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Dictionary of the History of Ideas | ||
ANARCHISM
General Principles.
Anarchism is a social philosophy
and a political doctrine based on
the value of individual
freedom. As such it is linked up with liberal and
all
other kinds of progressive ideas. Essential for anarchist
thought,
however, is the rejection of all coercive au-
thority exercised by men over men. The Greek word
an-archy must have meant absence of authority or
less society, was for the first time used by Louis Armand
de Lahontan in his Nouveaux voyages dans l'Amérique
septentrionale (1703), describing the Indians living in
a society without state, laws, prisons, priests, private
property, in short, “in anarchy.” Colloquially however,
anarchy became identical with confusion and disorder.
A wide diversity of anarchist views can be found
in the works of
philosophers, religious thinkers, writers,
and poets throughout the ages;
for example, in
Diderot's “I don't wish either to give or to
obey laws,”
we have a short and perfect statement of the
anarchist
creed. Opposing Plato's “state communism,”
Zeno, the
founder of the Stoa school, advocated a society without
government. Laws should be abolished, since virtue and
morality could only
be achieved in liberty.
As a general principle, anarchism advocates a society
from which the
coercive elements have been removed.
Like anarchism, liberalism stemmed
from the concern
for freedom, and the wish to keep the activities of
the
state and the functions of government to a minimum.
Anarchism,
however, holds that liberal postulates are
realizable only on the basis of
the abolition of economic
monopoly and the coercive institutions of
political
power because, while equality is quite possible without
liberty, there can be no liberty without social and
economic equality;
“liberty without socialism is privi-
lege, injustice; and socialism without liberty is slavery
and
brutality” (Bakunin). The liberal view of the “min-
imization” of the state and
its replacement by free
federalist groups, was first expounded by Wilhelm
von
Humboldt in his treatise, Ideen zu einem Versuch,
die
Grenzen der Wirksamkeit des Staats zu bestimmen,
written in 1792 and published in 1851 (English trans.
The Sphere and Duties of Government, 1854). John
Stuart Mill was influenced by this work in writing On
Liberty (1859). Both works exposed the danger in de-
mocracy of the “tyranny of the
majority,” using prin-
ciples very
close to anarchist doctrine.
Anarchism holds that there is no conflict or irrecon-
cilability between the rights of the individual
and
society. Sociologically anarchism is based on the dis-
tinction between state and society. As
men continually
are bound to work together for almost any purpose,
their aims will be achieved more efficiently if the
guiding principle is
solidarity or “mutual aid.” The
individual is not
only a single entity, but his very
existence presupposes also a collective
relationship.
Anarchism postulates that human potentialities, spon-
taneity, individuality, and initiative,
buried in an au-
thoritarian society and
in a network of bureaucratic
institutions, can be freed by
de-institutionalizing soci-
ety. Life-enhancing
processes of society will be liber-
ated with
the passing of the domination of the state,
which is regarded as a tumor on the body politic. The
state,
the supreme authority, with its machinery (the
government) which carries
more power than is re-
quired for
administration—i.e., the “political sur-
plus”—should be abolished.
Education has always played an important part in
anarchist doctrines. Modern
psychology and education,
with its child-centered principle of
self-education and
self-discipline, has distinctive anarchist implications
in
this respect. In recent times new schools in criminology
(especially in the USA, and partly in England and the
Netherlands) have
advocated a change of attitude in
judging delinquents and in recognizing
their right to
some forms of deviant behavior, and to being regarded
as equals instead of being made by authority to adapt
to the actual
dominant pattern. The abolition of the
punitive element in justice as well
as the abolition of
prisons as “seminars of vice,”
“where man comes out
worse than he enters” (William
Godwin), is gaining
ground.
The essence of the artist as a creative individual
implies absolute freedom
to realize his aesthetic aims,
and suo ipso
anarchistic thought, even if he is not aware
of its theoretical basis. In
our age, without abandoning
its traditional aesthetic norms in art this
need for free-
dom becomes even more evident.
Anarchism postulates
that without coercion and stringent outside
regulations
everyone would have greater possibilities to develop
his
potential creative personality.
Different Trends.
Although different trends—
anarcho-communism,
individualism, collectivism, mu-
tualism, and
all the intermediate programs—can be
distinguished, all
anarchist schools of thought have a
fundamental conception in common, viz.,
freedom of
the individual, rejection of government, state, and all
coercive institutions. These forms of anarchism are
simply the ways
considered best for achieving freedom
and solidarity in economic life, the
ways believed to
correspond most closely with justice and freedom for
the distribution of the means of production and the
products of labor among
men. It is the constant
searching for a more secure guarantee of
freedom
which is the common factor amongst anarchists even
when
divided into different schools. “The achievement
of the greatest
measures of individualism is in direct
ratio to the amount of communism
that is possible;
that is to say, a maximum of solidarity in order to
enjoy
a maximum of freedom” (Malatesta [1926], p. 82).
Bakunist anarchism was called in the late 1860's
“collectivism.” Anarcho-communism, rejecting the ex-
treme of individualist anarchism, as a
variation of
collectivism laid the emphasis on communist distribu-
tion and local and communal
association. Developed
mainly by Kropotkin since the end of the seventies,
anarchism in the following decades. The anarcho-
communists who regarded trade unions as instruments
in the struggle for the economic and social improve-
ment of the working class within the framework of
existing society and as the means to carry out revolu-
tion and social reconstruction, called themselves
anarcho-syndicalists. The ultimate goal of anarcho-
syndicalism, identical with that of collective anarchism,
is to raise the masses to independent management of
production and distribution by the common action of
all manual and intellectual working men of every
branch in industry.
Violence is not an essential part of anarchism. Nei-
ther is terrorism. Because of the spectacular attentats
and outrages, connected with the names of
Ravachol,
Auguste Vaillant, Emil Henry, Santo Caserio, mainly
in
France (1891-94), and of later syndicalist bombings,
anarchism and
terrorism became associated in the
public mind. Their acts were usually
retaliation for the
persecution and repression by the government and
they
did not believe in any social organization by the work-
ing class, or in propaganda, and acted in a state of
rebellion against society. However, their acts of rebel-
lion were isolated, and the number of anarchists
who
took part in them was always very small. Most of the
terrorists in
modern times were not anarchists.
Some anarchist currents, like Christian and Tolstoyan
anarchism, reject all
violence. Central to Leo Tolstoy's
religious anarchism, derived from the
Scriptures, is the
rejection of the state and of all authority exercised
by
men over men, the denial of property, and the need
for moral
revolution by persuasion and example, as well
as by experiments of communal
living. Men should
destroy the state by ceasing to cooperate with it,
and
by forming new social organizations and patterns of
behavior.
Refusal to obey, an essential principle of
Tolstoy's teaching, influenced
Gandhi in his principle
of nonviolent noncooperation. Gandhi was inspired
also
by Henry David Thoreau's treatise On the Duty
of
Civil Disobedience (1849). These ideas of individual
resistance can be summarized in the words of Étienne
de la
Boétie: “Resolve no longer to serve and you will
be
free.” Anselme Bellegarrique would write (1850):
“There are no tyrants, there are only slaves.” Non-
cooperation, nonretaliation,
nonviolent resistance, war
resistance, boycott, and direct action are
applications
all derived from these principles.
Political Doctrine.
Anarchist thought exercised its
main influence as a political
doctrine. As such it is part
of the history of socialist thought, of which
it represents
the libertarian and anti-Jacobin trend. Like socialism,
anarchism is a product of the political and industrial
revolutions. As a
matter of fact the history of modern
anarchist thought and anarchist movement is bound
up since the
middle of the nineteenth century with
the history of the labor movement. It
is strongly in-
fluenced by Marxist ideas
about the class struggle and
the emphasis of the economic side of the
emancipation
of the laboring classes.
Anarchism—in contrast with Marxian theory—
rejects the
theory of the political organization of the
labor class with a view to the
conquest of the state.
It rejects pressure through the mechanism of parlia-
mentary parties as well as
dictatorship in the period
of the revolution as instruments to achieve
these ends.
It objects to representative government and to parlia-
mentary democracy because it denies
that in a political
sense one man should represent another, unless he
is
a delegate to represent a group in relation to a definite
issue or
form of activity, and is always subject to recall.
Marx, and Engels too, defined anarchy as the final
stage of socialism, i.e.,
a classless and stateless society.
Anarchism however regards the Marxian
theory of the
inevitability of the historical economic process,
leading
to the conquest of power and subsequently the
“withering away of the state” as a fallacy and as uto-
pian dialectics.
Anarchism recognizes only regional differences and
demands for every group
the right of self-deter-
mination in
solidarity with all other associations of an
economic or territorial order.
Federalism is an essen-
tial part of its
doctrine. In place of the present state
organization, anarchism would
establish a federation
of free communities which would be bound to one
another by their common and social interests, and
would arrange their
affairs by mutual agreement and
free contract.
Theorists.
The first systematic exposition is the po-
litical treatise of William Godwin, An Enquiry
con-
cerning Political Justice and
its Influence on General
Virtue and Happiness (1793). The title is
a good sum-
mary of the content. The main claim
of Godwin as
founder of modern anarchism is that in Godwin's opin-
ion all moral evils are caused by political
institutions.
A disciple of eighteenth-century philosophical ration-
alism and belief in the perfectibility
of man, i.e., a
continuous advance towards higher rationality, Godwin
believed that men behaved irrationally because the
conventional
institutions of society led them to stray
from reason. Man's character
depends on external cir-
cumstances, and
social prejudice and government
should be abolished, as government
constitutes the
frequent source of crime, villainy, and injustice.
Godwin questioned the legitimacy of every form of
government and coercion,
and envisaged a future of
free enlightened cooperation of individuals,
grouped
in small communities.
The importance Godwin attached to education, i.e.,
to the purpose of
developing the child's autonomy, is
common to most anarchist schools of
thought. The
emphasis on the influence of environment in the for-
mation of character and in the shaping of
human con-
duct, was to be taken over by Robert
Owen and de-
veloped as an integral part of
Owenite socialism.
Godwin's anarchism rested on an absolute exaltation
of the claim of individual conscience enlightened by
reason, involving a
repudiation of any duty of obedi-
ence, save
to the demands of reason. Through Shelley,
who adopted his philosophy and
who wrote to Godwin:
“You are the regulator and former of my
mind,” an-
archism became a theme
of world literature.
If Godwin tried to persuade, Charles Fourier empha-
sized the example of small communities (phalanstères),
free and voluntary associations (communes socié-
taires), mainly agricultural, without any authority
and
coercion, and with a variety of types of work suited
for every
person, corresponding to the natural variety
of human desires. He analyzed
the psychological con-
ditions of work, and
believed he had discovered the
law of “attraction,” a
permanent contribution to the
problem of work and of the incentives and
their rela-
tions to it. Free experiments are
an essential part of
anti-authoritarian socialism.
William Thompson, influenced by Godwin, Ben-
tham, and Owen, advocated direct action by the pro-
ducers, using trade unionism as a means for their own
emancipation without the help of the government. He
devised a constructive
plan for the emancipation of
labor by establishing cooperative societies of
produc-
tion and thus constructing a new
society.
The system of Co-operative Industry accomplishes this, not
by the
vain search after foreign markets throughout the
globe, no sooner
found than over-stocked and glutted by
the restless competition of
the starving producers, but by
the voluntary union of the
industrious or productive classes,
in such numbers as to afford a market to each other, by
working together
for each other, for the mutual supply,
directly by themselves, of all their most indispensable wants,
in
the way of food, clothing, dwelling, and furniture
(Thompson, p. III).
Nineteenth-century anarchism first received form
and content from
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. The use of
the words
“anarchy” and “anarchist” in the
nineteenth
century goes back to Proudhon, who used
“anarchy”
for the first time in the sense of absence
of sovereignty
(What is Property?, 1840). Later
Proudhon spoke, in
his Solution du problème
social, of the ideal republic
as a positive
anarchy. “It is neither liberty, subordi-
nated to order, as in a constitutional monarchy,
nor
liberty in presenting order. It is reciprocal liberty and
not
limited liberty; liberty is not the daughter but the
mother of order” (Cole, I, 202). Proudhon's
influence
on subsequent anarchist thought has been threefold:
(1) his
attack on the Jacobin principle, his denunciation
of the State, and his
rejection of representative democ-
racy; (2)
his proposal to replace the State by groups
of individuals, united for
productive purposes; (3) his
theory of federalism. According to Proudhon,
economic
and social exploitation was correlated with political
oppression. Nothing is feasible by spontaneous initi-
ative, independent actions of individuals and collectiv-
ities as long as they are in the
presence of this colossal
power which is given to the State by
centralization.
Proudhon rejected a state corporation as advocated by
Louis Blanc. Although he thought mainly in terms of
small-scale economic
activity, he envisaged for the
future large industry and agriculture
developed from
association. Proudhon advocated a great central Credit
Bank, an independent institution apart from the State,
making through
subsidiary branches interest-free ad-
vances of
capital, to ensure means of labor to each
producer, or workers'
organizations to ensure to each
producer the full product of his labor.
Products would
be exchanged at cost value by means of labor checks
based on the labor-time theory of value associated with
Robert Owen and the
Ricardian socialists. Proudhon
called this system
“mutualism.”
Two outstanding representatives of anarchist indi-
vidualism are Max Stirner and Benjamin Tucker. In
Der Einzige und sein Eigenthum (1844; trans. as
The
Ego and his Own), Stirner, a philosopher and
a social
and political thinker, developed the view that law and
the
State deprived the individual of his uniqueness. As
all forms of government
arise from the principle that
all right and all authority belong to the
collectivity,
it is indifferent who exercises the authority, for the
collectivity is always above the individual. The State
acts with violence
and claims that its laws are sacred.
He who affronts them is a criminal.
Every man's wel-
fare demands that a social life
based solely on the
welfare of the individual take the place of the
State.
The State exists through voluntary servitude. What do
laws
amount to if no one obeys them? What do orders
amount to if nobody lets
himself be ordered? The State
is not imaginable without rulers and
servitude; for the
State must will to be the lord of all that it
embraces,
and this will is called the “will of the
State.” The
workers have the most enormous power in their
hands
and if they once became thoroughly conscious of it
and used it,
nothing would withstand them. The State
rests on the slavery of labor. If
labor becomes free,
the State is lost.
Benjamin R. Tucker rejected any communistic solu-
tion of the social problem as incompatible with the
“sovereignty of the individual,” as postulated by the
as Josiah Warren and Stephen Pearl Andrews. Their
intellectual development was not influenced by
European libertarian or radical ideas, but rooted in the
liberal principles of the Declaration of Independence.
In the first half of the nineteenth century, American
“philosophical anarchism” was a product of the social
conditions of the country. There was a belief in the
effectiveness of practical experiments, and their social
and economic ideas were based on the right to full
product of one's labor, an equitable commerce on the
basis of cost as the limit of price, i.e., similar to what
Proudhon had conceived in his “mutualist” ideas.
Michael Bakunin, a prolific but incoherent writer,
developed his anarchist
ideas from 1864 on. Starting
from Hegel's idealism, Bakunin's philosophical
ideas
were molded by the humanism of Ludwig Feuerbach.
Atheism became
an essential part of his doctrine. He
regarded the idea of God as
fundamentally inconsistent
with human freedom. With Bakunin, anarchist
thought
became linked with anarchist organizations and
working-class
movements, and became a political
movement. His doctrine inspired socialist
movements
in France, Italy, Switzerland, and in Spain, where its
influence lasted longest. Like Proudhon, Bakunin at-
tacked the concept of the centralized state even when
it
appeared as the democratic representation of the
people or as the
instrument of a hitherto exploited
class. He envisaged a revolution to
expropriate capital
and land, but not by the state, which to be able
to
fulfil its political and economic mission (as state-
socialists advocate) would
necessarily have to be very
powerful and strongly concentrated. He foresaw
even
greater exploitation, and in the development of the
modern great
powers and in the growing influence of
economic monopoly, the greatest
danger for the future
of Europe.
Bakunin's anarchist ideas are most fully expressed
in the
programs—mostly drafts—which he wrote for
the secret
societies he tried to organize. He was con-
vinced that a small number of individuals, acting in
common with the
masses, could and should essentially
influence the course of historic
events. Bakunin's social
theory is a critical application of anarchism with
a view
to changing the political and social system. He rejected
Proudhon's mutualism as a solution of the social prob-
lem, and also the belief in the possibility of eliminating
capitalism by peaceful means. However, Proudhon's
anti-Jacobin and
federalist ideas influenced him, but
he rejected every form of state
socialism:
I detest communism because it is the negation of liberty
and I can
conceive nothing human without liberty. I am
no communist because
communism concentrates and aims
at the absorption of all powers of
society; the radical extir
pation of that principle of authority and guardianship
of
the state which under the pretext of moralizing and civi-
lizing men, has hitherto
enslaved, oppressed, exploited and
depraved them
(Bakunin [1873], p. 28; trans. G. D. H. Cole).
He stood for the organization of society arranged from
below upward on the
basis of collective and social
property, by way of free association.
Bakunin, the great antagonist of Marx in the “First
International” (1864), not only objected to the theory
of the
state and dictatorship but regarded the Marxian
interpretation of Hegel's
dialectic, that socialism would
be the result of an inevitable,
historically determined,
scientific process, as a fallacy. He was very
critical of
the prospect that science would regulate human and
social
affairs, “the reign of scientific intelligence would
be a
despotism, more demoralizing and worse than any
previous despotism, and
resulting in a new class, a
hierarchy of real and fictitious scientists,
and the world
would be divided between a minority in the name of
science and an immense ignorant majority” (Archives
Bakounine, II, 204).
Peter Kropotkin, scientist, historian, and social re-
former, contributed perhaps more then anyone else to
the
elaboration and propagation of anarchism. In his
classic, anti-Darwinist,
sociological work Mutual Aid:
a Factor of Evolution
(1902) he sets out to show that
mutual aid is as important an aspect in
nature and in
society as the struggle for survival. The dominating
importance of the principle of mutual aid appears also
in the domain of
ethics. Konrad Lorenz wrote that
mutual aid is the only phylogenetical
adapted mecha-
nism of behavior. By combining
his scientific and social
aspirations, Kropotkin tried to find a scientific
basis of
anarchism but never found a very convincing one. The
very
basis of his faith is a belief in cooperativeness as
a natural human
quality. The process of individ-
ualization, or “individuation” as modern
psychologists
would call it, i.e., self-realization, will not lead to
isolation, but to an intense and more universal col-
lective solidarity. He believed in the coordination of
industry
and agriculture; small communities which
would control the means of
production and counteract
the tendency of centralized mass production. He
al-
ways stressed the importance of the
institutes created
by the workers themselves as cooperative societies
and
trade unions. After the Russian Revolution he stated
(1919) that
as long as the country was governed by
a party dictatorship, the workers'
and peasant councils
lost their entire significance.
Errico Malatesta, who spent a life of incessant revo-
lutionary activity spreading anarchist propaganda in
Europe and in America, was, like Kropotkin, an
anarcho-communist. But while
Kropotkin stressed the
the role of the conscious minority and of revolutionary
actions. Malatesta started his anarchist career in the
1870's as a follower of Bakunin, but in later years he
thought the economic and historical approach of
Bakunin too Marxist. Although no opponent of syndi-
calism, he did not share with the anarcho-syndicalists
their belief that creating a mass movement through
the trade unions was an essential, constructive element
in the revolution. He accepted the syndicalist theory
of the general strike insofar as it was insurrectional
and expropriative, in fact, insofar as it was an effective
means of social transformation. He did not share
Kropotkin's optimism, or his scientific interpretation
of anarchism. He was a pragmatic anarchist and held
that the mean task of anarchists was to make and to
help to make the revolution. He advanced the revolu-
tion as much as possible in his constructive as well as
destructive roles, always opposing the formation of any
government. He also held that abolition of political
power without the simultaneous destruction of eco-
nomic privilege was not possible. He shared these
views with Bakunin, including the rejection of terror.
In revolution one must attack institutions; then it will
not be necessary to destroy people, and to foster the
inevitable reaction which is always caused by the mas-
sacre of men. “Terror,” wrote Malatesta, “has always
been the instrument of tyranny.”
The Russian Revolution developed initially on
Bakuninist lines: the state
and its institutions were
destroyed and replaced by
“soviets,” i.e., councils of
workers and peasants,
who expropriated the factories
and the land. These soviets, in which the
constructive
element of the revolution was embodied, disintegrated
after the Bolsheviks had succeeded in founding a “rev-
olutionary state” and a
party dictatorship. The liqui-
dation by the
Red Army (March 1921) of the Commune
of Kronstadt, which stood for
“all power to the Soviets
and not to the Party,”
marked the end of the inde-
pendent soviets.
The most important historical example of an attempt
to put anarchist
principles into practice was the in-
dustrial
and agricultural “collectivizations” during the
first
months of the Spanish Civil War. Within forty-
eight hours of the uprising, on July 19, 1936, the whole
economic and social life of Catalonia and many other
parts of Spain was
taken over by the syndicates. Fac-
tories,
railways, and workshops, as well as all social
services, were run by
workers' councils. The continu-
ation of
the armed struggle, the government control
of production and finance, the
counterrevolutionary
policy of the communists after the Stalin
intervention,
the compromises made in the name of “victory
over
Franco,” e.g., the participation of the anarchists'
leaders in the government, were all factors tending to
undermine this kind of social reconstruction.
In order to define the role played by anarchism in
the light of the
experience of a rapidly changing soci-
ety, two
different tendencies can be noticed. Since the
defeat of the powerful
anarchist movement in the
Spanish Civil War, anarchist movements
everywhere
have declined and lost their impetus. But anarchist
ideas
have outlived their partisans and may still be of
value as doctrines of
social reconstruction. The state
has changed its character. The
laissez-faire state of the
nineteenth century has developed into an ever
in-
creasing bureaucracy. In a growing
process powerful
political institutions and industrial monopolies are in-
tertwined in an excessively centralized
structure not
dreamed of by any anarchist thinker.
The anarchist criticism of the state and of authority,
far from being
invalidated by this modern develop-
ment,
may be more relevant than when the theory was
created. This may explain the
growing interest in the
1960's in anarchist ideas. Kropotkin's ideal of a
region-
ally decentralized economy could
be regarded at the
time as rather utopian and irreconcilable with the
economic and political trend of society. But the new
developments in an age
of cybernetic potentially un-
limited
technology could easily free society of work
and want, to live in a world
of plenty. The use of new
sources of power may reduce the necessity of
present-
day, gigantic economic units,
and may make the widest
distribution of industry, agriculture, and culture
possi-
ble in the political as well as in
the social field. This
however would not guarantee automatically a de-
creased authority, as new communications and
com-
puter techniques could just as well
produce a greater
development of authority. In other words, such a
trend
to decentralization would only be realized if based on
an
interregional federation, in which the region, as
defined by Lewis Mumford,
is the basic configuration
in human life, a permanent sphere of cultural
influence,
and a center of economic activity.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
General. The standard work on the history of anarchism
is by Max
Nettlau, whose works, collections, and manu-
scripts, acquired by the International Institute of Social
History in Amsterdam, are a monumental source for the
history of
anti-authoritarian thought and libertarian social-
ism. Max Nettlau, Der
Vorfrühling der Anarchie: Ihre histor-
ische Entwicklung von den Anfängen bis
zum Jahre 1864
(Berlin, 1925); idem, Der Anarchismus von Proudhon zu
Kropotkin. Seine historische
Entwicklung in den Jahren 1859-
1880 (Berlin, 1927); idem, Anarchisten
und Sozialrevolu-
tionäre: Die historische Entwicklung des Anarchismus in
den
Jahren 1880-1886 (Berlin, 1931). Four more volumes dealing
summary: l'Anarquía a través de los tiempos (Barcelona,
1935); Max Nettlau, Bibliographie de l'Anarchie (Brussels,
1897). The most complete bibliography today is the subject
catalog on anarchism (about 18,000 titles) of the Library
of the International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam.
Other works are: G. D. H. Cole, History of Socialist
Thought, 2 vols. (London and New York, 1953-60), Vol. I:
The Forerunners, 1789-1850; Vol. II: Marxism and An-
archism,
1850-1890 (London, 1953, 1954); Paul Eltzbacher,
Anarchism: Seven Exponents of the Anarchist
Philosophy
(1900; rev. ed New York, 1960); Charles Gide and
Charles
Rist, A History of Economic Doctrines,
2nd. ed. (Boston,
1948); Daniel Guérin, l'Anarchisme. De la doctrine à l'action
(Paris,
1965); idem, Ni Dieu, ni maître: Anthologie
historique
du mouvement anarchiste (Paris, 1966); James
Joll, The
Anarchists (London, 1964); Leonard I.
Krimerman and
Lewis Perry, Patterns of Anarchy: A
Collection of Writings
on the Anarchist Tradition (New York,
1966); Peter
Kropotkin, “Anarchism” in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th
ed. (London and
New York, 1910-11); D. Novak, “The Place
of Anarchism in the
History of Political Thought,” Review
of
Politics,
20 (July 1958); George Woodcock, Anarchism,
A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements
(London,
1962).
Special works, biographies, studies. Michel Bakounine,
Oeuvres, 6 vols. (Paris, 1895-1913); idem, Werke, 3 vols.
(Berlin, 1921-24); idem, The Political Philosophy of Bakunin,
edited and
compiled by G. P. Maximoff (Glencoe, Ill., 1953);
idem, Archives Bakounine (Leyden, 1961--), edition of
the
complete works in progress; idem, Mémoire de la Fédération
jurassienne, pièces justificatives (Sonvillier, 1873);
also Max
Nettlau, Bakunin. Eíne
Biographie, 3 vols. (London, 1896-
1900); E. H. Carr, Michael Bakunin
(London, 1937);
A. Comfort, Authority and Delinquency
in the Modern State:
A Criminological Approach to the Problem of
Power (Lon-
don, 1950); Peter
Kropotkin, Memoirs of a Revolutionist
(1900;
reprint New York, 1962); Kropotkin's Revolutionary
Pamphlets, ed. Roger N. Baldwin (New York, 1927); Errico
Malatesta. “Comunismo e Individualismo,” Pensiero e Vol-
ontà (1 April, 1926). Max Nettlau, Errico Malatesta: Das
Leben eines Anarchisten
(Berlin, 1922); idem, Elisée Reclus,
Anarchist und Gelehrter, 1830-1905 (Berlin, 1928); Pierre-
Joseph Proudhon, Les confessions d'un révolutionnaire. Pour
servir à l'histoire de la Révolution de
Février (Paris, 1849);
idem, Idée générale de la révolution au
XIXe siècle (Paris,
1851); English trans.
(London, 1923); idem, l'Actualité de
Proudhon, Colloque de novembre 1965 (Brussels, 1967);
Herbert Read, Education through Art (New York,
1945);
idem, “Pragmatic Anarchism,” in Encounter,
15 (January
1968); Vernon Richards, ed., Errico Malatesta: Life and
Ideas (London, 1965);
Rudolf Rocker, Nationalism and Cul-
ture (New York, 1937); idem, Pioneers of American Freedom
(Los Angeles,
1949); William Thompson, Practical Directions
for the
Speedy and Economical Establishment of COM-
MUNITIES on the principles of Mutual Co-operation,
United
Possessions and Equality of Exertions and of the means
of
Enjoyments (London, 1830); Franco Venturi, Roots of Revo-
lution:
A History of the Populist and Socialist Movements
in 19th-century Russia (New York, 1960); G. Woodcock
and
I. Avakumovič, The Anarchist Prince: A
Biographical Study
of Peter Kropotkin (London, 1950).
ARTHUR LEHNING
[See also Authority; Education; Equality; Freedom; Ideol-ogy; Individualism; Law, Natural; Perfectibility; Socialism;
State; Work.]
Dictionary of the History of Ideas | ||