A biography of John Randolph, of Roanoke with a selection from his speeches |
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| III. | CHAPTER III. |
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 | CHAPTER III. A biography of John Randolph, of Roanoke |  |
CHAPTER III.
PROCEEDINGS IN CONGRESS.
John Randolph, like Iago, "was nothing without he was critical," and on
most occasions his criticism sprang from the same unworthy source, malice.
On the opening of the first day of the session of 1807, the first speech delivered
was by him, and inflicted a cruel and unprovoked injury on the subject of it.
On the House was called upon to elect a clerk in the place of Mr. John Beckley,
who had died in the recess. His head clerk, Nicholas B. Vanzandt, well acquainted
with the duties of the office, was nominated with Patrick Magruder,
and one or two others. On the first ballot, he ran ahead of the rest, and came
within four votes of being elected. Randolph took his seat just before the
second ballot, and got up and delivered a severe philippic against Vanzandt,
whom he charged with having, at a previous session, when the House was
sitting with closed doors, listened through the key-hole of the door of the gallery,
and was suspected of having caught and betrayed the secret. The House
was taken by surprise, and more than one half being new members and unacquainted
with Randolph's character, conceived strong prejudices against Vanzandt.
He offered by a letter to the Speaker, if the House would hear him, to
disprove the charge, but no one stepped forward in his defence, and when he
approached Mr. Randolph's seat to offer some explanations, he rudely ordered
him away. This attack was fatal to poor Vanzandt, and Magruder in the next
out of his usual channel of maintenance, and had to resort to other shifts and
expedients to obtain a living. He came out with his card the next day, complaining
most feelingly of his treatment by Mr. Randolph, which created only
the unavailing regret of the House that they had not had the opportunity of
forming a timely judgment of his pretensions. After struggling some years
in the unsuccessful business of a wine merchant, he was very properly provided
for with a clerkship in the Treasury Department, which he still occupies. The
secret of Randolph's persecution soon after leaked out. Vanzandt was the
protegé of Mrs. Madison, having married a relative, one of three sisters, the
Misses Southall of Virginia.
At the commencement of the session of 1807 Joseph B. Varnum was elected
speaker by a majority of only one vote. Mr. Macon not being present he could
not be run as Speaker, and Mr. Randolph struggled hard to have the election postponed
till next day. In consequence of this change in the Chair, which was
in a great measure caused by the alleged partiality of Mr. Macon towards Mr.
Randolph in not calling him to order on proper occasions, but permitting him to
indulge in personalities, Mr. Randolph was removed from the head of the
Committee of Ways and Means, and G. W. Campbell of Tennessee, placed
there. When the navy appropriation bill came up on the 9th of November,
Mr. Randolph raised his voice against the item of $87,000 for timber for
the navy, while the estimate of the Secretary was calculated for timber to build
73 gun-boats. Some other expenses had been incurred by the President, in
anticipation of the meeting of the Houses, which he justified by the urgency
of the occasion. Among them were contracts for sulphur and saltpetre, for
manufacturing a requisite supply of powder, in which our magazines were
deficient. By an existing law, the President had a right to increase the marine
corps to 1004 men, and under existing circumstances he had availed himself of
it. It is true, no appropriation had been made for the purpose, but he construed
the law as by implication giving him the power incidentally of supporting
and clothing them while in service. The same reasoning applied to timber. It
was thought necessary, for "our common defence," to provide for the protection
of our defenceless ports, and prevent our cities, as had been threatened by the
commanders of the British squadron in the Chesapeake, from being attacked
and burned. With this view, a supply of timber had been procured, suitable
for gun-boats, but might be applied to other purposes of naval construction, or
if not found necessary to use in that form, it could be sold without loss.
Mr. Randolph allowed that the crisis which occasioned these expenses, was an
imminent one. "It was so imminent that Congress ought to have been immediately
convened, that they might have given authority, said he, for these extraordinary
expenses, and for adopting such measures as national feeling and
national honor called for. He confessed, he felt extremely reluctant to vote
large sums to support our disgraced and degraded navy, for expenses too, that
had been illegally incurred. He had endeavored in vain to procure Gallatin
on Finance, which ought to be in our library. In that book, he recollected a
during the Pennsylvania insurrection, made use of money to defray expenses
incurred, which had been appropriated for a different object. He concluded
by saying, that when he rose, he did not mean to say much on this subject, but
he could not restrain his indignation, at hearing such anti-republican and highly
federal opinions, as had been supported by the gentleman from Tennessee, Mr.
Campbell." Mr. Randolph spoke twice afterwards—and observed, that he did
not intend to vote against this appropriation, but he voted to pay these expenses
with the same reluctance as he should to pay the debt due a gambler who had
cheated him. In his third speech, he said he understood the gentleman from
Tennessee to say he should not apply to him for instructions in political principles.
He would assure the gentleman that he was one of the last persons he
should wish to instruct, and when he wanted pupils he should not solicit him
to become one. He should give his vote in favor of the appropriation, because
the expense had been incurred by the patriotism of our citizens, and it would be
an indelible disgrace not to discharge it. The President had received, said he,
an insult from a minister of a foreign power (the Chevalier Don Carlos Martinez
D'Yreujo—who, being charged with a participation in the Spanish conspiracy
to separate the Union, was ordered by Mr. Madison to leave Washington
in 1806, but refused to go, and wrote an insolent letter in reply), and now
had received a slap on the cheek, and through him, he himself had received a
slap on the cheek by the navy of another. On the receipt of the President's
confidential message, the 21st of December, recommending an embargo, Mr.
Randolph offered a resolution for carrying it into effect.
About the period of Mr. Jefferson's term, the Republican party, with Mr.
Jefferson, had fixed their hopes upon Mr. Madison, as worthy to receive the
presidential mantle. John Randolph, at a levee, asked Mr. Jefferson when he
expected Mr. Monroe back from his mission to France. Mr. Jefferson, divining
Randolph's views in making the inquiry, asked him if Mr. Madison would not
serve his purpose. Randolph said no, he wanted no more philosopher Presidents.
In February, 1808, the Republican members of Congress, not having
the fear of John Randolph before their eyes, and instigated by Stephen Rowe
Bradley of Vermont, as chairman of a prior meeting, held a caucus at the
capitol, in the senate chamber, to nominate James Madison as the successor of
Thomas Jefferson. Randolph, of course, denounced the meeting, and boasted
that no one present at it would dare avow the name of his choice. The writer
of this sketch, being detained by indisposition, sent his proxy by John Montgomery
of Maryland, to vote in his name for James Madison and George Clinton.
His name happened to be published in the papers next day among the proceedings
of the caucus, and he received the unction of Randolph's praise for
being the only member present that openly and boldly risked his election, by
staking it on Mr. Madison's.
On the last of December Mr. Randolph introduced a resolution, prefaced by
a few remarks, requesting the President of the United States to inquire into the
conduct of General James Wilkinson, on the charge of his having corruptly
money by way of pension from the Spanish Government or their agents. It
seems that a letter was sent by the Baron to one Thomas Portel, of New Madrid,
advising him of the shipment of the sum of $9,460 in specie, to be held to
the order of General Wilkinson. Mr. Randolph also produced a letter from
Thomas Power, stating that he had, at General Wilkinson's request, delivered
the money to Philip Nolan at Cincinnati, which Nolan received in some barrels
of sugar and coffee and conveyed to Frankfort in a wagon. In a speech on
the resolution the 11th of January following, he implicated the General in Burr's
conspiracy, and charged him with having garbled and mutilated the letter in
cipher. He instanced the passage which says, "I have actually commenced,"
not the enterprise, but the "eastern detachment," implying that there might be
some western detachment under Wilkinson. Again he makes the letter read,
"everything internal and external favors views," which, according to Mr. Randolph,
was "favors" our "views," and the project, "my dear friend," is omitted
in the General's version. "These suppressions," said Mr. Randolph, "conveyed
to my mind an impression, which I never attempted to conceal, of the
guilt, not only of the principal, but of many of the inferior officers of the army.
Guilt is always short-sighted and infatuated. Not content with that dubious
sort of faith which it might sometimes acquire, when not brought to the trial,
it had attempted not only to occupy the middle ground of doubt and suspicion,
but to clothe itself with the reputation of the fairest character in the country,
and in so doing, had torn the last shred of concealment from its own deformity.
The motion to indict General Wilkinson before the grand jury at Richmond, of
which he was a member," said he, "for misprision of treason, failed from a
mere flaw, or legal exception. His moral guilt was not denied by a single
member of the jury. The treason having been alleged to have been committed
in Ohio, and General Wilkinson's letter to the President being dated a short
time before that act, he had the benefit of what lawyers call a legal exception.
He and his colleagues on the jury believed the army was tainted to the
core with that disease." On the 1st of January, or the next day after the delivery
of these reproachful and insulting remarks, General Wilkinson sent Mr.
Randolph a challenge. Mr. Randolph refused to accept it, and returned for answer,
that he could not descend to the General's level. The General then posted
him in handbills, throughout the District, in the following terms:
"Hector Unmasked.—In justice to my character, I denounce John Randolph,
M. C., to the world, as a prevaricating, base, calumniating scoundrel,
poltroon and coward."
In a postscript to his letter in reply to Mr. Randolph's refusal to meet him,
he said, "Embrace the alternative still within your reach, and rise to the level
of a gentleman;" and added, "The first idea suggested by your letter in response
to mine was the chastisement of my cane, from which the sacred respect
I owe to the station you occupy in the councils of the nation alone protected
you."
Mr. Randolph's resolution was agreed to, after several days' debate; and on
the 14th of January Mr. Jefferson sent a message to the House, saying that
Mr. Clark's statement gave him the first intimation of General Wilkinson's
having corruptly received money from the Spanish authorities, and that the inquiry
should be pursued with rigorous impartiality. General Wilkinson had
asked of the Secretary of War, on the first of January, to raise a court of inquiry
into his conduct, which was acceded to, and the court held its session in
Washington, and received from the committee of investigation in the House all
the information they had obtained. It resulted in subjecting the General to a
regular court-martial, held at Fredericktown, in Maryland, when the General
was honorably acquitted.
Jacob Crowninshield, a distinguished member from Massachusetts, moved an
amendment, or a substitute for Mr. R.'s resolution for an embargo, and supported it
with many cogent reasons. Mr. R. opposed it, and insisted upon the adoption of
his own. Crowninshield replied, and as each appeared obstinately tenacious of
his own proposition and were up and down alternately, an hour or more, without
giving way, a message was received from the Senate, in the midst of this
"war of words," informing the House that they had passed a resolution for laying
a general embargo. By common consent, the Senate's resolution was taken
up, and Mr. Randolph's laid on the table. Strong opposition was raised against
it by the Federal members, and a warm debate ensued, and the House adjourned
at night, without taking the question. It was continued all the next day, with
undiminished zeal and ability until 11 o'clock at night, when just as the roll
was about to be called, and the ayes and nays ordered, John Randolph took the
floor. Everybody, of course, expected he would support the resolution, and
what was their astonishment to hear him come out dead against it. He made a
poor excuse for this sudden change of opinion, and spoke half an hour in opposition
to its passage. The vote was then taken and the resolution passed, and
the House adjourned at near 12 o'clock, on the 24th of December, perfectly
exhausted. The conclusion was irresistibly drawn, that John Randolph's opposition
arose from pure envy—the jealousy of another's success in carrying
through so important a measure. His rival, however, Mr. Jacob Crowninshield,
a gentleman of great natural ability, a good speaker and a most honorable man,
during a debate on Friday, the 8th of January, in which he was earnestly engaged,
in opposition to Mr. Randolph's resolution of inquiry into the conduct of
Gen. Wilkinson, burst a blood-vessel of the lungs, and bled so profusely that he
could barely be got to his lodgings alive, and died the 15th of April afterwards.
This measure, with others growing out of it, as the act supplementary, or the
enforcement act, excited such bitter feelings between the two parties, that the
most violent, inflammatory, and personally abusive speeches were delivered, by
the northern members especially, and scarcely a member spoke without violating
the rules of the House. John Randolph was not sparing of his abusive language;
he had adroitness enough to avoid any direct personal insults, while he
aimed his blows at the administration. But among the inveterate political
belligerents in the House, Barent Gardenier of New York was the most
he accused the House of being actuated by a subserviency to the ambitious
views of Bonaparte. Many members replied to him in no courteous strains,
and among the rest R. M. Johnson, who pronounced it a base slander. G. W.
Campbell said, he knew no other answer to give, than the lie direct, and pronounced
the charge an infamous falsehood. Though at least three members had
used the same language, yet, I presume, from his peaceful deportment and rather
Quaker look, Gardenier singled him out, probably under an expectation he
would apologise and avoid a fight. But he mistook his man. Campbell refused
to recall a single word, and Gardenier challenged him. They met in Bladensburg,
the great battle-ground, on the 2d of March, 1808, and at the first fire
Gardenier fell, desperately wounded. He recovered, however, in the course of
six weeks, and learned a lesson of moderation which he did not soon forget, and
for the balance of his career exhibited a decided improvement in his manners.
On the first of December, Mr. Randolph introduced three resolutions, which
he supported by some pertinent preliminary remarks:—
1st, That provision ought to be made by law for the adequate and comfortable
support of such officers and soldiers of the Revolutionary war as are still living
in a state of indigence to the disgrace of the country which owes its liberty
to their valor.
2d, That provision ought to be made by law for arming and equipping the
whole militia of the United States.
3d, That provision ought to be made by law for procuring a formidable train
of artillery for the service of the United States.
He moved that these resolutions should be referred to a Committee of the
Whole on the state of the Union for the next day, which was agreed to. He
said that as long as the public defence had been before a respectable committee
of the House, and while their report was pending, he had deemed it unavailing
in him to offer anything on the subject. But he felt the necessity so urgent that
he could no longer dispense with it, to offer some propositions to the House on
this important subject. That necessity grew out of the general opinion which
appeared to prevail in the House, that a peculiar mode of defence was the only
one proper to be adopted. It arose, also, out of the enormous sums he had
heard proposed for that mode of defence, and which, if agreed to, we should,
when we wished to adopt those measures of defence equally essential, find an
empty treasury, and be compelled to resort to the system of loans recommended
by the Secretary of the Treasury. He said the militia ought to be armed and
equipped, ready at all times to oppose an invading enemy. It had been said, if
a war took place, we should have to contend with enemies on our frontier: that
we should be attacked by the savages at Montreal. Whether we considered ourselves
at war, or on the eve of war, it behoved us to arm the natural defence of
the country, which had carried us through dangers, and on which we should
always have to rely. He contended that muskets in the hands of our people,
and cannon on our shores, were the proper methods of defence. There was
another measure, he said, that ought to be adopted, previous to any step for the
entitle us to success, but which was eminently calculated to insure it; a measure
which would unite all hearts and hands in our service. This was, that the
House should no longer permit the nation to labor under the stigma of leaving
the men who had formerly fought in its service, to perish in the streets. With
what propriety can we call upon the youth of our country to arm in its defence,
when they see their fathers standing at the door of this hall begging for bread.
On the 3d of the month, Mr. Randolph called for the orders of the day, and these
resolutions came up for adoption. The first one was agreed to without opposition.
The House was not aware, nor was Mr. Randolph apprehensive of the
many millions which it was calculated to draw from the treasury for the support,
under a pension system, of the venerable remains of that band of Revolutionary
worthies, whom it was intended to render comfortable the short remnant of their
days. Some years afterwards, when it was proposed to extend the system, and when
he found the sums required to satisfy that class of public creditors, so far beyond
his anticipation, and the inequality of its operation, he changed his views and
opposed it, declaring that the current of this expenditure ran as regularly Northeast
as the Gulf Stream. On the second resolution, Mr Eppes said that the
whole number of militia was 640,000, and estimating the price of guns at $10,
they would cost upwards of $6,000,000. He moved to strike out "the whole
body," and insert "the 100,000 men held in requisition by the act of 1806,
and the 30,000 volunteers by the law of 1807." Mr. Randolph said, "he should
consider an agreement to this amendment as equivalent to a rejection of his resolution,
because, if adopted, it would turn up in fact, that to arm these troops, the
greater part of whom were already armed, it would not be necessary to expend
a single dollar. He had no intention of draining the treasury of six millions of
dollars. His idea was, that an appropriation (and he hoped it would be a liberal
one) would be made towards arming the militia, and at the same time the nation
should pledge itself to put arms in the hands of every man capable of bearing
them. He believed that all the laws for regulating the militia were futile till
arms were put into their hands. It was no use to pass such laws as long as men
were mustered with walking-canes: and he would venture to say, if the same
rules were put in practice over freemen as were adopted over the hirelings of
despots, it would occasion discontent and perhaps mutiny." Mr. Eppes's amendment
was lost and the resolutions were agreed to.
Though a little premature, I may here state the occasion and the result of
the quarrel between Randolph and Eppes:—
On the 28th of February, 1811, the House had been engaged all the fore
part of the day upon some retaliation measures, a Supplementary Embargo Act.
On the motion of Mr. Eppes, the House took a recess, from 4 to 7 o'clock,
P. M., at which time it was understood the question would be taken, without
further debate. Mr. Randolph in the meantime reached Washington, and after
a hearty dinner, which was well diluted with the homely stimulus of whisky,
he took his seat, for the first time during the session, at the hour of adjournment,
among other reasons, stated that he had just reached his seat after a long and
fatiguing ride, and was not in a condition to vote or to speak on a question of
that importance at that hour. Mr. Eppes opposed it, and suggested that the
motive of his colleague in making the motion was primarily to delay and ultimately
to defeat the object of the bill. Mr. R. got up much excited, and gave
Mr. Eppes the lie direct, in so many words, by asserting that it was not true;
and although he was called to order, yet he managed to keep the floor until he
reiterated the charge three times. Mr. Eppes wrote a challenge and handed it
to Richard M. Johnson, who immediately delivered it to Mr. Randolph.
While Mr. Randolph was out, for the purpose of entering into the usual
preliminaries for the anticipated duel, and holding a conversation with his
second, the House had ordered the previous question, which cut off all farther
debate. Randolph returned just as the main question was about to be put and
got up to speak, but being stopped by the Speaker's informing him what had
taken place, he flew into a furious passion, and declared that the House had
disgraced itself. The epithet "d—d liar" was heard from several quarters, and
Dr. Shaw of Vermont, said the rascal ought to be expelled. The House was in
an uproar for some minutes, but the roll was called, the bill passed and the
House adjourned. A "note of dreadful preparation" was heard for days together
from the side of John Randolph. He dispatched an express to Baltimore for a
celebrated pair of hair-triggers, and engaged the services of a surgeon from the
same place, and under the drilling of a first-rate shot, practised two hours daily
about the woods on the turnpike to the Northeast of the Capitol. It was dangerous
to travel the road, as frequent cracks, followed by the whizzing of balls,
were heard by travellers on the road, to their no little apprehension. But all this
mighty preparation and ostentatious parade was to end in smoke. General
Wilkinson was Eppes's second, and in a few days, from being perfectly ignorant
of the use of the pistol, he became a first-rate marksman. Wilkinson called
on me at the time, and knowing my friendship for Eppes, informed me of the
rapid progress of his pupil in "the art of the duello." But he was decided in the
opinion it would never come off. "If they fight," said he, "Eppes will kill him;
but take my word for it, Randolph will back out. All this blustering and fuss
is merely intended to bully Eppes, and then through the disinterested interference
of a friend, to get the quarrel accommodated on the best terms he can."
And so indeed it happened. On the eve of adjournment, on the 2d of March,
1811, a friend of Randolph called on Richard M. Johnson, Eppes's second, who
was a good-natured fellow, as was his principal Eppes himself, and offered, on
the withdrawal of the challenge, to make a satisfactory explanation on the part
of Randolph. The offer was accepted, the matter amicably settled, and the
honor of the parties preserved whole with their hides. But you would be astonished
to learn the minutiæ and details of the science of duelism; the care they
take in selecting and putting in order the "irons." The bullet must fit to a nicety.
The flint (there were no percussion locks invented then) examined, picked, and
warranted sure. The powder, the first London duelling, had to undergo the process
or furnace of charcoal, from thence transferred to a sheet of white paper,
and minutely examined by a microscope, grain by grain, and every mote or
particle of extraneous matter removed, before it was rammed down the pistol's
throat, to propel, with the celerity of lightning, the deadly ball; it being a main
point with Wilkinson, and other professors of the art since, to draw the antagonist's
fire.
Having thus brought Randolph and Eppes, the two great party leaders, in
near a deadly collision, we will let them (although we are anticipating the
period by a few years) try their strength as opposing candidates in the elective
arena. It seems that the breach between them was ostensibly, but never really,
healed. Eppes resided in the district adjoining Randolph, in Chesterfield county.
Eppes was the main prop of the administration, having to support nearly the
whole brunt of the opposition on the floor, and by his readiness, his fluency, and
impassioned eloquence, came out of the conflict with the highest credit. Randolph's
unreasonable and bitter opposition to the government of Mr. Jefferson,
continuing unabated through that of his successor, excited much discontent
among his republican constituents Finding no one in the district willing or
able to oppose him effectually, they prevailed on Eppes to remove among them,
and he accordingly settled in Buckingham, a short time previous to the election
of 1815. The campaign between them was very warm and exciting. They
both addressed the freeholders at the hustings and other public meetings, and
Eppes, being a very popular speaker, aroused the prejudices and the passions
of his auditors against Randolph, by exposing his defence of the aggressions of
the national enemy, and his coalition with the federalists and Hartford conventionalists.
By these means, he succeeded in defeating Randolph for the first
time, by a majority of three hundred. Randolph's pride received a mortifying
blow; but he resolved to regain his lost popularity, by courting the popular
favor during Eppes' absence at the seat of government. A powerful enemy,
one that had contributed more than any other man to Randolph's defeat, was
one Griggs, a Baptist preacher. Randolph "put on the armor and attitude"
of a Christian, attended their meetings, showed marked attention to the elders of
the society, talked with them, prayed with them, and exhorted all he met, with
such feeling and pathos, as frequently to be melted into tears, or the counterfeit
of them. By these means, he ingratiated himself in the favor of the Baptist, as
well as other religious denominations, while Eppes, who was naturally indolent,
feeling assured of his power by his recent great victory, took no active
steps to retain it. Nathaniel Macon used to say, that a majority of one was
the best majority in the world. Eppes' large majority lulled him into a fatal
sense of his security. In consequence of his supineness, Randolph succeeded
at the next election by a small majority. Eppes was soon after translated to
the Senate of the United States, and could afford to leave the field clear to his
antagonist.
Among the prominent members who composed the caucus of 1808, that
nominated James Madison, was Wilson C. Nicholas of Virginia. Randolph
Warwick, your only king-maker. Randolph wanted to consider him as the
leader of the administration party in the House, which honor, Mr. Nicholas's
modesty caused him to decline. Mr. Nicholas was not an active member,
though he made an impressive speech in favor of the embargo. Randolph
never could bear Willis Alston. The first occasion of their enmity arose out of
a dispute, which ended in an affray at the dinner table in 1804, at Miss Shields'
boarding house. Alston was somewhat arrogant and presuming in conversation,
and during a warm alteraction between him and Randolph, he made use of
some expressions which Randolph deemed personal and insulting. The ladies
having finished their meal, Randolph assisted in handing them out, and then
pouring out a glass of wine, dashed it in Alston's face. Alston sent a decanter
at his head in return, and these and similar missiles continued to fly to and fro,
until there was much destruction of glass ware, though the blood of the grape
was all that was shed on the occasion. Alston sent either a challenge, or a
note demanding an explanation, but Randolph having locked himself in his
room, refused admittance, and denounced instant death to any one that should
attempt to enter on any such mission. So the matter ended for that time, and
Randolph continued to treat Alston afterwards with studied contempt, being
especially careful never to mention his name, or notice him in debate. He was
driven from this course, however, at the session of January, 1810, by some
highly provoking remarks of Alston, when pouncing upon him at one desperate
spring, with fury flashing from his eyes, and the most bitter sarcasm, calling
Alston "that thing," gave him such an unmerciful verbal castigation, as made
Alston cower and cringe in his seat.
Alston, however, could not learn to hold his tongue, and on many frequent
occasions, would "have a fling" at Randolph. During the same session, the
House having, on motion of Mr. Randolph, adjourned, as the members were
breaking up, Alston remarked, loud enough to be heard by several members,
and among them John Randolph himself, that the puppy still had respect shown
him. Whether he alluded to Randolph, or his dog, of which he always had
some at his heels, was a question, but as Alston proceeded down the stairs
ahead of Randolph, the latter observed, "I have a great mind to cane him,
and I believe I will," and immediately commenced a battery on Alston's head.
Alston had no weapon, but turned round and tried to reach Randolph with his
hand and seize him by the throat, and also kicked at him, but Randolph having
the vantage ground, repeated his blows, knocked Alston's hat off, and gave
him some severe cuts, till the blood began to flow. They were then separated;
Alston "unpacking his heart with words," was conducted to his quarters, where
his wounds were dressed. The next day he appeared in his seat with his head
bandaged. The district court then in session, took the case in hand. The
grand jury presented an indictment against Randolph for a breach of the peace,
and the court allowed him to offer evidence in extenuation, before mulcting him
in a fine. This he did, and proved by several members that Alston had frequently
made use of provoking language in regard to him. The court imposed
of Alston's head was fixed at a very moderate estimate. Randolph ruled
with a sceptre of iron his little corps of followers. They consisted of only
half a dozen, and among them, the most talented was his colleague, Daniel
Sheffy, who had risen by the force of his genius, from a cobbler's stall, to a
seat in Congress. Sheffy, during a debate on some important question ventured
to think and speak for himself. Randolph, maintaining different views, thought
proper to punish Sheffy for his desertion. He commenced a personal attack
upon him, threw into his teeth his low origin, and called to his especial recollection
the old Latin proverb, ne sutor ultra crepidam, that every cobbler should
stick to his last. Sheffy did not take this punishment with due submission, but
retaliated with great spirit, acknowledged his humble origin, and stated that had
Mr. Randolph been in his place, he would never have risen above it, but would
have remained a cobbler to this day. Replies and rejoinders were kept up nearly
two days, and these two now bitter foes worried one another like bull dogs, till
they were dragged apart by the House proceeding to the orders of the day.
We will now suggest a few observations on Mr. Randolph's style and address
as an orator. From his last speeches in the Senate, which follow, we
must come to the conclusion that "his mind began to unsettle." So different
from his productions in his more youthful and vigorous days, they betray a
morbid sensibility, and an apprehension of some dreaded danger that existed
only in his over-excited imagination; and his pledge, in his speech hereafter
quoted, that he would prove that the leaders of the administration sometimes
played their political game with a card too many, and sometimes too few, was
never redeemed. In his latter years he could not confine himself to the point,
but touched upon things in general, as if in a tone of conversational improvisation.
He spoke so slow and deliberately that I have thought, in listening to
him, that he had not considered the subject before he arose; but as he proceeded,
his mind was put into motion, or rather commotion, and he threw off
the new coinage of his active brain as fast as it was struck. He was greatly
assisted and encouraged, and generally arrayed his countenance in a bland
smile, if he could discover among his audience any one paying particular attention
to his address. He would rivet his eye upon him and seem to address him
alone; and I have seen members in that case nod assent to his assertions as he
proceeded, which he appeared to take as a marked favor. During his speech
on the judiciary bill, I believe in April, 1826, I happened to be a listener, and
standing near the President of the Senate, when Mr. Randolph was denouncing
the Executive for buying up the leading prints in the different States. Among
others he enumerated the Petersburg Intelligencer, and added one or two others,
and looking steadily at me, asked, was there not the whole three that had given
in their adhesion? I was ignorant of the circumstance, and did not return the
nod of assent, which seemed to confuse Mr. Randolph, and remarking that he
knew who he was talking to, dropped that part of his subject. In his earlier
years, he was as remarkable for adhering to the question before the House as
other members, and when roused by opposition, seldom left it till it was completely
forcible, and his language pure, his words select and strictly grammatical, and
his order and arrangement lucid and harmonious. His voice was clear, loud
and sonorous, and almost as fine as a female's, and in his extemporaneous
efforts, in which he excelled, his action was perfectly suited to his expression.
If he was treated with courtesy and deference by his antagonists, he always returned
it with interest; but if they provoked him by the use of any personality
or unfairness in stating his arguments, he retaliated with terrible retribution.
Although he was accused of being much more efficient in pulling down than
building up, yet there were some important measures for which the nation is
indebted to his oratorical powers, as the originator and successful defender.
Among them was the substitution, under the appropriate heads, of specific instead
of general and indefinite appropriations, which he brought about, after a
warm and extremely powerful discussion with Mr. Lowndes of South Carolina,
who advocated the old system. The next measure which he introduced
and carried through was the standing appropriation of $200,000 for arming the
whole body of the militia, and it is calculated, according to his views, that the
fund shall remain sacred to that object till every freeman in the United States
shall possess a stand of arms complete.
PERSONAL HABITS AND CHARACTER.
Though we shall endeavor to portray Mr. Randolph's character fully at the
close of this work, it may not be amiss, and it may prove some relief to the
more serious contemplation of his official course, to present some peculiar traits
of his private life and manners, that do not appear as necessary materials to fill
up his regular picture—and yet seem too interesting to omit altogether. He
retained both a part of the external appearance of his Indian descent, as well as
of its vengeful passions. His color was somewhat tawny; he was straight, and
he walked like the Indian with one foot placed on a straight line before the
other. When he was seated at his desk, he appeared rather below the middle
size, but when he arose, he seemed to unjoint or unfold himself, and stood erect
near six feet high; his lower limbs being disproportionately long for his body.
His head was small, his hair light, and worn long, and tied behind; his eyes
were black and piercing, his mouth handsome, but with the arrangement of his
teeth, gave him a puerile look; his chin rather pointed, and smooth or beardless;
his hands small, and his fingers long and tapering. His dress was that of
the old Virginia gentleman. He wore white top boots, with drab or buckskin
short clothes, and sometimes gaiters, and though neat, he was generally plain
in his appearance, and had no ambition to conform to any prevalent fashion.
He was free from almost every vice—"Never knew woman," like Malcolm,
and never played a game at cards during his seat in Congress. His intimate
friend, Mr. Macon, was fond of the game of whist, and one evening, when
conversing together on the impolicy of joining fences, in which they both
Macon readily asented, but Mr. Randolph refused, saying, with truth, that he
never played cards.
He was fond of a social circle around his parlor fire of an evening, and of
conversing on agricultural subjects, declining to enter into politics out of the
House. He was the soul of conversation, every person preferring to hear him
than to hear themselves talk. He was as brilliant and original on these occasions
as he was on the floor of Congress, and would sit up till midnight, if he
found a few friends willing to remain as long to listen to his discourses, On
one occasion, a respectable and thrifty farmer, and particular friend of his,
Nathan Luffboro, Esq., of Georgetown, being present, Mr. Randolph and he
commenced and continued for some hours, a most interesting and learned dialogue
on farming. Mr. Monroe, in his last message, happened to inform the House,
rather prematurely, as it appeared, that there was a surplus in the treasury of
about five millions of dollars, and having no definite way to dispose of it, required
of Congress to direct in what manner it should be expended. The President
and Congress were soon spared that trouble, for before the end of the session,
unsatisfied claims were presented to the treasury which completely exhausted
that sum. Mr. Randolph, in his remarks on farming, passed a joke at the
President's expense by seeing himself in a similar predicament, and commenced,
by saying, that finding himself in possession of a large disposable force, "and
nowhere to dispose it," he deemed it necessary to turn it upon reclaiming a
large portion of his exhausted acres for want of a sufficient quantity of fresh or
new soil. He then proceeded to show by what process he had raised a heavy
crop of tobacco, with wheat and Indian corn, in a discourse of two hours' duration,
which, if published, would compose one of the best treatises on agriculture
extant. His judgment and opinions were confirmed by experience, and his
farm of Roanoke, in Charlotte county, was a model farm. He rode much, and
well, and generally travelled to Washington on horseback, with his servant,
dogs, and gun. Once, however, during the non-intercourse, after reaching
Stratford Old Court-house, as he informed us, he met the President's message,
which smelt so strong of gunpowder, that he concluded to send his horses
and boy back, not affording to keep them at board, at a time when produce
would sustain a considerable fall, and he finished his journey in the stage.
From the tenor of his conversation, as well as his habits, you would infer that
he was poor; and so far from boasting of the steady improvement of his circumstances,
and his advance to wealth and independence, he would descant
gloomily on the hardness of the times and bad markets, and complained, while
speaking on the judiciary bill, that he had liked to have been sued. In one of
his trips to Congress, when he alighted at a tavern to dine, he was joined by
another traveller, his body servant, Johnny, being in attendance at the table.
In the course of their meal, the traveller took the liberty of calling on Johnny to
help him to different dishes. Mr. Randolph bore this freedom till the third
call, when he forbad John to answer it. The stranger repeated the command.
Mr. Randolph, fixing his piercing eyes upon him, with a ferocious look, asked
he neither knew nor cared, for the servant should wait on him as long as he sat
at the table. Randolph rising in a rage, told him he was John Randolph of
Roanoke, and the boy belonged to him. The stranger arose at the same
moment, and answered, "I am Henry Watkins (we are not certain as to the real
name), of Mecklenburgh, Virginia, and I am determined the fellow shall do
what I command." Mr. Randolph, after surveying the stranger from head to
foot, who stood before him firm and decided, began to unbend his brow, and at
length proffered his hand, said "I knew you must be a Virginian from your high
spirit; I admire your resolution," and shaking hands, he bade Johnny to serve
him as he desired, and took a glass of wine with him. Mr. Randolph was
generally accompanied with one or two pointers, that proved no little troublesome
to the members. As soon as he opened the door of the hall, they would
rush in and thrust their noses among the members, in every direction, and even
indulged in the freedom of the floor, or the privilege of members, while respectable
strangers were excluded. The door-keeper did not like to incur the risk of
turning them out. He was a good shot-on the wing, and with Mr. Garnet took
frequent excursions within the district, a little to the north of the Capitol, most
excellent sporting grounds for quail and woodcock, from whence they generally
returned in the evening with their bags well filled. He used to enter the House
booted and spurred, with whip in hand, a few moments after it had come to
order, and appeared to be desirous of attracting the attention of the members, by
his loud salutation of some of his favored friends, to the fact of his presence,
In the winter he was enveloped in a long lion-skin surtout, and on entering the
small his face was nearly buried in a fur cap. He would sometimes stop short in
the middle aisle, and if he found any one up he did not care to listen to, he
would abruptly turn on his heel and go out. The reporter of the Intelligencer
in the winter of 1820, took a sketch of him in that uncouth and ludicrous
figure, with nothing visible but his two legs protruding out below, with his
mouth, nose, and eyes, and with head erect, as if reconnoitering. It was one of
the best likenesses ever hit off. He had a vast number of them printed, and
kept beside him in his seat, to dispose of to the members, and although he sold
scores of them daily for the balance of the session, the fact was kept a secret
from the original, while the members enjoyed the joke occasioned by this caricature.
His great failing was affectation. He had two kinds of address. One stiff
and formal, with a long-running bow, and touch of the hat, and an artificial
smile, for mere acquaintance, for those former friends towards whom he had
grown cool, and a warm, cordial and long-continued shake of the hands for his
few bosom friends. He has been seen to walk up to Mr. Macon, while the
House was in session, in the most ostentatious manner, and seizing his hand,
would shake it so long and forcibly, that the old gentleman would appear condensed.
On another occasion, upon the eve of adjournment, he went up to Mr.
Quincy to take his farewell. While he shook his hand, he had his face in his
Handkerchief, and held his head aside as if in the act of shedding tears. Mr.
tears spent, it must have been those of merriment at such a ludicrous scene, by
the spectators. In passing out of the Hall with his friend Garnet, he encountered,
near the door, a Lyon (Matthew, of Kentucky), and offered him his
hand. Mr. Lyon drew back, and observed that he could not find it in his heart
to shake hands with Mr. Randolph, because he had called him a "d—d old
rascal." Mr. Randolph appealed to Mr. Garnet, who confirmed Mr. Lyon's
statement, and Mr. Randolph replying, "it can't be helped," departed without
exchanging the farewell with him.
Mr. Randolph's behavior to young members, whose maiden speeches were
indicative of friendly feeling towards the administration, was very illiberal. He
was sure to bear down on them with a supercilious and authoritative manner,
and apply to them personal invective and bitter sarcasm. His conduct put us
in mind of breaking in colts. As soon as they ventured to parade before the
house, to display their parts, he would spring on their backs and apply the
whip and spur, and the more they reared, and pitched, and plunged, and capered,
the more he clung to them and gave them the lash, until having given them
a thorough sweat, and taken off their wiry edge, he would dismount and leave
them, to appearance, well broken political hacks. Sometimes, however, he
would meet with his match, and some high mettled and blooded colts have
proved unmanageable and threw the rider. Among them I may mention the
name of Mr. McDuffie of South Carolina.
Though he seldom went to church, he was a firm believer in the truths of
revelation. He kept himself entirely pure from contact with courtesans, and
never having been married (though he was once in imminent danger of committing
it), it was suspected that, from some cause, he was deficient in virility.
The occasion on which he came near being bound in the silken chains of wedlock,
occurred in Richmond, and not in the county, nor attended with the circumstances
narrated by the Washington correspondent of the Tribune, in July
last. The lady's name was Miss Eggleston, whose father, we believe, was a
member of Congress in 1800 to 1804, and she afterwards became the wife of
Mr. Randolph's cousin, Peyton Randolph, of Richmond. They had proceeded
so far in the ceremony, that a license was obtained, a clergyman sent for, and
the happy pair, hand in hand, were about to stand up to be joined together,
when the mother handed Mr. Randolph a paper to read, and if he agreed, to
sign. It was a deed of release or assignment of all the young lady's property
for her exclusive benefit. Mr. Randolph asked the intended bride if it was a
condition with her, or her will, that he should sign it. She answered in the
affirmative, upon which Mr. Randolph, saying there was no farther use for the
minister, took his leave and departed.
Mr. Randolph was a humane master and a kind neighbor. He saw, personally,
into the wants and the complaints of his numerous slaves, administered to
them as the occasion required, and studied their comfort in every particular.
He used daily to ride over his fields, when they were at work; and when he
approached, they would make their obeisance with a touch of the hat, which
behind in their crops, Mr. Randolph would send a force to help them to finish,
and he has been known to send a gang of hands seven or eight miles for that
purpose. This, and his free and easy manner, rendered him so very popular
that they elected him, under all his faults and his growing infirmities, and, notwithstanding
he did not attend his seat for whole sessions, till the day of his
death. He was always spare, but his disease, dyspepsy and general debility,
wasted him away to a mere skeleton. Such was he when he took up his final
rest in Philadelphia, which he reached in May, 1833, in his old family carriage.
His mind was so active, though his body was too weak to be capable of farther
locomotion, that he appeared unconscious of his danger, or the approach of the
king of terrors. Only the day before his death he wrote to a friend that he had
found out the pedigree of a valuable horse. A clergyman, however, attended
him and read portions of the scripture to him, while he lay in bed in an apparent
doze or stupor. While thus occupied, he happened to lay the accent on the
penultimate syllable of the words omnipótent God, when Mr. R., rising on his
elbow and looking firmly at him, repeated omnipotent God, omnipotent. But
the particulars of his death will be given, when we come to the solemn occasion.
| CHAPTER III. A biography of John Randolph, of Roanoke | |