Aneau, Barthélemy (or Anulus). Picta Poesis. Ut pictura poesis erit. Lugduni, Apud Mathiam Bonhomme. 1552.

Faernus, Gabriel. Fabulae Centum ex antiquis auctoribus delectae et a Gabriele Faerno Cremonensi carminibus explicatae. Antverpiae: Ex

officina Christophori Plantini, 1573. The first edition with full-page copperplate illustrations was published in Rome by Vincentius Luchinus, [1563].

Junius, Hadrianus. Hadriani Iunii Medici Emblemata. Eiusdem Aenigmatum libellus. Lugduni Batavorum, Ex officina Christophori Plantini. M.D.LXXXV. 62 wdcts; 58 in Emblemata, 4 in Aenigmatum. First edition, 1565, with 57 wdcts; 1566 edition with 58 wdcts; the 1567 edition in French with 56 wdcts. Also available to me is the 1972 Scolar Press reprint of the first edition.

La Perrière, Guillaume de. Le Théâtre des bons engins, auquel sont contenuz cent Emblèmes moraulx. . . . [Paris] De l'Imprimerie de Denys Ianot . . . [1539]. I have used the facsimile reprint of the 1539 edition ed. by Greta Dexter (1964), the 1973 Scolar Press reprint of the same, and the photocopy of the extremely rare English translation by Thomas Combe (London, Printed by Richard Field, 1614). The original is at the Huntington. Rather than from the 1539 French edition, Whitney copied his MS drawings and Choice woodcuts from either the 1545 or the 1583 Lyons editions by Jean de Tournes, which in turn may have served as copy text for Combe. For a detailed discussion on this discovery, see Section 3.

Montenay, Georgette de. Emblèmes, ou Devises Chrestiennes, Composees par Damoiselle Georgette de Montenay. A Lyon, Par Jean Marcorelle. M.D.LXXI. (rpt. Scolar Press, 1973). I have also used the Latin edition: Georgiae Montaneae Nobilis Gallae Emblematum Christianorum Centuria, Cum eorundem Latina interpretatione . . . Tiguri, Apud Christophorum Froschouerum, 1584. Missing from the cuts of this edition is the Cross of Lorraine which is the mark of the artist, Pierre Woeiriot, even though here and there traces of its being removed can be detected when compared with the 1571 plates.

Paradin, Claude. Symbola Heroica M. Claudii Paradini, Belliiocensis Canonici, et D. Gabrielis Symeonis, Symbola: iam recèns ex idiomate Gallico in Lat . . . à Iohan. Gubernatore, patria Gediniense, conversa. Antverpiae, Ex officina Christophori Plantini, 1567. The pagination, 7-258, is identical to that of the second French edition printed in Lyons by Ian de Tournes and Guillaume Gazeau in 1557; the part containing the 36 emblems designed by Symeoni begins on p. 271 and ends on p. 316. I have a reprint of this 1557 French edition by the Scolar Press, 1971. The woodcuts of this Latin edition appear to be close copies of those of the French edition.

Sambucus, Joannes. Emblemata, cum aliquot nummis antiqui operis, Ioannis Sambuci . . . Antverpiae, ex officina Christophori Plantini, M.D.LXIV. 166 wdcts and 8 pages of medals. Also used is the fourth Latin edition of 1576, which contains 222 emblems and 45 cuts of medals.

For catalogues of emblem-books I relied mainly on Praz's comprehensive bibliography, pp. 241-576, and Robert Hoe's Catalogue of Books of Emblems in the Library of Robert Hoe (1908).

APPENDIX II

A List of Emblems with Mottoes in Choice & Their Sources

Whitney's emblems are numbered, following Green's example, by pages; whenever two emblems appear on the same page, the one in the upper half of the page will be designated as a and the one in the lower half, b. Green's descriptions of individual emblems are printed in three types: roman signifies that Whitney's woodcuts were struck off from the same Plantin blocks as their sources; italic indicates that because the source emblem-books were not printed by Plantin (and therefore no identical woodblocks were available), Whitney's artist had to copy from these sources; capital represents emblems without direct and single emblematic sources, thus "newly devised" by Whitney. Numbers in brackets following the description are folios in MS. Typ 14 for cross-referencing to Appendix III. Source emblem-books (see Appendix I) are identified by the following keys:

Alc=Alciati, Emblemata, 1577.
Ane=Aneau, Picta Poesis, 1552.
Fae=Faernus, Fabulae Centum, 1573.
Jun="Junius, Emblemata, 1585.
Mon="Montenay, Emblèmes, 1571.
Par=Paradin, Symbola Heroica, 1567.
La Perrière, Le Thèâtre, 1545.
Sam=Sambucus, Emblemata, 1564 & 1576.

Numbers following source keys represent pages, those in parentheses signify emblem numbers, and those in brackets, pages in a later edition (or in Par, emblems designed by Symeoni). Numbers below the "Source" and opposite the mottoes represent column numbers in Henkel & Schöne's Handbuch (1967), which treats all these sources save Faernus and Paradin. Those numbers followed by an (*) indicate that the Handbuch has failed to identify the exact source listed above with Whitney's emblems. Since the Handbuch uses the 1531 Steyner edition of Alciati and supplements it with the 1551 Roville edition, rather than the 1577 Plantin edition, the references to Alciati are useful only for comparing the mottoes and the verses with those in Choice. Also in this place are references to plates in Green (Gr) and to figures of this essay.

Wh	Description & Motto	Source
1	Ivy & obelisk[7]	Jun(14)
	Te stante, virebo	1222*
2	Mercury & travelers[7v]	Alc(8)
	Quà dij vocant, eundum	1776
3	Crocodile & her eggs[8]	Jun(19)
	Prouidentia	668
4	Envy & Truth[10]	Jun(53)
	Veritas temporis filia	Gr26c
5	Swallow & grasshopper[9v]	Alc(179)
	Dissidia inter aequales	872b
6	Charioteer & horses[11]	Alc(55)
	Temeritas	1072b
7	Arson & assassin[14]	Sam 206
	Intestinae simultates	1133b
8	Ass bearing Isis[13]	Alc(7)
	Non tibi, sed Religioni	512
9	Astronomer & farmer[15v]	Sam 28
	Experientia docet	1057
10	Sirens & Ulysses[17v]	Alc(115)
	Sirenes	1697
11	Ship, snow, & sun[18v]	Sam 46
	Res humanae in summo	114
12	Tun with holes	Par 146
	Frustrà
13	Niobe & children[23]	Alc(67)
	Superbiae vltio	1656a
14	Heraclitus & Democritus[24]	Alc(151)
	In vitam humanam	1157*
15	Actaeon & his hounds[26v]	Sam 128
	Voluptas aerumnosa	Gr25
16	Pigmies & Hercules[27]	Alc(58)
	Quod potes, tenta	1653a
17	Drinking & gaming[27v]	Sam[252]
	Ludus, luctus, luxus
18	Ass eating thistles[13v]	Alc(85)
	In auaros	511b
Wh	Description & Motto	Source
19	Goddess Nemesis[18]	Alc(27)
	Nec verbo, nec facto	1811b
20	Sun & hill of snow[20v]	Sam 44
	Minuit praesentia famam	113b
21	Beetle on a rose	Par 215
	Turpibus exitium
22	Fox on floating ice[25v]	Sam 98
	Nullus dolus contra casum	456
23	Ears of corn & sheaf[26]	Par 244
	Mihi pondera, luxus
24	Snake & Strawberry plant[30]	Par 70
	Latet anguis in herba
25	Pliny over-curious[31v]	Sam 159
	Curis tabescimus omnes	1184b
26	Miller sleeping[37]	Sam 107
	Otium sortem exspectat	1241
27	Fowler & decoy bird[67v]	Alc(50)
	Dolus in suos	837a
28	Icarus falling[59v]	Alc(103)
	In Astrologos	1056b
29	Bird brooding[63v]	Alc(193)
	Amor in filios	861b
30	Prowess mourning Ajax[65]	Alc(48)
	In victoriam dolo partam	1685b
31	Neighbor's fire & envious	Sam[249]
	Caecum odium	1134
32	Murderer & his shadow[66v]	Sam[243]
	In poenam sectatur & vmbra	1035*
33	Swallow's nest[45] (Fig. 3)	Alc(54)
	Ei, qui semel sua prodegerit	1640a
34	Gourd & pine[45v]	Alc(124)
	In momentaneam felicitatem	331
35	Hunted beaver[46]	Alc(152)
	Aere quandoque salutem etc.	460*
36	Bird & bucket[41va]	Sam 101
	Durum telum necessitas	801

Wh	Description & Motto	Source
37	Hector & Ajax[64]	Alc(167)
	Inimicorum dona, infausta	1682b
38	Warrior & steed[16]	Alc(35)
	Non locus virum etc.	1069b
39	Dog & his shadow[33] (Fig. 10)Fae	90
	Mediocribus vtere partis	566*
40	Choices of Hercules[37]	Jun(44)
	Biuium virtutis & vitij	1643
41	Thief stangled[38v]	Sam 209
	Poena sequens	1136
42	Glory fleeing sloth[33v]	Jun(52)
	Venter, pluma, Venus etc.	1565
43	Astronomer & compass[65v]	Sam 84
	Mens immota manet	1471a
44	Lion & dog[83v]	Jun(10)
	Desiderium spe vacuum	566a
45	Agamemnon & shield[81]	Alc(57)
	Furor & rabies	373b
46	Aged dame & skulls[17]	Sam 65
	Varij hominum sensus	1000
47	Caesar & Cicero[15]	Alc(41)
	Marte & arte	1688a
48	Ass eating grass ropes[68v]	Alc(91)
	Labor irritus	517b
49	She-goat & wolf's whelp[89]	Alc(64)
	In eum qui sibi damnum	532b
50a	Weary man & swallows[41vb]	Alc(70)
	Garrulitas	873
50b	Youth & age[42b]	Jun(35)
	Quaere adolescens etc.	962a
51a	Spider & bee[59a]	Jun(33)
	Vitae, aut morti	302a
51b	Ostrich & its wings[54b]	Par 49
	Nil penna, sed vsus
52a	Bull & elephant[61a]	Sam[215]
	Fortissima minimis interdum	526a
Wh	Description & Motto	Source
52b	Small fish & enemies[61b]	Alc(169)
	Iniuriis, infirmitas subiecta	715b
53a	Sow & gleanings[89va]	Alc(45)
	In dies meliora	552b
53b	Sour fig tree on hill[90a]	Alc(73)
	Luxuriosorum opes	240a
54a	Trumpeter captured[76a]	Alc(173)
	Agentes, & consentientes etc.	1063b
54b	Swallow & cuckoo[88]	Alc(100)
	In quatuor anni tempora	744a
55a	Two redbreasts[48va]	Alc(93)
	Duobus ganeonibus etc.	743
55b	Boys blowing bubbles[90b]	Jun(16)
	Cuncta complecti velle	1316a
56	Dog biting stone[66]	Alc(174)
	Alius peccat, alius plectitur	562
57	Washing the Aethiop[68]	Alc(59)
	Aethiopem lauare	1087
58	Ape using dog's paw[43v]	Sam 110
	Non dolo, sed vi(Fig. 8)	433
59	Whirlwind & trees	Sam[279]
	Nimium rebus ne fide secundis	253
60	Pythagoras & silence[44]	Alc(11)
	Silentium	1823
61	I see & keep silent[44v]
	Video, & taceo
62	Withered elm & vine(Fig. 1)	Alc(159)
	Amicitia, etiam post mortem	259
63	Cupid drawn by lions	Alc(105)
	Potentissimus affectus, amor	385
64	Hen sucking own eggs[62]	Sam 30
	Quae ante pedes	847
65	Blind carrying lame	Alc(160)
	Mutuum auxilium	990b
66	Sword & trowel[14v]	Par 115
	In vtrumque paratus

Wh	Description & Motto	Source
67	Thunderbolt & laurel[61v]	Sam 14
	Murus aeneus etc.	203
68	Sifting of corn[30v]	Par 145
	Sic discerne
69	Curtained window[24v]	Sam 169
	Interiora vide	1237
70	Brutus' suicide[31]	Alc(119)
	Fortuna virtutem superans	1181
71	Casting net into sea	Sam 230
	Fides non apparentium	1112
72	Sea-water & sluice[19v]	Sam 70
	Virtus vnita, valet	98
73	Stork & her young[25]	Alc(30)
	Gratiam referendam	827
74	Tantalus in water[83]	Alc(84)
	Auaritia	1655
75	Prometheus & vulture[91v]	Alc(102)
	O vita, misero longa	1657
76a	Two warriors reconciled[94a]	Alc(39)
	Concordia	1013
76b	Killing snake in wall	Sam 47
	Remedium tempestiuum sit	630
77a	Fisherman & eel[40v]	Alc(21)
	Serò sapiunt Phryges	707b
77b	Old tree & firewood[37vb]	Sam 154
	Dum viuo, prosum	225
78	Archer & adder[35]	Alc(104)
	Noli altum sapere	1105
79	Lais & musk-cat[47]	Alc(79)
	Saepius in auro bibitur etc.	464
80	Anellus & his wife[47v]	Sam[253]
	Praepostera fides
81	King, child & idiot[63]	Sam[258]
	Fatuis leuia commitito	958a
82	Transform into swine[86v]	Alc(76)
	Homines voluptatibus etc.	1694
Wh	Description & Motto	Source
83	Paris & 3 goddesses[71v]	Sam 152
	Iudicium Paridis	1677
84	Hanno & his birds[62v]	Sam 60
	Ridicula ambitio	1186b
85	To cast off sloth[77]	Alc(81)
	Desidiam abiiciendam	986a
86	Shroud on a spear[21]	Par 53
	Mortui diuitiae
87	Pelican feeding her young[91a]	Jun(7)
	Quod in te est, prome	811
88	Ears of corn & sheaf[42a]	Par 210
	De paruis, grandis aceruus	Fig. 7
89	Apodes of India[80v]	Sam 132
	Vita irrequieta	798
90	Dolphin aground[42v]	Alc(166)
	In eum qui truculentia etc.	684b
91	Jupiter & beasts[9]	Fae 95
	Tecum habita (Fig. 11)	607*
92	Mercury & the lute[55]	Sam 59
	Industria naturam corrigit	1774*
93a	Ass, ape & mole[92v]	Fae 56
	Infortunia nostra etc.	Fig. 12
93b	Virtues of a wife[75va]	Jun(50)
	Vxoriae virtutes	1543b
94	Envy feeding on vipers[23v]	Alc(71)
	Inuidiae descriptio	1570b
95	THE ENVIOUS & THE COVETOUS[29]
	De Inuido & Auaro, Iocosum	Fig. 39
96	Rock & raging winds	Jun(59)
	Petre, imitare petram	67
97	Cuttlefish escaping[21v]	Sam 76
	Dum potes, viue	702
98a	Fox & grapes	Fae 36
	Stultitia sua seipsum etc.	Gr27
98b	Down trodden dock[48vb]	Par[299]
	Virescit vulnere virtus

Wh	Description & Motto	Source
99	Tyrant Mezentius[82]	Alc(197)
	Impar coniugium	1708
100	Dog, bull, & painter[64v]	Sam 177
	Frontis nulla fides(Fig. 9)	1304b*
101	Caged nightingale[49]	Jun(56)
	Animi scrinium seruitus	871
102	Sword hanging by thread	Par 134
	In sortis suae contemptores
103	Minerva[50]	Sam 137
	Interdum requiescendum	212b
	The Second Parte
108	Janus, scepter & mirror[52v]	Per(1)
	Respice, & prospice(Fig. 25)	1819*
111	Scaevola's hand over fire	Par 120
	Pietas in patriam
112	SCHOOLMASTER OF FALERIA[95]	Figs.
	Habet & bellum suas leges	32-34
113	Valerius & the crow	Par 106
	Insperatum auxilium
114	REGULUS ATTILIUS TORTURED
	Hosti etiam seruanda fides
115	Garlands of M. Sergius	Par 218
	Fortiter & feliciter
116	Rampant lion & sword[90va]	Par 86
	Celsa potestatis species
117	Arrows in the shield[95v]	Par 123
	Audaces fortuna iuuat
118	Frogs, serpent & palm[53v]	Jun(9)
	Inuidia integritatis assecla	195
119	Lion, boar & vulture[54v]	Alc(125)
	Ex damno alterius	788
120	Cock, lion & church[16v]	Alc(15)
	Vigilantia, & custodia	1215
121	Crab & butterfly[55v]	Par[273]
	Festina lentè	Fig. 5
Wh	Description & Motto	Source
122	Chaos[97v]	Ane 49
	Sine iustitia, confusio	5a
124	Friend in Fox's skin[76v]	Sam 198
	Amicitia fucata vitanda	974
125	Crocodile & dog[38b]	Sam 41
	Sobriè potandum	565
126	Poet's badge[87]	Alc(183)
	Insignia poëtarum	814
127	Hares & dead lion[60]	Alc(153)
	Cùm laruis non luctandum	397
128	Mouse & oyster[70]	Alc(94)
	Captiuus, ob gulam	590a
129	AN OVERWHELMING SEA[77v]
	Constanter
130	Seven wise men[79]	Alc(186)
	Dicta septem sapientum	1291
131	BUILDINGS & BOOKS[80]
	Scripta manent
132	Love & Death[57v & 58]	Alc(154)
	De morte, & amore: iocosum	1581*
133	Vine & olive[72] (Fig. 2)	Alc(24)
	Prudentes vino abstinent	208*
134	Dyer at his cauldron[12]	Alc(117)
	In colores	1292
135	Sage, Cupid & lady[12v]	Alc(108)
	In studiosum captum amore	1054a
136	Ewer &c. & tomb [82v]	Alc(31)
	Abstinentia	1354b
137	Ship on its course[54]	Alc(43)
	Constantia comes victoriae	1462a
138a	Helmet becoming a hive	Alc(177)
	Ex bello, pax	1489b
138b	Arrow shot at Marble[28v]	Par 159
	Calumniam contra calumniatorem

Wh	Description & Motto	Source
139a	Gold on touchstone	Par 167
	Sic spectanda fides	Gr56
139b	Nemesis & Hope[73v]	Alc(46)
	Illicitum non sperandum	1557
140	Ban-dog & lap-dog[78]	Sam 183
	Feriunt summos fulmina montes	576a
141	Brasidas' shield[28]	Ane 18
	Perfidus familiaris	1491b
142	Ape & fox[41]	Sam 19
	In copia minor error	455b
143	Pen of Valens[29v]	Par 154
	Vindice fato
144	Arion & dolphin[34v]	Alc(89)
	Homo homini lupus	1608
145	APE CAUGHT IN THE STOCKS[34]	Cf.
	In curiosos	435a
146	Apollo & Bacchus	Alc(99)
	In iuuentam	1828
147	Cupid & bees[57]	Alc(111)
	Fel in melle	1758
148	Cupid complaining to Venus	Alc(112)
	Ferè simile ex Theocrito	1759
149	Narcissus & his shadow[35v]	Alc(69)
	Amor sui	1627
150	Elephant & tree[67]	Sam 184
	Nusquam tuta fides	416
151	King & the sponge[69]	Alc(147)
	Quod non capit Christus	1355
152	Winged & weighted hands[39v]	Alc(120)
	Paupertatem summis ingeniis	1022b
153a	Stag biting boughs	Fae 117
	Pro bono, malum
153b	Fox & boar	Fae 132
	In pace de bello
154	Lion, ass & fox	Fae 11
	Aliena pericula, cautiones
Wh	Description & Motto	Source
155	Thief & his mother	Fae 119
	Indulgentia parentum
156a	Lady & physician	Fae 113
	Dolor è medicina
156b	Fox & lion	Fae 35
	Dura vsu molliora
157	Heedless astronomer	Fae 123
	In eos, qui, proximioribus etc.
158	Drowning of Colasmus' wife	Fae 49
	Post fata: vxor morosa
159	Ant & grasshopper	Fae 17
	Dum aetatis ver agitur
160	Satyr & host	Fae 96
	Billingues cauendi
161	SICK FOX & LION
	Ars deluditur arte
162	Wolf, mother & babe	Fae 128
	In eos qui multa promittunt
163	Aeneas rescuing Anchises[84]	Alc(194)
	Pietas filiorum in parentes	1703
164	Brass & earthen pots[78v]	Alc(165)
	Aliquid mali propter vicinum	1381
165	Man plucking roses [88v]	Per(30)
	Post amara dulcia	298a*
166a	Bible in heavens & Satan	Mon(72)
	Veritas inuicta	Fig.27
166b	Snake shaken over fire[74b]	Par 187
	Si Deus nobiscum
167	OLD MAN & INFANT[94b]
	Cum tempore mutamur
168a	HOMER & THE MUSES BEGGING[60va]
	Si nihil attuleris
168b	Bending the bow[37va]	Par[301]
	Ingenium superat vires
169	Ape & miser's gold[70v]	Par[311]
	Malè parta malè dilabuntur	Fig.6

Wh	Description & Motto	Source
170	Gorged kite & dam[85]	Alc(128)
	Ferè simile praecedenti	792
171	Reading & practising[43]	Sam 62
	Vsus libri, non lectio	1288
172	Candle, book & hourglass	Jun(5)
	Studiis inuigilandum	1366b
173	Student & child gather[86]	Sam 117
	Praecocia non diuturna	345
174	Fruitful wayside tree[92]	Alc(192)
	In foecunditatem	179a
175	Diligence drawn by ants[46v]	Per(100)
	Otiosi semper egentes(Fig.14)	1563*
176	Three dames at dice[22]	Alc(129)
	Semper praesto esse infortunia	1120b
177	Phoenix from the flames	Par 89
	Vnica semper auis
178	Lion & travelled fool[84v]	Sam 204
	Caelum, non animum	402a
179	Swimming with burden[10v]	Per(70)
	Auri sacra fames quid non?	989a*
180	Fowler & bird[32v]	Per(90)
	Verbum emissum(Fig. 17)	748a*
181	Occasion[8v]	Alc(121)
	In occasionem	1809
182a	Cupid's emblems[74v]	Alc(106)
	Potentia amoris
182b	Bull, horse & woman	Sam 144
	Pulchritudo vincit
183a	Burning torch downward[73]	Par[302]
	Qui me alit me extinguit	Gr57
183b	Wrongs cut on marble[96vb]	Par[286]
	Scribit in marmore laesus	Gr37
184	OX & CUR[36]	Figs.
	Nec sibi, nec alteri	36-38
185	QUINTILIAN, AUTHOR & FAME
	Scripta non temere edenda
Wh	Description & Motto	Source
186	Orpheus & animals	Sam[234]
	Orphei Musica
187	Bacchus & his emblems[69v]	Alc(25)
	In statuam Bacchi	1825b
188a	Ape & darling whelp[89vb]	Par 226
	Caecus amor prolis
188b	Lamprey & arrow[74a]	Alc(20)
	Maturandum	713
189a	Bosom nourishing serpent[76b]	Sam[269]
	In sinu alere serpentem	638
189b	Goat overturning milk[96va]	Alc(140)
	In desciscentes	533
190a	Urging a fool climb tree	Ane 60
	Stultorum quantò status etc.	432
190b	Giving quickly	Par[307]
	Bis dat qui citò dat
191a	Hawk's lure[38a]	Par 153
	Spes vana
191b	Hear, be still, flee	Jun(62)
	Audi, tace, fuge
192	Sword tried on anvil[44v]	Per(31)
	Importunitas euitanda(Fig.20)	1408*
193	Thetis at Achilles' tomb	Alc(135)
	Strenuorum immortale nomen	1687
194	Drum, terror after death	Alc(170)
	Vel post mortem formidolosi	1517
195	Elephant & serpent[56]	Sam[228]
	Victoria cruenta	411b
196	Fame armed with a pen	Jun(60)
	Pennae gloria perennis	1536b
198	ALEXANDER & DIOGENES[19]	Cf.
	Animus, non res	Fig.41
199	Time after man & woman	Sam 23
	Quae sequimur fugimus	1814
200	Bees seeking their hive	Alc(148)
	Patria cuique chara	918

Wh	Description & Motto	Source
202	Courtier in the stocks	Acl(86)
	Aureae compedes	1047a
203	SHIP DRAWN BY PROVIDENCE[98v]
	Auxilio diuino	Fig.31
204	Palace with two doors[40]	Sam 197
	Auaritia huius saeculi	1236
205	The cypress tree[49v]	Per(65)
	Pulchritudo sine fructu	216*
206	Unripe grapes trodden[20]	Sam 164
	Tempore cuncta mitiora	268
207	Falcon, geese & ducks[79v]	Alc(139)
	Imparilitas	780
208	Playing chess[93v]	Per(59)
	Tunc tua res agitur	1120a*
209	Sick miser & his gold	Sam[229]
	Ex morbo medicina
210	Lion feigning sickness	Fae 124
	Fraus meretur fraudem
211	Jealous wife[96]	Ane 77
	Zelotypia	1592
212	Insignia of Aesculapius[56v]	Jun(25)
	Medici Icon	1785
213	Dog barking at moon[32]	Alc(164)
	Inanis impetus	563
214	Phryxus & golden fleece[71]	Alc(189)
	In diuitem, indoctum	1633a
215	Sisyphus rolling stone[81v]	Ane 79
	Interminabilis humanae labor	1659
216a	Broth boiling over	Mon(42)
	Qui se exalta, humiliabitur	1386a*
216b	Reconciliation at sunset	Mon(70)
	Sol non occidat super iracundiam
217	Hay on a pole[93]	Par 229
	Omnia caro foenum
Wh	Description & Motto	Source
218a	Pan, Apollo & Midas[90vb]	Ane 91
	Peruersa iudicia	1605*
218b	The Shadows[75]	Ane 58a
	Mulier vmbra viri	1034a
219	Gnats round a candle	Jun(49)
	In amore tormentum	910
220	Reed, oak & tempest[11v]	Jun(43)
	Vincit qui patitur	150b
221	Lily among thorns	Mon(39)
	Aculei irriti	306a*
222a	The climbing ivy[58va]	Sam 140
	Neglecta virescunt	278
222b	Cats in traps, rats play	Jun(4)
	Impunitas ferociae parens	595
223	No man serves two masters	Mon(56)
	Nemo potest duobus dominis	Fig.44
224a	Crown for persecuted	Mon(67)
	Sic probantur
224b	Alms by sound of trumpet	Mon(90)
	Noli tuba canere Eleemosynam
225	PILGRIM LOOKING AT HEAVEN
	Superest quod suprà est	Fig.43
226	Cloak & mask	Par[289]
	Amico ficto nulla fit iniuria
227	Three horses racing	Par[293]
	Sic aetas fugit
228	Axe wielded by woodman	Mon(61)
	Soli Deo gloria	1413b*
229a	Adam hiding behind a tree	Mon(65)
	Dominus viuit & videt(Fig.29)	1844a*
229b	A human skull	Ane 55
	Ex maximo minimum	997a
230	THE SUN SETTING
	Tempus omnia terminat

APPENDIX III

A List of Emblems in MS. Typ 14, Parallels from Choice, & Their Sources

Fol	Wh	Source
7	1	Jun(14)
7v	2	Alc(8)
8	3	Jun(19)
8v	181	Alc(121)
9	91	Ane 80
9v	5	Alc(179)
10	4	Jun(53)
10v	179	Per(70)
11	6	Alc(55)
11v	220	Jun(43)
12	134	Alc(117)
12v	135	Alc(108)
13	8	Alc(7)
13v	18	Alc(85)
14	7	Sam 206
14v	66	Par 115
15	47	Alc(41)
15v	9	Sam 28
16	38	Alc(35)
16v	120	Alc(15)
17	46	Sam 65
17v	10	Alc(115)
18	19	Alc(27)
18v	11	Sam 46
19	198	Fig. 41
Fol	Wh	Source
19v	72	Sam 70
20	206	Sam 104
20v	20	Sam 44
21	86	Par 53
21v	97	Sam 76
22	176	Alc(129)
22v	12	Par 146
23	13	Alc(67)
23v	94	Alc(71)
24	14	Alc(151)
24v	69	Sam 69
25	73	Alc(30)
25v	22	Sam 98
26	23	Par 244
26v	15	Sam 128
27	16	Alc(58)
27v	17	Sam[252]
28	141	Ane 18
28v	138b	Par 159
29	95	Fig. 39
29v	143	Par 154
30	24	Par 70
30v	68	Par 145
31	70	Alc(119)
31v	25	Sam 159
Fol	Wh	Source
32	213	Alc(164)
32v	180	Per(90)
33	39	Sam[216]
33v	42	Jun(52)
34	145	--
34v	144	Alc(89)
35	78	Alc(104)
35v	149	Alc(69)
36	184	Fig. 38
36v	26	Sam 107
37	40	Jun(44)
37va	168a	Par[301]
37vb	77b	Sam 154
38a	191a	Par 153
38b	125	Sam 41
38v	41	Sam 209
39	--	--
39v	152	Alc(120)
40	204	Sam 197
40v	77a	Alc(21)
41	142	Sam 19
41va	36	Sam 101
41vb	50a	Alc(70)
42a	88	Par 210
42b	50b	Jun(35)
Fol	Wh	Source
42v	90	Alc(166)
43	171	Sam 62
43v	58	Sam 110
44	61	--
44v	192	Per(31)
45	33	Alc(54)
45v	34	Alc(124)
46	35	Alc(152)
46v	175	Per(100)
47	79	Alc(79)
47v	80	Sam[253]
48	--	Jun(38)
48va	55a	Alc(93)
48vb	98b	Par[299]
49	101	Jun(56)
49v	205	Per(65)
50	103	Sam 137
50v	(blank leaf)
51	(half title)
51v-52	(verses)
52v	108	Per(1)
53	--	--
53v	118	Jun(9)
54	137	Alc(43)
54v	119	Alc(125)

Fol	Wh	Source
55	92	Sam 59
55v	121	Par[273]
56	195	Sam[228]
56v	212	Jun(25)
57	147	Alc(111)
57v	132	Alc(155)
58	--	Alc(154)
58va	222a	Sam 140
58vb	222b	Jun(4)
59a	51a	Jun(33)
59b	51b	Par 49
59v	28	Alc(103)
60	127	Alc(153)
60va	168a	--
60vb	--	--
61a	52a	Sam[215]
61b	52b	Alc(169)
61v	67	Sam 14
62	64	Sam 30
62v	84	Sam 60
63	81	Sam[258]
63v	29	Alc(193)
64	37	Alc(167)
64v	100	Sam 177
65	30	Alc(48)
65v	43	Sam 84
Fol	Wh	Source
66	56	Alc(174)
66v	32	Sam[243]
67	150	Sam 184
67v	27	Alc(50)
68	57	Alc(59)
68v	48	Alc(91)
69	151	Alc(147)
69v	187	Alc(25)
70	128	Alc(94)
70v	169	Par[311]
71	214	Alc(189)
71v	83	Sam 152
72	133	Alc(159)
72v	--	Alc(74)
73	183a	Par[302]
73v	139b	Alc(46)
74a	188b	Alc(20)
74b	166b	Par 187
74v	182a	Alc(106)
75	218b	Ane 58a
75va	93b	Jun(50)
75vb	--	--
76a	54a	Alc(173)
76b	189a	Sam[269]
76v	43	Sam 84
77	85	Alc(81)
Fol	Wh	Source
77v	129	--
78	140	Sam 183
78v	164	Alc(165)
79	130	Alc(186)
79v	207	Alc(139)
80	131	--
80v	89	Sam 132
81	45	Alc(57)
81v	215	Ane 79
82	99	Alc(197)
82v	136	Alc(31)
83	74	Alc(84)
83v	44	Jun(10)
84	163	Alc(194)
84v	178	Sam 204
85	170	Alc(128)
85	--	--
86	173	Sam 117
86v	82	Alc(76)
87	126	Alc(183)
87v	--	Alc(10)
88	54b	Alc(100)
88v	165	Per(30)
89	49	Alc(64)
89va	53a	Alc(45)
Fol	Wh	Source
89vb	188a	Par 226
90a	53b	Alc(73)
90b	55b	Jun(16)
90va	116	Par 86
90vb	218a	Ane 91
91a	87	Jun(7)
91b	--	Per(6)
91v	75	Alc(102)
92	174	Alc(192)
92v	93a	Fae 56
93	217	Par 229
93v	208	Per(59)
94a	76a	Alc(39)
94b	167	--
94v		(verse)
95	112	Fig. 32
95v	117	Par 23
96	211	Ane 77
96va	189b	Alc(140)
96vb	183b	Par[286]
97a	--	--
97b	--	--
97v	122	Ane 49
98	--	--
98v	203	--

APPENDIX IV A List of Motto Changes in Choice

Wh	MS	Wdct & Motto Source
1 Te stante, virebo	7 Ibid. "Par 72"[*]	Jun(14) Principum opes, plebis adminicula
4 Veritas temporis filia	10 Ibid.	Jun(53) Veritas tempore reuelatur, dissidio obruitur
5 Dissidia inter aequales, pessima	9v Ibid.	Alc(179) Doctos doctis obloqui nefas esse
9 Experientia docet	15v Ibid.	Sam 28 Plus quam Diomedis et Glauci permutatio
12 Frustrà	22v Hac illac perfluo	Par 146 Ibid.
16 Quod potes, tenta	27 Ibid.	Alc(58) In eos qui supra vires quicquam audent
36 Durum telum necessitas	41va Necessitas dociles facit	Sam 101 Ibid.
37 Inimicorum dona, infausta	64 Ibid.	Alc(167)Έχθρῶν ἄδωρα δῶρα, in dona hostium
38 Non locus virum sed vir locum ornat	16 Non locus virum, sed vir locum honestat	Alc(35) In adulari nescientem
39 Mediocribus vtere partis	33 Ibid. "Sam[216]" (Fig. 10)	Fae 90 Ne incerta certis ante ponantur, veto
47 Marte & arte	15 Ibid.	Alc(41) Vnum nihil, duos plurimum posse
48 Labor irritus	68v Fatuitas delirantium in meretrices, quibus donant quod in bonos vsus verti debeat	Alc(91) Ocni effigies, de iis qui meretricibus donant, quod in bonos vsus verti debeat
51a Vitae, aut morti	59a Litera occidit "Alc(185)"	Jun(33) Boni adulterium
52b Iniuriis, infirmitas subiecta	61b Iniuriis, obnoxia infirmitas	Alc(169) Obnoxia infirmitas
54a Agentes, & consentientes, pari poena puniendi	76a Parem delinquentis & suasoris culpam esse	Alc(173) Ibid.

Wh	MS	Wdct & Motto Source
57 Aethiopem lauare	68 Ibid.	Alc(59) Impossibile
58 Non dolo, sed vi	43v Quicquid delirant reges, plectuntr Achiui (Fig. 8)	Sam 110 Non dolo, sed virtute
68 Sic discerne	30v Ecquis discernit vtrunque?	Par 145 Ibid.
75 O vita, misero longa	91v Ibid. "Reusner, I, 27"	Alc(102) Quae supra nos, nihil ad nos
77a Serò sapiunt Phryges	40v Ibid.	Alc(21) In deprehensum
78 Noli altum sapere	35 Ibid.	Alc(104) Qui alta contemplantur cadere
79 Saepius in auro bibitur venenum	47 Ibid.	Alc(79) Lasciuia
82 Homines voluptatibus transformantur	86v Cauendum a meretricibus	Alc(76) Ibid.
86 Mortui diuitiae	21 Restat ex victore Orientis	Par 53 Ibid.
90 In eum qui truculentia suorum perierit	42v Exilio saepè mulctantur optimè de patria meriti	Alc(166) In eum qui truculentia suorum perierit
91 Tecum habita	9 Conuiuare raro (Fig. 11) "Ane 80"	Fae 95 Vicinitas mala instar infortunii est
93a Infortunia nostra, alienis collata, leuiora	92v Ibid. (Fig. 12)	Fae 56 Aliena si aestimaris infortunia, Tunc aequiore mente perferes tua.
95 De Inuido & Auaro, iocosum	29 Mutua auaritiae & inuidiae poena (Figs. 39 & 40)	-- --
98a Stultitia sua seipsum saginari	--	Fae 36 Consueuere homines, euentu si qua sinistro Vota cadunt, ijs sese alienos velle videri.
99 Impar coniugium	82 Ibid.	Alc(197) Nupta contagioso
102 In sortis suae contemptores	--	Par 134 Coelitus impendet

Wh	MS	Wdct & Motto Source
108 Respice, & prospice	52v Janus quid (Fib. 25)	Per(1) --
111 Mutius Scaeuola. Pietas in patriam	--	Par 120 Agere & pati fortia
112 Habet & bellum suas leges	95 Furius Camillus (Fig. 33)	-- --
115 Marcus Sergius. Fortiter & feliciter	--	Par 218 Etiam Fortunam
117 Marcus Scaeua. Audaces fortuna iuuat	95v Marcus Scaeua	Par 123 Parce Imperator
124 Amicitia fucata vitanda	76v Non vulpina vestis sed cor prauũ sub amici specie latens, periculosissimũ	Sam 198 Fictus amicus (1564 ed.) Animi sub vulpe latentes (1566 ed.) Cf. Handbuch, col. 974.
129 Constanter	77v Aestus maris, Satana incursionibus comparatur	-- --
137 Constantia comes victoriae	54 Ibid.	Alc(43) Spes proxima
138b Calumniam contra calumiatorem virtus repellit	28v Ibid.	Par 159 Infringit solido
139b Illicitum non sperandum	73v Ibid.	Alc(46) In simulachrum spei
140 Feriunt summos fulmina montes	78 Ibid. (Cf. Wh 59)	Sam 183 Canis queritur nimium nocere
143 Vindice fato "Sam 206"	29v Vlterius ne tende odijs	Par 154 Ibid. (Cf. Handbuch, col. 9)
144 Homo homini lupus	34v Ibid. "Reusner, III, 30"	Alc(89) In avaros, vel quibus melior conditio ab extraneis offertur
147 Fel in melle	57 Fel latet in melle, nec mel bibitur sine felle	Alc(111) Dulcia quandoque amara fieri
153a Pro bono, malum	--	Fae 117 Diuina ingratos homines vlciscitur ira

Wh	MS	Wdct & Motto Source
153b In pace de bello	--	Fae 132 Paratus animo contra iniqua casuum, Aut vincet illa, aut fortius certe feret
156a Dolor è medicina	--	Fae 113 Corrumpunt multi, atque hominum de pectore delent, Offensis sua saepe nouis benefacta priora.
156b Dura vsu molliora	--	Fae 35 Quae terribilia sunt ab insolentia, Ea reddit assuetudo blanda, & mollia.
157 In eos, qui, proximioribus spretis, remotiora sequuntur	--	Fae 123 Quid rerum causas, naturaeque abdita quaeris Ipse tui ipsius, propriaeq́ue oblite salutis?
160 Bilingues cauendi	--	Fae 96 Quem bilinguem nosti, amicum ne tibi hunc adsciscito.
162 In eos qui multa promittunt, & nihil praestant	--	Fae 128 Alia dicunt, alia faciunt hice mortales, ait.
165 Post amara dulcia	88v Dulcia non meruit qui non gustauit amara	Per(30) --
170 Ferè simile praecedenti, ex Alciato	85 Malè qua sua, fluxa	Alc(128) Malè parta malè dilabuntur (Cf. Wh 169 & Par[311])
171 Vsus libri, non lectio prudentes facit	43 Vsu, prudentia crescit	Sam 62 Vsu libri, non lectio prudentes facit
172 Studiis inuigilandum	--	Jun(5) Vita mortalium vigilia
179 Auri sacra fames quid non?	10v Auri sacra fames, quid non mortalia cogis pectora	Per(70) --
190b Bis dat qui citò dat	--	Par[307] Bis dat qui tempestivè donat (Cf. the verse in Alc(162).)

Wh	MS	Wdct & Motto Source
196 Pennae gloria perennis	--	Jun(60) Penna beat caelo, penna volare facit astra super
200 Patria cuique chara	--	Alc(148) Principis clementia
202 Aureae compedes	--	Alc(86) In aulicos
205 Pulchritudo sine fructu	49v Pulchritudo sine fructu, deformitas	Per(65) --
210 Fraus meretur fraudem	--	Fae 124 Magna mala ex leuibus vitat mens prouida signis
211 Zelotypia	96 Ibid. "Aneau's verse"	Ane 77 A matrimonio absit suspicio
214 In diuitem, indoctum	71 In diuitem idiotam	Alc(189) Dives indoctus
220 Vincit qui patitur	11v Ibid.	Jun(43)Είξαζ νιΚών, siue victrix animi aequitas
221 Aculei irriti	--	Mon(39) Sic amica mea inter
224a Sic probantur	--	Mon(67) Per multas afflictione
227 Sic aetas fugit	--	Par[293] Solus pro meritus

100

101

Notes

[1]

Whitney's "Choice of Emblemes" (London 1866; rpt. Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1971); unless otherwise noted all references to Green are to this reprint. I am grateful to the University of Idaho Research Council for a research resource development grant and a summer grant in 1970 and to the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery and its director, James Thorpe, for letting me use its vast emblematic resources during 1971. I wish to thank the librarians of the Huntington Library, the Harvard College Library, and the Bodleian Library for permission to reproduce emblematic illustrations from their respective collections. The partial subvention of publication costs of this article from the Idaho Research Council is especially appreciated.

[2]

English Emblem Books (1948), p. 56, n. 1.

[3]

Second Edition Considerably Increased (Roma: 1964; first English edition: Vol. I, 1939; Vol. II, 1947), p. 46, n. 1.

[4]

"Whitney's A Choice of Emblemes and Three Commonplace Collections of Erasmus." One of the weaknesses of this interesting study is the author's lack of awareness that Alciati's various editions have divergent designs for the same emblems. Furthermore, from her ambiguous statement—"Since the publication of Green's edition of the Choice, the number of untraced emblems has been considerably reduced by the unexpected discovery of the sources of at least seven emblems in Georgette de Montenay's Emblèmes ou devises chrestiennes and the discovery of three additional sources in the collections of Alciati, Sambucus, and Aneau" (p. 3, n. 4) —it is difficult to determine whether or not she was herself the unexpected discoverer.

[5]

Pp. ix-xvii. Unfortunately, the addition of this introduction together with the "Table of Contents" between Green's "To the Reader" and "Introductory Dissertation" made it necessary to repaginate all of the preliminary materials up to p. xcviii. As a result, the "General Index" whose references to the preliminary still follow the old pagination becomes unusable. Moreover, the inexplicable dropping of catchwords in Choice, except those on pp. 81, 91, 99, 115, 123, renders this reprint defective and unfaithful to its original. This reissue is used only when Fieler's introduction is referred to.

[6]

Although there is another manuscript version of Choice, the Bod. Rawlinson MS Poetry 56, it is generally believed that it was copied, without the woodcuts, from the printed version. See Freeman, p. 237; Leisher, p. 404; and Fieler pp. x-xi.

[7]

Particularly regrettable is the uncritical reliance upon Green by the monumental (2196 columns) and encyclopaedic (numerous bibliographies and indices of motto, figure, subject, etc.) Emblemata: Handbuch zur Sinnbildkunst des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts, eds. Arthur Henkel and Albrecht Schöne (1967). Although the editors did correct two of Green's misattributions and properly traced them to Sambucus on cols. 638 & 1134, they followed Green in not assigning the first emblem in Whitney on p. 218 to Aneau (col. 1605) and in assigning the emblem on p. 1 to Paradin rather than to Junius (col. 1222), the first emblem on p. 188 to La Perrière (col. 428) rather than to Paradin, and the one on p. 221 to La Perrière (col. 296) rather than to Montenay (col. 306a). As Green had overlooked Montenay, so did Henkel and Schöne. See the list of misattributions by Green on p. 41 and for more omissions by the Handbuch see Appendix II of this essay. Despite these minor lapses, the Handbuch remains invaluable to students of emblem literature.

[8]

I am grateful to Mr. Rodney Dennis, Curator of Manuscripts of the Houghton Library, for making available a microfilm copy of MS. Typ 14 and for much of the information from an entry in the Bond-Faye Supplement to De Ricci's Census.

[9]

The foliation in MS. Typ 14, as Dennis has pointed out to me, was done in a late hand by a person who had obviously been unaware of the missing leaf. Of course the recto of this missing leaf need not contain the emblem "Nimium rebus ne fide secundis"; however, in view of the fact that the emblem "Feriunt summos fulmina montes" on fol. 78, which appears on p. 140 of Choice, took its motto from the end verse in "Nimium rebus ne fide secundis," it is highly improbable that this emblem did not exist in the MS and that it was added later to Choice.

[10]

Most of the details concerning the movements of Leicester, the Dousas, and Whitney are based on Leisher, pp. 362-376, who gleaned them from the "Journal of Robert, Earl Leicester," Retrospective Review, 2nd ser., I (1827), and from Conyers Read, Mr. Secretary Walsingham and the Policy of Queen Elizabeth (1925), III, passim, and on Fieler, p. xiii, who based his information on J. A. Van Dorsten's Poets, Patrons and Professors (1962) and Dorsten and R. C. Strong's Leicester's Triumph (1964).

[11]

Green, pp. 243, 252. Since some of the editions of Whitney's sources used by Green were not available to me, it may be appropriate to list the particular editions which I have used in this essay. This listing can be found as Appendix I at the end of this article.

[12]

In the list of Whitney's emblems identical to those of Paradin, Green (p. 247) identifies the first emblem in Choice as from Paradin, fol. 43, though in fact only their mottoes are the same. Although he cites "H. Jun. E. 14" as a cross-reference, he does not include it among the list of Junius (p. 250). But in "Notes Literary and Biographical" he writes: "The device is from Hadrian Junius, but the motto from Claude Paradin" (p. 319). Similar cases are in assigning the mottoes in Whitney on pp. 74 and 144 to Reusner's Emblemata (pp. 243, 365).

[13]

Not counted among the 247 woodcuts is the naked emblem on p. 61, and since a naked emblem does not have a wooduct it would be erroneous to count it as one of the 248 woodcuts, an error made by Freeman (p. 56, n. 1) when she assumed that Green's term device was the same as woodcut—a confusion Green sometimes is prone to (see his definition of device on p. 233). Praz made the same slip on p. 535 of his "Bibliography of Emblem-Books."

[14]

It is probable that Whitney might have used the 1566 edition of Sambucus in which this emblem has the motto "Animi sub vulpe latentes." In this case, the MS motto merely expanded that of its model; see Henkel & Schöne's Handbuch, col. 974, and Appendix IV of this essay.

[15]

Although Wh 3, which is based on Jun (19), is without the monogram [G], the woodcut in the first edition of Junius' Emblemata (1565) and that in Pl. 26d of Green's edition have it. Cf. Handbuch, col. 668. Two other monograms may be noted. [A] appears in Wh 19 and Wh 77a whose woodcuts are identical to those in Alciati; no true identity of [A] has been established, although Antoine Van Leest and Assuerus Van Londerzeel were considered (Green, Andrea Alciati, pp. 84-87). The monogram [C] appears in Wh 31 and Wh 59 from Sambucus; it may denote Cornelis Muller, a fellow engraver working for Plantin along with Arnold Nicolai and Gerard Jansen Van Kampen. See the following note & cf. Handbuch, p. LXIV, under Sambucus.

[16]

Max Rooses records several entries from Plantin's journals to identify the engravers in question: ". . . cette même année [1563] et l'année suivante, il [Nicolai] fournit 82 figures des Emblèmes de Sambucus, et un grand nombre des Emblèmes d'Alciat et de Junius. . . . En 1565, il fit . . . le plus grand nombre . . . des planches . . . pour les Fables de Faërne (1567). Ces dernières furent encore employées dans les Fabellae Aesopicae, de 1586. . . . Les Fable de Faërne . . . parurent chez Plantin en 1567. Les cent compositions de Pierre Van der Borcht qui s'y trouvent sont gravées par Arnaud Nicolaï et Gérard Van Kampen. Le premier en fournit 82, le second 18" (Christophe Plantin imprimeur Anversois [1883], pp. 266, 275). See also Colin Clair, Christopher Plantin (1960), esp. Chap. XI, "The Artists Who Worked for Plantin," pp. 182ff.; e.g., Cornelis Muller; On 1 January 1564—28 March, 47 figures and 11 borders &c.mmat; 10 stuivers of Sambucus' Emblems (p. 186).

[17]

Although Inuidia in the 1551 Lyons edition (p. 79) holds a knotted and gnarled staff (see Handbuch, col. 1570b), the other details are so dissimilar that the conclusion is inevitable that the MS artist added the thorns to Envy's staff in his drawing entirely on the basis of Whitney's verse.

[18]

Not infrequently, throughout the numerous principal editions of Alciati's Emblemata—the Steyner's edition of 1531, the Wechel's of 1534, the Aldine of 1546, the Roville's and Bonhomme's of 1551, and the Plantin's of 1573 & 1577—many woodcuts do not conform with their verses. The locus classicus is the emblem on the three Graces, Alc (162), where they are pictured without wings on their feet ever since they first appeared in the 1546 Aldine edition even though Alciati's verse clearly specifies that they should be so portrayed in order to illustrate the moral: Addita cur nuper pedibus talaria? bis dat | Qui citò dat (Handbuch, col. 1783). Not until in the 1618 Padua edition was this strange omission finally corrected.

[19]

Gabriele Simeoni, Le Sentenziose Imprese (1560); the cut has been reproduced in Praz, p. 75. In the 1591 translation of Symbola Heroica by P. S., the woodcut also shows the butterfly on top (p. 324). Green seems to have taken the unusual liberty of reversing the woodcut in Whitney's original edition, a feat not as alarming as it first appears because he has already altered the incorrect page number 76 to the correct one of 84. However, it is highly probable that his particular copy of Choice might belong to one of the several variant issues. For one thing the first marginal note on p. 121, on which the emblem "Festina lentè" appears, has the author Cicero only, whereas in the Huntington Library's Hoe copy as well as the Bodleian copy (Douce, W. Subt. 23; rpt. Amsterdam, 1969) and the Stirling-Maxwell copy (Glasgow University Library, SM 1667; rpt., 1969) all read "Cicero pro Rabir." If Green did not reverse the cut, then Whitney must have caught the printer's error after some copies had already been machined, and righted the picture and added "pro Rabir" for the remainder.

[20]

Hoe, p. 77-78; Praz, pp. 394-395. Leisher used a 1549 Lyons edition by de Tournes; see his Appendix F, pp. 502-508.

[21]

I wish to acknowledge my special debt to Professor Praz for his generosity and kindness in responding to my request and numerous other queries.

[22]

For other examples see Figs. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22. Of especial interest are Figs. 20, 22 because the close resemblance between them further illustrates the fact that the Choice artist often copied directly from his model rather than from the MS. This is not the case however among Figs. 24, 25, 26; here because of the textual demands the Choice artist clearly modeled his woodcut after the MS drawing.

[23]

Green, Andrea Alciati, pp. 91ff.

[24]

Cf. lists of school texts in Charles Hoole, A New Discovery of the Old Art of Teaching School (London, 1660, rpt. 1969); Kenneth Charlton, Education in Renaissance England (1965); William T. Costello, The Scholastic Curriculum at Early Seventeenth-Century Cambridge (1958).

[25]

Quotations from Mignault are based on the undated copy of Alciati's Emblemata (1601?) in the Archive Library of Washington State University; see Appendix I.

[26]

Mignault's passage (p. 730) is taken from the letter addressed to his third wife by Ovid, who urges her to continue to support him in his exile:

Cumque ego dificiam, nec possim ducere currum,
Fac tu sustineas debile sola iugum.
Ad medicum specto venis fugientibus aeger,
Vltima pars vitae dum mihi restat, habes. (III, i, 67-70)

This certainly fits the ideal friendship which outlasts death—a type of rare friend who, as Whitney puts it, "Yea, when wee shall be like a sencelesse block, | That for our sakes, will still imbrace our stock" (Wh 62). Instead of using this passage as his end verse, Whitney chose another from Ovid's letter to his patron-friend, Cotta Maximus. At the very beginning of the letter Ovid expresses his gratitude towards Cotta's loyalty while others have deserted him, and the theme of "Amicitia, etiam post mortem durans" is struck: "Cumque labent aliqui iactataque vela relinquant, | Tu lacerae remanes ancora sola rati." The celebrated friendship between Orestes and Pylades, who strive to die in each other's stead, not only serves Ovid's purpose of urging Cotta to plead his case and rescue him from his exile, but also serves Whitney's purpose of complementing the thoughts in the second sextet of his verse. Inasmuch as Whitney's readers would more readily appreciate the story of Orestes and Pylades than the relationship between Ovid and his loyal wife, his passage has more universal appeal than that chosen by Mignault.

[27]

(1904), p. 395; cf. Greene, pp. 382-386.

[28]

Fig. 31 is taken from E. Kimer and R. Johnson's The Baronetage of England (1781), Vol. I, p. 11. For a much larger crest with Drake's portrait from The World Encompassed (1628) see Hans P. Kraus, Sir Francis Drake, A Pictorial Biography (1970), p. 38.

[29]

That the transforming of a famous incident from Roman history into a new emblem is by no means unique with Whitney may be seen from a Dutch emblem "Loon na Werck" (Fig. 35) in a collection entitled Bellerophon of Lust tot Wysheyd by Dirck Pieterszoon Pers (1614). The copperplate was engraved by Joos de Vosscher, modeled obviously on Jost Amman's woodcut, and the verse account was based on Titus Livius' Historiarum ab urbe condita libri (V, xxvii).

[30]

C. Ruelens & A. De Backer, Annales Plantiniennes (1555-1589) (1866), pp. 21, 47, 67, 123, 225.

[31]

A separate study is needed to determine the ways in which emblematists used Aesop's fables in general and Whitney used them in particular. There are no fewer than 46 emblems in Choice that are in one way or another based on Aesopic fables or their analogues. Space here permits only some bibliographical notes on these three figures. Fig. 36 is from The Fables of Aesop . . . Translated into English Verse, and Moralized. And also Emblematically Illustrated with Pictures. By W. B. [William Barret] (1639). This edition is particularly interesting to emblem students because of its emblematic nature. The only difference with a bona fide emblem-book is its lack of a motto; in place of a motto it has a subject title which was used at the very inception of illustrated fable literature. (See Ulrich Boner, Der Edelstein, 1461; Rinucius, Fabulae et Vita, 1474; Heinrich Steinhöwell, Gesalmelt Fabeln, 1477; Accii Zuchi, Aesopi Fabulas, 1479; Bonus Accursius, Fabulae et vitae, [1480].) Despite its late date (1639), its woodcut is closer to that in Choice than to those represented by the other two figures. The possibility certainly exists that both artists might have based their design on a common model. Fig. 37 is from Fables Diverses Tirées D'Esope . . . avec vne explication nouuelle faite par R. D. F. A Paris, . . . M.DC.LIX. The large etchings are identical to those in Freitag's Mythologia Ethica, Antverpiae, Plantini, 1579, which were traced by Colin Clair (pp. 195-196) to Edewaerd de Dene's De warachtighe fabulen der dieren, Bruges, Pieter de Clerck, 1567. The 108 etchings were the work of Marc Gheeraerts, and the plates were acquired by Plantin and Philip Galle. The dissimilarities between Whitney's woodcut and this large etching are sufficient to dismiss Green's suggestion that the former might have been based on the latter. Fig. 38 is from Caxton's The Fables of Aesop, 1483, which is based on the French translation of Steinhöwell's Gesalmelt Fabeln by Julien Macho (Les Subtiles Fables d'Esope, Lyon, 1480). Because of their outdoor setting Figs. 37 & 38 are closer in design to each other than to that of Fig. 36, despite the striking difference between two oxen in Caxton and one ox in de Dene.

[32]

Jeannette Fellheimer, "Hellowes' and Fenton's Translation of Guevara's Epistolas Familiares," SP, 45 (1947), 142. I have searched for this particular letter through the following: Epistolas familiares de Don Antonio de Guevara in Epistoralio Español, Vol. 13, ed. by D. Eugenio de Ochoa (Madrid, 1924); Delle lettere dell' illustre signor Don Antonio Di Gvevara . . . Nuouamente tradotto dal S. Alfonso Ulloa, In Venetia, Appresso gli heredi di Vincenzo Valgrisi, DMLXXV; Spanish Letters: Historical, Satyrical, and Moral; Of the Famous Don Antonio de Guevara . . . Recommended by Sir R. L's, and made English from the best Original by Mr. Savage. London, 1697?; Epistolas familiares de Don Antonio de Guevara, Brusselas, por Francisco Foppens, MDCCII. The letter is not in the first three editions of Hellowes' Familiar Epistles (1574, enlarged 1575?, and 1577), but it is in the 1584 edition (STC 12435). Since all the editions of both Fenton's Golden Epistles and Hellowes' Familiar Epistles were printed by Rafe Newbery, it comes as no surprise to discover that the headlines in the 1584 Familiar Epistles on both leaves are "Golden Epistles," rather than those in the earlier editions, "The familiar Epistles | of Sir Antonie of Gueuara." It seems obvious to me that the 1584 edition of Hellowes' Familiar Epistles was printed from the sheets used for printing the 1582 Fenton's Golden Epistles (STC 10796), a fact that has escaped Fellheimer.

[33]

Ben Perry, Barbrius and Phaedrus (1965), No. 203, p. 460.

[34]

Madrid, Por los herederos de I. Iñiguez de Lequerica, 1599; see Handbuch, 435a.

[35]

Perry, No. 103, pp. 131f.

[36]

[Colophon] Extant Antverpiae apud Gerardum de Iode, 1579, second edition, 1584; I used the edition printed at Arnheim, Apud Ioannem Iansonium . . . Symptibus Theodori Petri, [1609], No. 36, "Sapiens Parvo cententvs vivit", sig. K2v.

[37]

A Briefe Chronicle, London, Thomas Marshe, 1564, fols. 22 & 22v.

[38]

De bello punico, Impressum Lugduni expensis Bartholomei Troth, M.D.XIII, liber VI, [ll. 539-544].

[39]

I found two 15th-century illustrations of Boccaccio, both showing Attilius put to death by nail-studded wooden planks. See Henry Martin, Le Boccace de Jean Sans Peur, Des Cas des Nobles Hommes et Femmes, Reproduction des Cent Cinquante Miniatures Du MS 5193 de la Bibliothèque de L'Arsenal, Paris & Bruxelles, 1911, fol. 118v, No. 87; and L'Imprimeur Colard Mansion et 'Le Boccace' De la Bibliothèque D'Amiens, par Henri Michel . . . Paris, 1925, Pl. VI (rpt. from the original edition, Boccace, De la Ruyne des Nobles Hommes et Femmes, Bruges: Colard Mansion, 1476, fol. 135).

[*]

*Source in quotation marks indicates that motto is borrowed from a source other than that under Wdct & Motto.