University of Virginia Library

Search this document 


  

expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
  
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
expand section 
collapse section 
 1. 
 2. 
  
expand section 
expand section 

expand section 

Notes

 
[1]

See, for instance, E. R. McC. Dix, "The Ornaments used by John Franckton, Printer at Dublin," Transactions of the Bibliographical Society, VIII (1907), 221-227; "The Initial Letters and Factotums used by John Franckton, Printer in Dublin," The Library, IV, ii (1922), 43-48; H. R. Plomer, "The Eliot's Court Printing House, 1584-1674," The Library, IV, ii (1922), 175-184; "Eliot's Court Press: Decorative Blocks and Initials," The Library, IV, iii (1923), 194-209; Harry Farr, "Shakespeare's Printers and Publishers," The Library, IV, iii (1923), 225-260; R. B. McKerrow, "Edward Allde as a Typical Trade Printer," The Library, IV, x (1930), 121-162; H. R. Hoppe, "John Wolfe, Printer and Publisher," The Library, IV, xiv (1934), 241-288; C. William Miller, "Thomas Newcomb: A Restoration Printer's Ornament Stock," SB, III (1950), 155-170.

[2]

For example, an examination of 139 books printed by William Stansby 1607-38 revealed that a particular ornament appears in only four of them; see "Three 'Owl' Blocks: 1590-1640," The Library, V, xxii (1967), 144, note 3.

[3]

Two illustrated articles concerned with such differences are: W. A. Jackson, "Counterfeit Printing in Jacobean Times," The Library, IV, xv (1935), 364-376; William B. Todd, "Aldine Anchors, Initials, and the 'Counterfeit' Cicero," PBSA, LX (1966), 413-417.

[4]

This comment remains generally true, despite the recent work done through the identification of battered types, such as Hinman's on the First Folio, or published in articles such as R. K. Turner's "The Printing of A King and No King," SB, XVIII (1965), 255-261, or Berta Sturman's "A Date and a Printer for A Looking Glasse for London and England, Q4," SB, XXI (1968), 248-253.

[5]

See Dennis E. Rhodes, "The Quodlibeta of Petrus Joannes Olivi," PBSA, L (1956), 85-87; Lloyd E. Berry, "Giles Fletcher the Elder's Licia," The Library, V, xv (1960), 133-134; G. W. Williams, "The Printer and Date of Romeo and Juliet Q4," SB, XVIII (1965), 253-254.

[6]

Danter printed A Solemn Passion of the Souls Loue as an appendage to Marie Magdalens Loue, STC 3665, entered 24 July 1595 (Arber III.45), "to be sold by W. Barley." Danter later entered A Solemn Passion separately (20 September 1595), but seems never to have printed it separately.

[7]

Greg and Boswell, Records, p. 60.

[8]

Greg and Boswell, Records, p. 56.

[9]

See "Additions to McKerrow's Devices," The Library, V, xxiii (1968), 197. Other books claiming to be printed by Jones are known to have been printed for him; see W. C. Ferguson, The Library, V, xiii (1958), 201, and W. W. Greg, Some Aspects and Problems of London Publishing Between 1550 and 1650 (Oxford, 1956), p. 83: "But it was quite common at the time to speak of 'printing' a book when what was meant was getting it printed, or publishing it. Some stationers regularly used the term in this sense in their imprints, as John Walley (1546-82), Robert Crowley (1549-57), and Anthony Kitson (1550-65) earlier, and later Richard Jones (1565-1600). Jones, it is true, possessed a press, but it is not known whether any of his numerous books were printed on it."

[10]

It will be noticed that Stafford obtained almost a third of Danter's stock: 7 of 18 ornaments, 4 of 10 factotums, and 8 of 22 initials. Of the remainder, several went to Judson, and from him to Harrison, Snowdon, and Okes, while others went to R. Robinson, and later to Braddock and Beale. Those not yet traced elsewhere are ornaments 1, 2, 3, 6, 7; factotums 1, 2, 6, 10; initials A1, A2, G2, G3, O1, T1, W1, W2, Y1.

[11]

F. R. Johnson, "The First Edition of Gabriel Harvey's Foure Letters," The Library, V, xv (1935), 221, offers evidence that Danter's edition of Nashe's Strange News (1592, entered 12 January 1593) was printed prior to its entry.

[12]

Elizabethan Book-Pirates (Cambridge, Mass., 1934), chap. VI.

[13]

"His account of the quarto and his argument for a memorial reconstruction as copy for Q1 have been generally accepted" (G. W. Williams, 'Romeo and Juliet': A Critical Edition, Durham, Duke University Press (1964), p. xi).

[14]

Standish Henning, "The Printer of Romeo and Juliet, Q1," PBSA, LX (1966), 363-364, has recently shown that Allde was the second printer.

[15]

The evidence from type shortage suggests that sheets E-K were in fact set by formes; see G. W. Williams, "Setting by Formes in Quarto Printing," SB, XI (1958), 52-53.

[16]

Another shared printing job involving Danter is examined by M.W.S. Swan, "The Sweet Speech and Spenser's Axiochus," ELH, XI (1944), 164-165. Danter printed sheets A-C of Axiochus, sigs. ¶ and D being printed by John Charlewood. For further examples, see 'Additions to the Danter Canon' below.

[17]

Probably the oldest piece of decorative material he employed, however, was one of two wood-cut illustrations of a knight on horseback which occur in STC 7503 (1596); it seems to be the same block used on the title-page of STC 21008 by W. de Worde in 1528.

[18]

"It is also highly probable that something of the history of these decorations predates Judson's use of them" (p. 140).

[19]

It is unlikely that this item was printed earlier than 3 August 1591, the date on which the Hoskins, Danter, Chettle partnership was approved; see Greg and Boswell, Records, p. 38.