University of Virginia Library

CHAPTER VIII.

Having attended Virginia from her birth, through
the varied fortunes of her life, to the present time,
it will be proper that we shall now present a view
of her general condition and prospects. This will
lead us again to speak of the past, but only so far
as shall be necessary in order to illustrate the
present. Important as may have been the action

of our state in the general system, and imposing as
her example must always be, it cannot be denied
that she no longer holds the high position in the
confederacy that she once occupied. If it be true
that she has fallen behind her sisters, that she languishes
while they prosper, that she is indolent
while they are active, her people ought not to shut
their eyes to her faults. And if for her ills there
be a remedy which perseverance can secure, wisdom
will not refuse to hear encouragement to seek
this remedy. It is believed that what will now be
presented will convince the candid that Virginia is
in a more prosperous condition than has generally
been supposed; that her worst maladies are susceptible
of cure, and that she has in herself a recuperative
power which is rapidly diffusing itself
throughout her whole system, and restoring her to
more than pristine vigour.

Our review will be appropriately opened by remarks
upon the Law of the state, its progress and
present aspect. In a previous chapter, we have
endeavoured to explain the great changes in the
civil jurisprudence of Virginia, wrought under the
influence of the Revolution. It will not be necessary
to add much to what has been said on this
subject. Farther changes have indeed been effected,—all
have been important, and some salutary;
but they have been of a character interesting rather
to lawyer and client, as such, than to the people at
large. The Common Law of England is yet the
broad basis on which rests our legal system; and
though, since the Revolution, innovations upon the

common law have been practised with unsparing
hand, yet now the Legislature touches it lightly.
The people love it, and well-trained lawyers reverence
it more and more. It is not probable that
any other general system will ever be substituted
for it in Virginia.

In the criminal law of the state, great changes
have occurred within seventy years past. The
code has been softened and improved. Cruel and
unusual punishments have been abrogated. The
punishment of death is inflicted by hanging by
the neck, and as to white inhabitants, it is retained
in three cases only: treason, murder in the
first degree, and the felonious burning of a house
in a town. Other grave felonies are punished by
confinement in the penitentiary during a series of
years, and in some cases of repeated conviction,
during life. Misdemeanours, in general, are punished
by fine, and imprisonment in the common
jails.

The Penitentiary System of the state has worked
well; its superintendence has been careful, and its
abuses have been few. The convicts have proper
medical attendance, and except in extreme cases,
they are not subjected to solitary confinement.
The Penitentiary, though not applicable to slaves,
applies to free negroes and mulattoes, as well as
whites.[165] The internal division is into five wards,
in each of which some species of healthful and

profitable labour is enforced upon every convict able
to work. Boot and shoemaking, tailoring, blacksmithing,
stonecutting, axe-making, weaving, spinning,
carpenters' work, coopering, painting, and
other industrial pursuits, are carried on with vigour,
and produce each year an average of nearly twenty-four
thousand dollars, or about one hundred and
twenty dollars for each convict. Besides these,
there is a garden attached to the buildings, which
is worked by the inmates, and which produces in
value nearly four hundred dollars per annum.
The whole number of convicts, on the 30th September,
1846, was two hundred and twenty-five,
of whom one hundred and forty-three were white,
and eighty-two coloured; two hundred and eighteen
were males, and seven females.[166] During the forty-five
years from 1800 to the beginning of 1845, the
number has greatly varied; the annual average being
one hundred and forty-six. In this period, the greatest
number was two hundred and twenty, in the year
1823. Since that time the number has diminished,
though in irregular proportion. At the opening of
1845, the total was one hundred and ninety-seven.
During the above period, the whole number of
white males received, was eighteen hundred and
fifty-four; of white females, thirty-six; of coloured
males, five hundred and thirty-four; of coloured
females, sixty-three. Thus the whole number of
white convicts received, has been eighteen hundred
and ninety; and of coloured, composed of free
negroes and mulattoes, five hundred and ninety-seven.[167]

Let it be remembered that during the forty years
from 1800 to 1840, the average white population of
Virginia was six hundred and twenty thousand,
while in the same time, the average free coloured
population was thirty-seven thousand souls. Therefore
the number of white convicts was one in about
three hundred and twenty-eight, and the number
of free coloured convicts, one in about sixty-one.
An ominous disparity! which has constantly pressed
upon the attention of the reflecting men of the
state. The free negroes and mulattoes are unquestionably
the most vicious and corrupting of the
varied material composing our social system. But
they have souls, feelings, rights. It will require
all that humanity and wisdom united can suggest,
so to legislate with regard to them as to check the
evils they produce, and yet grant them justice and
mercy.

And in this connexion, it must be stated that
the criminal law, as to free coloured persons and
slaves, differs widely from that applied to whites.
The free negroes occupy an equivocal and most
unhappy position between the whites and slaves,
and the laws affecting them partake of this peculiarity.
Capital punishment is inflicted on them
for offences more lightly punished in whites.[168]
They are entitled to trial by jury in cases of homicide,
and in all capital cases; but for other crimes,
they are tried by Justices' Courts of Oyer and Terminer,

who must be unanimous in order to convict.
They are subjected to restraint and surveillance in
points beyond number. It is vain to say aught
against the general policy of these measures; they
are the inevitable results of evils which time alone
can cure.

An inexperienced examiner, in reading the criminal
code of Virginia as to slaves, would declare
that it was stained with blood. And, in truth, it is
appalling to note the number and the character of
the offences for which death is denounced against
them. But it affords the purest consolation to reflect
that these laws seldom operate in practice.
To say that the capital execution of a slave in Virginia
is as rare as that of a white person, may not
be true; but it is true that the disparity in number
in such cases, is far less than the ignorant suppose.
The executive is clothed with the merciful power
of selling slaves condemned to die, and transporting
them beyond the limits of the state. The owner
then receives value; but if a slave so transported
returns, he is liable to execution, without reprieve,
and the owner loses his value.[169]

From the Law itself, we may now turn to the
mechanism by which it is administered. Justices
of the peace in Virginia are, in general, not paid
for their labours. Each justice has jurisdiction in
many petty offences, and in civil claims, definite
in character, which do not amount to more than
twenty dollars. Justices compose the County and
Corporation Courts. These sit monthly, and have

extensive powers, civil and criminal, legal and
equitable, original and appellate. Next, the state
is divided into ten judicial districts, and each district
into two circuits, except the fourth, which
contains three circuits. Thus, in all, there are
twenty-one circuits. In each of these, in general,
a single judge presides, uniting in himself the
jurisdictions both of law and chancery. But in
the twenty-first circuit, embracing the County of
Henrico and City of Richmond, there are two
judges, one of whom presides in law and the other in
chancery. Therefore the number of Circuit Judges
in the state is twenty-two. The Circuit Courts
have jurisdiction in civil and criminal cases, and
appeals lie to them from the County and Corporation
Courts. They sit twice a year in every county
in the state.

Next, is the General Court, composed from the
Circuit Judges. They are required to arrange
themselves into four classes of five or six judges
each, one of which is, in annual rotation, exempt
from attendance. Thus, fifteen judges are required
to attend the General Court, of whom eleven constitute
a quorum.[170] They have original jurisdiction
in cases of probate of wills and granting letters of
administration, and in some public claims; and
appellate jurisdiction from the Circuit Courts in all
criminal cases. Finally, the Court of Appeals of
Virginia is composed of five judges, specially
elected, though in some peculiar cases Circuit
Judges may constitute a Special Court of Appeals.

This court has no original jurisdiction, but it is the
supreme civil tribunal of the state. Appeals in
law and chancery lie to it from the Circuit Courts,
and its decision is final. It is deeply to be regretted
that, in consequence of the pressure of its
business, the Court of Appeals is far behindhand
in its decisions. Causes which have accumulated
for a series of years remain undecided on its docket,
and it is probable that an original appeal now obtained,
could not be heard for nearly seven years
from this time.[171] This disheartening evil is believed
to be attributable neither to judges, nor lawyears,
nor clients. The judges work assiduously
about two hundred and fifty days in each year,
the lawyers are ready for argument, when their
causes are reached, and clients are seldom in fault
for delay in their own suits. The evil chiefly
arises from the imperfect performance of the judicial
machinery connected with this department.
In the Legislature, several attempts have been
made to apply correction, but nothing has yet been
done. It is hoped that the attempt will be renewed
until a perfect remedy shall be applied.

We have seen that from time to time the legal
system of Virginia, with its incidents, has been
subjected to revisal, that order and improvement
might be introduced. The last re-arrangement
was conducted under the superintendence of Benjamin
Watkins Leigh, who was aided by William
Waller Hening and William Munford. It took
place in 1819. In this case, the labours of the

learned superintendent were confined to an accurate
collection and classification of the general laws
of the land, according to a scheme prescribed by
the Assembly. He was not required to suggest
reforms.[172] The result was the production of the
two volumes of our "Revised Code," which, with
public statutes since passed, continue to exhibit the
law of the state. Within a few years past, another
and more thorough revisal has been determined on.
The civil and criminal laws of Virginia have been
committed to John M. Patton and Conway Robinson,
whose instructions as to suggested reforms are
broad, and approach nearly to those under which
acted Messrs. Jefferson, Pendleton, and Wythe, in
1777. During the coming session of the Legislature,
a report is expected from these gentlemen.
Those who know them best believe that, united,
they possess accurate legal learning, indefatigable
industry, well-balanced judgment, and liberal views
of public policy. Virginia expects much from their
counsels. Could she obtain a good code, it were
better that it should be made like the laws of the
Medes and Persians, than that it should continue
to tremble in ceaseless fluctuation.

We pass now to some remarks upon the literature
of the state. The attempt to introduce such a
head may excite the surprise of those who can find
no literature except in the classic treasures of antiquity,
or the accumulated stores of modern Europe.
The question may be asked, where is the literature
of Virginia, and it would not be easily answered.

It is a melancholy truth that her people have never
been a reading people. In the mass, they have
shown an indifference to polite letters and to education
in general, depressing to the mind that
wishes to see them respectable and happy. Until
a great change shall be wrought in this respect, the
state can never assume her proper dignity. Nevertheless,
from her settlement to the present time,
men have occasionally lived in Virginia who have
loved learning with sacred affection, exceeded by
none ever felt in America. They have risen superior
to all sinister influences, and have shone the
more brightly, because surrounded by darkness
like that of Gothic ages.

In the year 1621, George Sandys was appointed
Treasurer of the London Company for Virginia, and
while in the Colony, he entertained himself during
leisure hours in translating Ovid's Metamorphoses
into English verse. The work was published in 1632,
under the title of "Ovid's Metamorphoses Englished,
mythologized, and represented in figures." Sandys
was one of the scholars of his day, and his work
drew forth praises from competent critics.[173] There
was little in the unbroken forest, the savage scenes,
the rude settlement, which Virginia then presented,
to accord with the warm colourings and passionate
descriptions of the Roman poet. The translator
drew inspiration from his author, and his own
bosom. Pope was charmed with the work, read it
with rapture at nine years of age, and always afterwards
mentioned it with enthusiasm. When some

of the most graceful pens of Queen Anne's reign
rendered Ovid into English, Sandys fell into oblivion;
but a few time-worn copies of his book may
yet be found in Virginia, to remind her of the first
lover of the Muses who lived on her soil.

It is remarkable that in modern years, another
great poem of antiquity has been translated into
English verse by a Virginian. William Munford
was born in Mecklenburg County, in 1775. He
graduated at William and Mary College, studied
law under Chancellor Wythe, was admitted to the
bar, and practised with success during many years.
He represented his native county in the House of
Delegates, was afterwards in the State Senate, was
chosen a member of the Council of State in 1806,
and was elected Clerk of the House of Delegates in
1811. In addition to his other duties, he reported
the decisions of the Court of Appeals, first alone,
and then in connexion with William Waller Hening,
with whom he also united in aiding Mr. Leigh
in the revisal of 1819. But amid these public
labours, Mr. Munford found time to gratify his
literary taste by translating the whole of Homer's
Iliad into English blank verse. At the time of his
death, July 21st, 1825, he left his work complete,
and prepared for the press. Various circumstances
delayed its appearance until 1846, when it was
published in Boston, in two elegant octavo volumes.
The man of letters in America, will read this work
with pride and pleasure, and profound critics have
long since demonstrated its excellence as a translation.[174]

We do not expect to see it supersede Pope's
Paraphrase of the Iliad. Nine thousand of the
most musical couplets that the English language
is capable of producing, will be read while any
taste is left in the world. But they will be read,
not because they have the simplicity, the fire, the
sublime power of Homer, but because they have
the melody, the feeling, the fascinating graces of
Alexander Pope. Cowper's version of the Iliad is
too rude to be popular. The reader who knows
only English, and who wishes to know how and
what Homer really wrote, will read Munford's
translation.

Of original poetry, Virginia has not yet produced
any work that promises to endure the test
of time. We have already noticed the "Land of
Powhatan," by St. Leger Landon Carter. It has
some beauties but more deformities. It has been
very little read. Mr. Carter's subsequent volume,
"Nugæ by Nugator," contains specimens of better
poetry than any in his earlier work; but its title
will probably foreshadow its fate, as accurately as
its author could have expected. William Maxwell,
of Virginia, has published a volume of poems,
which might now be in circulation, had it not contained
some imitations of Catullus and other Latin
poets, and certain fables in verse, which were not
adapted to the taste of the nineteenth century.
The "Missionary's Grave," in this collection, is
simple and beautiful, and other detached pieces
might be found equally pleasing and elegant.

Added to these, the press of the "Old Dominion"
has sent forth from time to time short poems,
graceful enough to please when they appeared, but
not so instinct with the true "afflatus" as to escape
final oblivion.

Of the lighter species of prose writing, our state
has produced enough to show that time and cultivation
only are required to make her respectable.
Some of the novels written by her children, male
and female, have attracted public favour. "Edgehill,"
and "Yorktown," are yet in print. William
Wirt's British Spy, has long been admired. His
speculations in physics are ingenious, though behind
his own subsequent experience; his sketches
of the great men of Virginia are free and glowing;
his "Blind Preacher" has drawn tears of genuine
feeling from many readers. Mr. Wirt's "Old
Bachelor," though not equal in interest to the Spy,
yet abounds in pleasant portraitures of men and
manners.[175] Many light fragments left by massive
minds in the state, add to her humble literary
stores. The Letters of John Randolph, of Roanoke,
published since his death, are interesting from association,
but they have not increased his fame.

In the more solid departments of literature, Virginia
has not been entirely recreant to her duty.
Her earliest History is that which takes its name
from the renowned John Smith. It is a confused
mass of information, furnished by nearly thirty
writers. Beyond denial, the best parts were from
Smith's own pen. Beverley wrote a volume on

the Colony, which was first published in 1705. He
gives a meagre and prejudiced sketch of the History
of Virginia, in the first part of his book; but
the last part is devoted to her physical condition,
agriculture, natural products, laws, manners, aborigines,—and
this is spirited and valuable. Rev.
William Stith, President of William and Mary
College, was an accomplished scholar and an excellent
man. He wrote the History of the Colony
to 1624, and published it in Williamsburg in 1747.
Our obligations to him have been acknowledged in
the first volume of this work. John Burk was an
Irishman by birth, but practised law in Petersburg
for several years. He wrote three volumes of our
history, and intended to continue it, but he unhappily
fell in a duel with a Frenchman, with whom
he had engaged in a political dispute. Mr. Burk's
volumes show genius and a love of freedom; but
his style tends constantly to the exaggerated and
bombastic, leaving the reader in painful doubt
whether he can safely trust himself to such a guide.
He published in 1804. Skelton Jones wrote a few
pages of a continuation, and Louis Hue Girardin
completed the volume to the close of the Revolution.
This performance has been already noticed.
J. W. Campbell, of Petersburg, wrote a small, but
valuable work on Virginia, published in 1813. His
son, Charles Campbell, has accomplished and is still
applying well-directed labour in the same department.
Rev. William Henry Foote, of Romney,
has published a volume of "Sketches of North
Carolina," embracing many interesting reminiscences
which time threatened to destroy. Much
may yet be expected from Mr. Foote's love of
history.

The writings of the professed statesmen of Virginia
have been generally political, and do not
fall within our present purpose. Mr. Jefferson's
"Notes" are still reckoned among the most agreeable
of his works. They were originally prepared
in 1781, at the request of M. De Marbois, of the
French legation, then in Philadelphia. The work
was revised two years afterwards, and was first
printed in Paris for private circulation. A very
inaccurate and rude French translation having appeared,
the author consented that a London bookseller
should publish the English original, "to let
the world see that it was not really so bad as the
French translation had made it appear."[176] Mr.
Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry has been deservedly
popular. It can hardly be excelled in grace,
warmth, and the power of enlisting attention. And
whatever doubts may once have prevailed, it is believed
that the authenticity of the great body of
the work will bear a rigid test. Professor Tucker's
Life of Jefferson is clearly written, and considering
the difficulty of the subject, it is eminent in candour.
John Marshall's Life of Washington is
learned and accurate, but it wants compactness
and energy. Did our plan embrace remarks upon
professional works, we might find in the law-books
prepared by Virginians, matter for rational pride,
and well-based hope.

The first newspaper in the Colony was the
"Virginia Gazette," the opening number of which
appeared in Williamsburg, August 6, 1736. It
was continued, under various changes, through
nearly fifty years. Companions and successors
were soon established. Examiner, Patriot, Virginian,
Herald, Enquirer, Whig, Compiler, Republican,
and many other equally promising names,
have thrown light and heat among the people.
The tone of the newspaper press in our state has
been always animated, sometimes violent; but
often dignified and impressive. Several attempts
had been made to establish a literary periodical,
but they were not successful until 1834, when
Thomas W. White commenced the "Southern
Literary Messenger," in Richmond. Mr. White
supplied the want of learning and refined taste, by
labour and enthusiasm. He drew able pens to his
pages, and made them welcome to a wide circle of
readers. After his death, in January, 1843, the
Messenger passed into the hands of Benjamin B.
Minor, and within a few weeks it has been transferred
to John R. Thompson, of Richmond. This
periodical, since its birth, has experienced the
changes incident to human effort. At one time it
has been solid and instructive; at another, brilliant
and erratic; at another, decent and dull. Mr.
Thompson's friends believe that it will not lose
vital warmth under his care. High considerations
will induce Virginia and her sister states to sustain
a work commenced and persevered in under so
many disadvantages.

In close union with literature, we will speak of
the institutions intended to spread learning among
the people of the state. We have already noticed
the University, and indulged in surmises as to its
prospects. William and Mary College continues
to flourish with strength apparently not abated. It
has four regular professors, and an average of one
hundred students. Its library contains about five
thousand volumes. Washington College, at Lexington,
has had varied success in the past ten
years, but must still be regarded as prosperous. It
has six professors and tutors, one hundred and
thirty-six students, and there are twenty-seven
hundred volumes in its library. The Virginia
Military Academy was established by act of Assembly
in 1836; its buildings are at Lexington.
Its operations commenced on the 11th November,
1839. The course of instruction is intended to
train young men to all that is essential to the military
art, and of course embraces a wide field of
study. The number of students in each year since
its establishment, has averaged about eighty. The
students are divided into pay and state cadets. In
1846, the number of pay cadets was seventy-seven,
of state cadets twenty-seven, making a total of one
hundred and four.[177] The annual cost of the institution
to the state has been about seven thousand
five hundred dollars. Randolph Macon College,
in Mecklenburg County, is under the care of the
Methodist denomination. It was founded in 1832.

It has eight professors and tutors, and seventy-three
students. Emory and Henry College, under
the same denomination, was founded in 1839. It
has four instructors, forty-six students, and a library
of two thousand eight hundred volumes. Rector
College, in Harrison County, is under the care of
the Baptists. It was established in 1839, and has
about fifty students. There is also a college at
Bethany, which is under the general supervision
of Rev. Alexander Campbell. It was founded in
1840, has six instructors, and one hundred and
twenty-eight students.[178]

Hampden Sydney College, in Prince Edward
County, has not flourished as its friends had hoped,
for a school so unexceptionable in its origin and
object. In the last ten years, the number of students
has hardly attained an average of sixty, and
now it is much less. Difficulties have been experienced
in providing an efficient organization of its
faculty. Within a very short time past, a change
has occurred, which will render a complete reorganization
ultimately necessary. Efforts are now
in progress to raise a fund, by which permanent
scholarships will be attached to this college. With
strenuous exertions it will again prosper; without
them, it will, we fear, become extinct.

But while the parent college thus languishes,
the medical department of Hampden Sydney,
established at Richmond in 1838, promises even
more than its most sanguine friends had hoped. It
has a beautiful building, of Egyptian architecture,

perfectly arranged for hospital instruction, and the
other facilities essential to the medical inquirer.
The number of students has annually averaged
seventy. The number during the session of 184647,
was seventy-five, of whom sixty-seven were
from Virginia. At commencement, in March, 1847,
seventeen students received the degree of Doctor of
Medicine. The department has six professors,
presiding in the several schools of Anatomy and
Physiology, Surgery and Surgical Anatomy, Chemistry
and Pharmacy, Obstetrics and Diseases of
Women and Children, Theory and Practice of
Medicine, Materia Medica and Therapeutics.[179] During
a few months past, the College has sustained a
serious loss in the death of Augustus L. Warner,
M.D., Professor of Surgery, who united to profound
theoretic knowledge of his subject, a delicacy and
skill in practice, which made the surgeon's knife in
his hand the instrument of mercy to the patient.
He has been succeeded by Doctor Charles Bell
Gibson, formerly of the Washington University,
of Baltimore. Thus the faculty is again complete,
and to the student who expects to combat Southern
disease, this medical college presents unique advantages.

Next may be mentioned the institutions of Virginia
for the relief of the insane, the deaf and dumb,
and the blind, which though not immediately connected

with the advance of learning, are evidences
of that higher philanthropy that learning tends to
produce. The state has two lunatic hospitals: the
Eastern, at Williamsburg, under the care of Doctor
John M. Galt, and the Western, at Staunton, under
Doctor Francis T. Stribling. On the 1st of January,
1846, the Eastern Asylum had one hundred and
twenty-eight patients, of whom seventy-one were
males, and fifty-seven females. During the year
ending 31st December, 1846, thirty-two were admitted,
thirteen were discharged, and seven died,
leaving at the last named date, one hundred and
forty in the hospital; of whom eighty-two were
males, and fifty-eight females. Of the aggregate of
one hundred and sixty in the Asylum during the
year, ninety-two were single, fifty-five married,
seven were widows, and six widowers.[180] The
Western Asylum, on the 1st January, 1846, had
one hundred and eighty-two inmates; one hundred
and fourteen males, and sixty-eight females. During
the year 1846, ninety-two were admitted, of whom
precisely one-half were of each sex; thirty-seven
were discharged, and twenty died, leaving at the
close of the year, two hundred and seventeen; one
hundred and twenty-three males, and ninety-four
females. Of the whole number of two hundred
and seventy-four patients in the hospital during
the year, one hundred and seventy-eight were
single, seventy-three married, twelve were widows,
and three widowers. The civil relations of the remaining
eight were not ascertained.[181] The buildings
for each of these institutions, are large; the
Western Asylum, in particular, embraces several
ample and beautiful edifices. The treatment of
the insane is tender and judicious. Humanity,
gentle labour, and watchful study of the laws of
mind, have taken the place of bars, and bolts, and
chains, and dungeons.

The building at Staunton for the deaf and dumb,
and the blind, has recently been completed, and is
thought to be very elegant and commodious. It
will accommodate one hundred and sixty pupils,
without inconvenient crowding. On the 4th December,
1846, the number of deaf mutes was
thirty-eight; twenty-one males, and seventeen females.
The number of the blind was twenty-six;
fourteen males, and twelve females. Fifty-one
deaf mutes, and sixty-three blind persons were applying
for admission.[182] The organization of this
united scheme of philanthropy is almost perfect,
and its results have been highly gratifying. The
pupils perform such profitable labour as their infirmities
will permit; their schools are regularly
conducted, and their proficiency in some branches
of study is astonishing. In music and figures, the
blind excel the most accomplished visiters who
come to see and hear them.

For the Eastern Asylum, it is estimated that
twenty-five thousand dollars will be required from
the state during the current year; for the Western,

it is thought that twenty-three thousand will be
sufficient. The Institution for the Deaf and Dumb
and the Blind, has a state annuity of ten thousand
dollars, and with five thousand more, it is believed
by the Board of Visiters, that sixty additional pupils
could be supported.[183]

By the census of 1840, the number of white
deaf and dumb persons in Eastern Virginia, was
two hundred and twelve; of white blind, two hundred
and fifty-six; of white insane and idiotic,[184] five
hundred and twelve. Of coloured deaf mutes,
there were one hundred and twenty-five; of coloured
blind, four hundred and seventeen; of coloured
idiotic and insane, three hundred and seven.
In Western Virginia, at the same time, there were
of white deaf and dumb, two hundred and forty-one;
of white blind, one hundred and seventy; of
white idiotic and insane, five hundred and forty.
Of coloured deaf and dumb, there were twenty-five;
of coloured blind, forty-nine; of coloured
idiots and lunatics, seventy-five.[185]
Thus, in the
state, the aggregate was six hundred and three
deaf mutes; eight hundred and ninety-two blind;
and fourteen hundred and thirty-four idiotic and
insane persons. From this it will be apparent that
much as have the benevolent institutions of Virginia
accomplished, more yet remains to be done.

For, throwing out of the account, those unfortunates
of all the above classes, whose relatives and
friends are able and willing to support them, there
will remain a large number to be provided for by
merciful appropriations from government.

Besides the various colleges and institutions already
mentioned, there are in the state many academies
and schools, male and female, incorporated
and unincorporated, in which the earlier stages of
learning receive attention. To these, farther allusion
may be necessary under another head.

We pass now to the religious aspect of Virginia.
We have seen, that from the dominion of a rigid
establishment, supported by law, the state passed,
gradually, through changes which resulted in complete
religious freedom. We hazard little in asserting
that there is no part of the world in which
conscience is more perfectly free from legal restraint
than in Virginia. If there yet remain
points in which a man is subjected to disabilities
because of his religious character, they are few and
anomalous. So broad are the principles of liberty
which, on this subject, pervade the minds both of
rulers and people, that it has been considered
doubtful whether government, general or local, can
enforce the observance of the first day of the week,
the Christian Sabbath. The conscientious preferences
of Jews and others, who adhere to the
seventh day as the Sabbath, have been respected.
Many of the wise and virtuous have believed that
this matter should be decided rather by the influence

of enlightened public opinion, than by the requirements
of positive law.

The effect of this divorce between Church and
State, has corresponded with the hopes of the friends
both of religion and of liberty. Those who are
most competent to judge, have believed that in no
one of the United States, has Christianity had more
vital power than in Virginia. We would not be
misinterpreted on this subject; there is yet irreligion
enough in our state to appal the reflecting;
there yet exists among us vice in its most reckless
forms, and infidelity in its most open development.
But the assertion made is, that those who have professed
to be Christians, in Virginia, have adhered
steadily, both to the creed and the practice enjoined
in the Scriptures. They have avoided, on the one
hand, the bold rationalism which denies that Christ
is God, because reason cannot comprehend him;
and, on the other, the slavish superstition which
embodies Christ in a wafer of bread, because Rome
has thus degraded him. The great doctrines of
revelation, the Triune God, the depravity of man,
the necessity for a spiritual change, the almighty
agency required to produce it, the imputed righteousness
only by which a guilty moral agent can
be justified, the faith by which it is appropriated,
and the absolute requirement of a holy life, as evidence
of that faith,—these teachings have been
received in all their simple power by the people of
our state who have sense and virtue enough to reflect
seriously upon religion. And as religious
truth, when steadily contemplated, must enlighten

and purify, so sound doctrine and consistent practice,
have eminently characterized the various denominations
of Virginia who profess an evangelical
Christianity.

The Baptists have sustained their strength, both
in numbers and influence. Since we last had occasion
to speak of them, their progress has been
continuous and rapid. The Regular Baptists are
still known by the title, and are the prevailing
class; the Separates are now hardly distinguishable
as such; but other classes have been formed,
into which many of them have been merged, and
which differ more or less from the Regulars. From
time to time secessions from the Baptist Church
have taken place, of members or bodies of members,
believing with it as to immersion, but differing
from it in other important points. The independent
form of government adopted by this Church,
has prevented any general schism on the agitating
topics of the American Union; but great differences
of opinion on the question of slavery are
believed to prevail between the Northern and
Southern Associations in the United States. In
Virginia, it is thought that the denomination, as
a body, are thoroughly Southern in feeling and
principle, on this subject.

In 1844, the Baptists of the state had thirty-five
associations, of whom twenty-three were warmly
devoted to the missionary cause, and twelve were
opposed to it. The Church had then 609 houses
of worship, 312 ministers, and 84,258 communicants.[186]

Accurate observation of men who have
long watched its progress, has shown that the
Church grows at the rate of about three and a half
per cent. per annum. At this ratio, in 1847, the
number of churches would be 673, of ministers 345,
and of communicants 85,143. The actual number
of ministers is 357.[187] Those Baptists who approve
of missionary effort, and other benevolent schemes,
have a complete and efficient organization for the
purpose. In 1846, the amount contributed by the
churches for the education of candidates for the
ministry, was two thousand and thirty-two dollars,
a sum confessedly too small for the demands of
the subject.[188] The amount raised for foreign missionary
purposes was four thousand one hundred
and thirty-one dollars; for printing and publishing
Bibles, two thousand eight hundred and fifty-six
dollars; for Sunday-schools, one hundred and
sixty-eight dollars. For some years past, increasing
attention has been paid by the Baptists to the
work of training their ministers, and the effect has
been obvious. The denomination in our state is
very powerful, and will exert a material influence
whenever it shall put forth its strength.

The Methodists of America became a distinct
Church in 1784. Previous to that time, Mr.
Wesley had been deterred by feelings engendered
by long habit, from acting upon his opinion that

bishops and presbyters in the primitive church, had
the same authority. But when the Revolution separated
the United States from Great Britain, he found
in the condition of the Methodists of America everything
favourable to the re-establishment of what he
believed to be the scriptural and primitive model.
Accordingly, assisted by Dr. Coke and Rev. Mr.
Creighton, two presbyters of the Church of England,
he ordained Richard Whatcoat and Thomas
Vasey as presbyters for America, and afterwards,
assisted by other ministers, he ordained Dr. Coke
superintendent[189] of the American churches. These
divines arrived in the United States in November,
1784, accompanied by Mr. Wesley's letter, explaining
his conduct and object.[190] From the opening
of the next year, the Church in Virginia may
be considered as having a distinct existence.

Through a series of years it has grown with
little intermission. The ingenious system of rotation
and responsibility peculiar to Methodism, has
been applied, and up to the year 1844, it worked
without material hindrance. The Conferences,
known by the names of states, have, it is true,
never corresponded with the geographical bounds
of those states. The Virginia Conference has embraced
only the larger part of the eastern division
of the state. In 1803, this Conference had 4 districts,

32 circuits, 44 preachers, and 16,893 communicants,
of which last 13,099 were white, and
3,794 were coloured.[191] From this time the denomination
increased constantly in the state; camp-meetings
were often held in various counties, and
varied as may be the abuses of such means of religious
instruction, candour will confess that their
good effects have often been apparent. In 1844,
the conflict of opinion and practice between the
Northern and Southern Conferences on the subject
of slavery, had become so intense that a separation
took place, which has resulted in the organization
of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South.[192]
The
ultimate effect of this disruption will, it is hoped, be
good; but its immediate effect was a decrease of
nearly thirty-two thousand members in the Church
from 1844 to 1845.[193] It is believed that all the
churches of the Virginia Conference accord in
feeling and principle with the South, and that of
the other Conferences, a major portion of the
churches within our state are equally firm in attachment
to Southern doctrines, although differences
on this subject exist among them which
have already produced most distressing results.

Our means of information do not enable us to
present the statistical aspect of the Methodist
Church in our state, beyond the beginning of the
year 1846. At that time, according to the best
evidence we can obtain, the Virginia Conference

had 79 church edifices, 166 local preachers, 26,868
white members, 5,192 coloured members, and had
contributed during the past year, 2,322 dollars for
superannuated ministers and other kindred charities,
and 5,132 dollars for missionary and similar
religious purposes. The Kentucky, Ohio, Baltimore,
and Philadelphia Conferences, all cover parts
of Virginia. We report such parts in the above
order as follows. Kentucky Conference: church
edifices, 4; local preachers, 29; white members,
3,746; coloured, 165; contributions for superannuated
ministers, 130 dollars; for missions, 302
dollars. Ohio Conference: church edifices, 8;
local preachers, 14; white members, 2,889; coloured,
307; contributions for superannuated ministers,
50 dollars. Baltimore Conference: church edifices,
61; local preachers, 80; white members, 15,167;
coloured, 3,441; contributions for superannuated
ministers, 980 dollars; for missions, 3,960 dollars.
Philadelphia Conference: church edifices, 4; local
preachers, 9; white members, 1,173; coloured,
712; contributions for superannuated ministers,
167 dollars; for missions, 238 dollars. Total:
church edifices, 156; local preachers, 298; members,
59,660; contributions for superannuated ministers,
&c., 3,649 dollars; for missions, &c., 9,632
dollars.[194]

The Presbyterian Church in Virginia has not
been false to the promise made by its auspicious
beginnings. Its progress has been steady; and
though inferior in numbers, and in some other
respects, to the Baptist and Methodist, it probably
yields to none in the influence which, when
required, it is capable of exerting. Its ministry, as
a body, have been learned men; and from time to
time, it has been adorned by minds as brilliant in
talents as they were devoted in piety. The names
of James Waddel, Moses Hoge, John Holt Rice,
Conrad Speece, George Baxter, and William Armstrong,
will long be remembered and revered. Of
the distinguished living, it would not be proper to
speak. For many years of its existence, this
church in Virginia, was harmonious. But the unhappy
division of 1837-38, extended itself into this
state. The Old School portion maintained a great
ascendency in numbers, but the Constitutional
Presbyterians were active and determined. For a
time embittered feeling prevailed, and scenes occurred
which produced a painful impression on all
minds in love with true piety. But as years have
passed away, bitterness has subsided; the parties
have learned to regard each other as sister churches,
separate in name, and perhaps in some doctrinal
opinions, yet united by many common sympathies.
Within a very short time past, a coalescing tendency
has exhibited itself, the full result of which
is yet to be developed.

Of the Old School part of the church, in 1847,
the Synod of Virginia embraced members from six

presbyteries, which, with minute exceptions, covered
the whole state, according to geographical boundaries.
Of these, the Presbytery of Greenbrier
had 20 churches, 14 ministers, 1 candidate for the
ministry, and 1,076 communicants. Its contributions
for religious purposes during the past year,
had not been reported. The Presbytery of Montgomery
had 18 churches, 11 ministers, 2 candidates,
1,028 communing members, and had contributed
for religious objects, 646 dollars. The
Presbytery of Lexington had 28 churches, 23
ministers, 4 licentiates, 1 candidate, 3,286 communicants,
and had contributed 1,751 dollars. The
Presbytery of Winchester had 30 churches, 19
ministers, 2 licentiates, 6 candidates, 1,412 communicants,
and had contributed 3,284 dollars. The
Presbytery of West Hanover had 42 churches, 37
ministers, 5 licentiates, 2 candidates, 1,996 communicants,
and had contributed 1,890 dollars. The
Presbytery of East Hanover had 13 churches, 14
ministers, 2 licentiates, 2 candidates, 1,283 communicants,
and had contributed 5,189 dollars.
Small frontier portions of the state are embraced
within the bounds of the Synods of Philadelphia,
Pittsburg, Wheeling, and North Carolina. These
portions altogether, have 19 churches, 19 ministers,
2,967 communicants, and have contributed 2,452
dollars. The aggregate of the state will therefore
be 170 churches, 137 ministers, 13 licentiates, 14
candidates, 13,048 communicants, and contributions
amounting to 15,212 dollars.[195]

The Constitutional or New School Synod of Virginia,
embraces the three Presbyteries of Hanover,
Winchester, and the District of Columbia. But the
churches of the last-named presbytery are not within
the geographical bounds of Virginia. In 1843, it
had 10 churches, 7 ministers, 3 licentiates, and
1,315 communicants.[196] In 1839, the synod composed
of the three presbyteries we have named, had 21
churches, 17 ministers, 2 licentiates, 3 candidates
for the ministry, and 1,611 members. In 1847, the
same synod, composed of the same presbyteries,
has 42 churches, 40 ministers, 7 licentiates, 9 candidates,
and 3,589 communing members. In addition,
the Presbytery of New River, within the
bounds of Virginia, has 7 churches, 3 ministers,
and 549 communicants.[197]

The rapid apparent increase in these presbyteries,
between the years 1839 and '47, needs a word
of comment. They have undoubtedly gained by
persons converted, and originally added to their
communion, and by the building of new churches;
but the principal increase has been from another
source. In 1839, in Virginia, this branch of the
Presbyterian Church was not fully organized.
Many ministers and private members were then
undecided in their ecclesiastical preferences who
have since united themselves regularly with the

Constitutional Presbyterians. Hence the chief
augmentation of their numbers.[198]

The history of the Episcopal Church in Virginia
is full of material for instructive reflection.
Through all its phases, it has been teaching the
simple lesson that Christianity, in order to be pure,
must be free. It has been sometimes a beacon to
warn against the dangers of its contact, and sometimes
a lighthouse to guide the storm-beaten to a
harbour of safety. But whether its example has
repelled or invited imitation, we may equally find
in its teachings admonitions for the future. We
have seen that, during the Colonial period, this
Church was established by law. All its measures
were coercive. The arm of civil government compelled
men to attend its ministrations, to conform
to its ritual, to support its officers. And we may
safely say that this was the worst period of its existence;
at the time when its legal authority was
greatest, and its connexion with the state most
stringent, its character as a church was most unhallowed
and impure. Glebe lands and stipends
raised by law, could not compensate for the want
of piety in its ministers and members.

For about thirty years after the opening of the
Revolution, this Church was struggling with adversity.
The support of law was removed, and
having, then, few other supports, it tottered to its
base. The great body of the people felt towards it
either indifference or positive dislike. Many of its

ministers forsook the country, and returned to
England; others abandoned the sacred profession,
and engaged in secular duties; others, in poverty
and danger, maintained a feeble supervision over
their scattered flocks. Its churches were often left
vacant, and were sometimes dismantled.[199] After
the year 1802, it was left wholly without legal
countenance, and was to depend upon its own redeeming
powers. The superficial observer will
look upon this period as the most gloomy and disastrous
in the history of the Church. But the philosopher,
if he be a Christian, will see in it something
more than clouds and darkness. It was
necessary that the impurities of one hundred and
fifty years should be cleansed by fire. A day was
to dawn upon the Church, made brighter by the
darkness that preceded it.

In May, 1814, Richard Channing Moore was
elected Bishop of the Diocese of Virginia. The
Convention that elected him consisted of seven
clergymen and seventeen laymen.[200] From this time
a change appeared in the fortunes of the Church,
gradual, but decided. No longer polluted by the
embrace of the state, purified by adversity, and left
to her own spontaneous efforts, her Christianity
began to develope itself in full force. Her progress
has since been constantly onward. Her bishops
have been learned and laborious, her ministers enlightened
and pious, her people zealous in good
works. The contributions of the church for religious

and benevolent purposes, have been large in
amount, and discriminating in their application.

In 1847, besides her bishop and assistant bishop,
this Church had one hundred and twelve clergymen,
either presiding over congregations in Virginia,
or engaged in kindred duties. She had 95
parishes, embracing 112 church edifices. The
whole number of communicants was 4305, and the
amount contributed during the past year, for religious
purposes, other than ministers' salaries, was
22,849 dollars.[201]

If we have drawn correct inferences from the
facts of past and present years, the course of the
Episcopal Church in Virginia proves that an Establishment
is not only not necessary, but positively
hurtful to the cause of religion. No Church in the
United States has sustained more real injury because
of its contact with the State than the Episcopal,
and no denomination of Christians has greater
reason to shrink with horror from any proposal to
renew such contact, than the Episcopal Church of
Virginia. For there are many circumstances that
would make such attempt dangerous in our state,
which would not so strongly operate in any other
part of the Union. And such we believe to be the
views of her own most virtuous and enlightened
members. If this Church, with us, has any thing
to fear, it is not from external enemies; it is rather
from an unhappy spirit of what is called High

Churchism, which has crept into the bosoms of men
and women within her own communion. This
spirit need not be described; its distinguishing
traits have long been known. It is hoped that it is
cherished by very few; indeed, it can hardly be
otherwise. For such a spirit can prevail only with
the weak or the wicked: the weak, who, not able to
appreciate the overwhelming facts and arguments
against the exclusive claims of prelacy, are content
stupidly to follow designing leaders; or the wicked,
who, knowing the truth, are yet willing to practise
the deceits of an unholy ambition. We believe
that in one or the other of these classes, the High
Church people of Virginia will be found arrayed.
There may be honourable exceptions, but they are
only numerous enough to prove the rule. It is
grateful to be able to say that, within a few months
past, one of the most accomplished and virtuous
Episcopal divines in our state has taken a noble
stand against this mischievous spirit, and has sustained
himself against all attacks, with a power
of argument irresistible to every sound head and
honest heart.

Besides these prominent evangelical denominations,
there are in Virginia several other sects, as
Quakers, Lutherans, Campbellites, Thomasites,
Mennonists, Seceders, Universalists, Swedenborgians,—all
more or less important in numbers and
influence. But we have not been able to obtain
authentic information with regard to them, nor is
it probable that any sources exist from which such
information could be procured.

The Jewish people of our state, though not numerous,
are, as in other parts of the world, so distinct
in their habits and character, as to form a
marked portion of the popular body. They are
supposed in all to number not more than seven
hundred persons, and of these about five hundred
live in the city of Richmond. They are distinguished
by their caution, industry, and success in
trade. Their first religious congregation was
established in Richmond in the year 1791, and
they have now in that city two synagogues, one
conducted after the order of the Spanish and Portuguese,
and the other after that of the German
Jews. A reader presides in each, and these are
the only Jewish houses of worship in Virginia.[202]

The Roman Catholic Church has not neglected
our state in her measures for extending her communion.
The Diocese of Richmond embraces
other parts of Virginia. Its bishop is the Right
Rev. R. V. Whelan, D.D. In 1846, it had thirteen
churches, twelve clergymen, and three institutions
of learning or charity, one of which is known
as St. Joseph's Female Academy, in Richmond.
The communicants of the church are in general
foreigners, chiefly of French or Irish extract. The
fine lands of West Virginia, by their cheapness,
have attracted foreign population, and to them the
Papists have already directed special attention.[203]

Before we pass from the religious condition of
the state, it will be proper to refer to a subject
which has given rise to some conflict of opinion
among Christians, and which has not yet been
finally discussed. We have seen that in past years
the Legislature of Virginia had repealed an act incorporating
a Christian Church, and had afterwards
declared that such acts of incorporation
"manifestly tended to the re-establishment of a national
church."[204] The policy of the state seemed
to be decidedly against the passage of any law
which might connect religion with the working of
civil government. During the period from 1802 to
1830, several applications were made to the Legislature,
by one or more religious sects, asking for
acts of incorporation to enable them to hold and
administer property voluntarily given to them; but
these applications had been uniformly rejected.[205]
It
may be, that under the pressure of fears founded
on past experience, the leading men of the state
carried their views on this subject farther than
such experience would justify. In the Convention
of 1829-30, a debate occurred on a proposition to
strike out the proviso disqualifying clergymen from
being members of either House of Assembly, but
the proposition was rejected. Twelve members
only voted for it; but among these twelve was
James Madison.[206] Immediately after this vote,
William H. Brodnax, of Dinwiddie, proposed to

the part of the Constitution touching religion, an
amendment, to the effect that nothing in that section
should be so construed as to deprive the Legislature
of the power to incorporate by law "the
trustees or directors of any theological seminary,
or other religious society or body of men, created
for charitable purposes, or the advancement of
piety and learning," with proper provisoes for control
and regulation. After a brief debate, this
amendment was also rejected, twelve members
only voting in its favour.[207] It should be remarked,
however, that though the Convention rejected this
amendment, they inserted nothing in the Constitution
which forbids the Legislature to grant corporate
powers to such bodies, if it be deemed expedient
so to do.

The only symptom of a disposition to relax its
previous policy on this subject, occurred in the
Legislature of 1841-42. On the 3d of February,
1842, a law passed, giving full legal power to
trustees for a religious society, to acquire and hold
land to the amount of thirty acres in the country
and two acres in any incorporated town, to be used
for no other purpose "than as a place of public
worship, religious or other instruction, burial-ground,
and residence of their minister." Power
is given to the Chancery Courts to revise these
trusts.[208]

After some preliminary measures, which excited
animated debate in several ecclesiastical bodies, a
committee appointed by the Convention of the
Protestant Episcopal Church in Virginia, presented
to the Legislature of 1845-46, a petition for a law
authorizing the religious congregations of the state
to hold property to a limited amount.[209] The petition
in general terms states the ills which Christian
denominations had suffered from the want of legal
protection to their property; it speaks of "corporate
rights," and of the propriety that religious denominations
should have the right "as a body," to
appeal to the laws for the protection of their interests;
it mentions several objects, as a theological
seminary, clergymen's salaries, buildings for public
worship, the relief of widows and orphans of deceased
clergymen, which merited special countenance;
it asks no privilege or immunity which the
petitioners "do not desire to see extended to their
brethren of all other denominations;" they declare
that "it would offend no less against their own
sense of what is right and proper than against the
principles of our institutions, to bestow on any religious
denomination, privileges which are not made
free and open to all."

On the 11th December, 1845, this petition was
presented to the Legislature by James Lyons, and
it was referred to the Committee on Courts of Justice.[210] Willing to obtain as much light as possible

on the subject, the committee consented that it
should be publicly discussed before them. The
debate commenced in the hall of the House of Delegates,
in Richmond, on the evening of the 8th of
January, 1846, and was continued, with intervals,
during several subsequent evenings. For the petition,
the argument was conducted by James Lyons,
William H. Macfarland, and Rev. Mr. Tinsley, a
minister of the Baptist Church; and against it, by
William S. Plumer, D.D., pastor of the First Presbyterian
Church, Richmond.[211] The debate was
animated, and often truly eloquent, and it was heard
on each evening by a crowded auditory, composed
of both sexes.

Interesting as was the whole discussion, it is
deemed inexpedient to give even a brief sketch of
the course of argument pursued on either side. But
it may here be stated that the true question discussed
was whether a general law should be passed,
giving to all religious denominations who desired
it, power to take and hold property, and to exercise
other corporate privileges incident to such power.
It was expressly declared by the gentleman who
argued against the petition, that if the boon asked
had been simply an act of incorporation for a specific
object, as a Theological Seminary, or a fund
for the widows and orphans of deceased clergymen,
he would not have opposed it.[212]

On the 6th February, the committee reported on
the petition, as follows: "1. Resolved, unanimously,
as the opinion of this committee, that the policy
of the laws of this Commonwealth, by which the
power to take and hold property is withheld from
religious congregations, is founded in the highest
wisdom, as well for the safety of the State, as for
the purity of the Church. 2. Resolved, therefore,
as the opinion of this committee, that the prayer of
the petitioners be rejected." On motion of Mr.
Lyons, this report was ordered to be laid on the
table.[213]

At the next session of the Legislature, the petitioners
obtained the leave of the House to withdraw
their petition. (January 16, 1847). It was then
again presented, and again referred to the Committee
of Courts of Justice. On the 28th January, the
committee reported; and, on the 8th of March, the
report was agreed to by the House, without a dissenting
voice. It is in the following words: "Resolved,
in the opinion of this committee, that the
said petition be rejected, it being, in the opinion of
this committee, inexpedient to legislate upon the
subject."[214]

Since this judgment of the Legislature, intimations
have been given that renewed prayers on the
subject will be offered to succeeding Assemblies by
more than one religious denomination. Delicacy
forbids that any surmises shall here be indulged as
to the final success of these prayers. But the remark

shall be hazarded that it is not probable that
Virginia will ever so far depart from her settled
policy as to sanction a general law for incorporating
all religious societies that may apply for it. Yet
an act of incorporation for a specific religious object,
might meet with greater favour than heretofore.
Gross injustice might be done, we may say,
has been done, in consequence of the want of legal
protection to property given for purposes the wisest
and most sacred that human interests can know.

Passing from the views of our state which may
be considered as intellectual and moral, we may
now speak of those which are more nearly allied to
her physical condition. It is true that mind is employed
in all that we shall notice; but, it is mind
operating chiefly upon matter. The Agricultural
interest of Virginia, shall now engage our thoughts.
Agriculture must always be the principal source of
her wealth. It is hard to conceive of any change
that could make any branch of industry within her
bosom, more productive than the cultivation of the
ground. Her rich soil, genial suns, temperate
clime, her noble rivers, skirting grounds of unequalled
beauty and fertility, all eminently fit her
for copious returns to the labour of the husbandman,
and had the skill and industry of her people
been equal to her intrinsic resources, it is impossible
to estimate the agricultural riches that she
might have produced. Even now, though slave
labour and ignorance of chemistry have ruined, for
a time, many of her finest lands, her products are
yet sufficient to banish the idea of famine from the

fancies of her poorest people. On this subject, we
shall give the results of the latest and most accurate
observations to which we have access. We
shall present, separately, Eastern and Western
Virginia, although their products are often the
same. We will give the amount of each product
of the state section, and then the county raising the
largest, and that raising the next largest quantity
of the article.[215] Our estimate will include, not
merely crops and harvests in the proper sense, but
other species of wealth directly dependent on them
for existence.

Eastern Virginia has an area of twenty-seven
thousand square miles of land and water. In 1840,
this section of the state had 157,051 horses and
mules, of which Loudon had 7,627, and Fauquier
7,624; 542,543 neat cattle, of which Fauquier had
26,184, and Loudon 25,620; 551,506 sheep, of
which Fauquier had 35,055, and Loudon 31,503;
1,121,733 swine, of which Southampton had 43,663,
and Pittsylvania 42,513; poultry, valued at 481,732
dollars, of which Fauquier had an amount valued
at 18,091 dollars, and Accomac an amount valued
at 18,064 dollars; this section raised 4,864,814
bushels of wheat, of which Loudon raised 573,460,
and Fauquier 362,227 bushels; 77,947 bushels of
barley, of which Albemarle raised 72,527, and
Gloucester 2,748 bushels; 7,586,340 bushels of

oats, of which Accomac raised 453,137, and Pittsylvania
333,763 bushels; 460,885 bushels of rye,
of which Albemarle raised 117,369, and Loudon
81,517 bushels; 27,010 bushels of buckwheat, of
which Loudon raised 6,845, and Fauquier 6,454
bushels; 21,204,699 bushels of Indian corn, of
which Loudon raised 891,695, and Pittsylvania
679,319 bushels; 877,030 pounds of wool, of which
Fauquier raised 75,195, and Loudon 63,951 pounds;
6,546 pounds of hops, of which Orange raised 940,
and Fauquier 626 pounds; 36,779 pounds of wax,
of which Pittsylvania raised 4,182, and Campbell
2,312 pounds; 1,404,217 bushels of potatoes, of
which Accomac raised 113,396, and Southampton
88,036 bushels; 193,385 tons of hay, of which
Princess Anne raised 76,250, and Louisa 21,307
tons.

The whole quantity of tobacco raised in the
state was 75,347,106 pounds. In Eastern Virginia
the quantity raised was 73,131,092 pounds; of this,
41,239,591 pounds were raised in the twelve counties
of Pittsylvania, Campbell, Buckingham, Cumberland,
Prince Edward, Charlotte, Halifax, Mecklenburg,
Lunenburg, Nottaway, Amelia, and Powhatan,
which, together, cover an area of 6,295
square miles. Pittsylvania raised 6,438,777, and
Halifax 6,209,511 pounds.

Farther, the eastern section raised 1,038 tons of
hemp and flax, of which Bedford raised 249, and
Prince William 167 tons; 2,957 pounds of rice, of
which Nansemond raised 1,440, and Southampton
1,080 pounds; 3,493,667 pounds of cotton, of which

Southampton raised 851,315, and Stafford 760,287
pounds; 2,571 pounds of silk cocoons, of which
King and Queen raised 337, and Nelson 300
pounds; 63 pounds of sugar, all made in Bedford;
323,663 cords of wood, of which Northumberland
produced 45,120, and Isle of Wight 31,307 cords;
products of the dairy, valued at 791,298 dollars, of
which Loudon raised, in value, 80,223, and Campbell
45,605 dollars; products of the orchard, valued
at 447,075 dollars, of which Southampton raised,
in value, 40,345, and Sussex 37,520 dollars; 9,628
gallons of wine, of which Fauquier made 1,226,
and Henrico 1,148 gallons; and of home-made fabrics,
of all kinds, an amount valued at 1,485,988
dollars, of which Halifax made, in value, 97,779,
and Pittsylvania 97,090 dollars.[216]

Western Virginia embraces an area of about
thirty-nine thousand square miles. In 1840 this
section had 169,387 horses and mules, of which
Wythe had 10,496 and Augusta 9,910; 481,605
neat cattle, of which Harrison had 23,536, and
Augusta 21,479; 742,266 sheep, of which Jefferson
had 67,289, and Harrison 35,119; 870,422 swine,
of which Jefferson had 72,467, and Rockingham
38,765; poultry, valued at 272,966 dollars, of which
Rockingham had, in value, 15,041, and Monongalia
11,800 dollars; this section raised 5,244,902
bushels of wheat, of which Jefferson raised 516,969,
and Rockingham 375,197 bushels; 9,483 bushels
of barley, of which Jefferson raised 4,230, and
Washington 1,168 bushels; 5,864,722 bushels of

oats, of which Monongalia raised 320,092, and
Washington 295,770 bushels; 1,021,914 bushels of
rye, of which Augusta raised 92,227, and Rockingham
90,886 bushels; 216,812 bushels of buckwheat,
of which Hampshire raised 26,167, and
Preston 16,057 bushels; 13,372,892 bushels of Indian
corn, of which Jefferson raised 988,552, and
Logan 870,930 bushels; 1,661,344 pounds of wool,
of which Jefferson raised 516,840, and Harrison
70,804 pounds; 4,051 pounds of hops, of which
Monongalia raised 636, and Shenandoah 568
pounds; 28,241 pounds of wax, of which Russel
raised 2,884, and Logan 2,358 pounds; 1,540,443
bushels of potatoes, of which Jefferson raised 151,443,
and Brooke 63,140 bushels; 171,323 tons of hay,
of which Harrison raised 13,765, and Rockingham
12,220 tons; 3,828 tons of hemp and flax, of which
Tazewell raised 923, and Jackson 750 tons;
2,216,014 pounds of tobacco, of which Botetourt
raised 707,885, and Roanoke 599,273 pounds; 816
pounds of cotton, of which Lee raised 556, and
Scott 200 pounds; 620 pounds of silk cocoons, of
which Logan raised 266, and Monongalia 111
pounds; 1,541,770 pounds of sugar, of which Harrison
raised 200,372, and Monongalia 118,569
pounds; 79,927 cords of wood, of which Shenandoah
raised 12,703, and Jefferson, 7,859 cords;
products of the dairy, amounting to 689,190 dollars,
of which Rockbridge produced, in value, 72,077,
and Rockingham 61,025 dollars; products of the
orchard, amounting to 258,690 dollars, of which
Washington raised, in value, 19,932, and Rockbridge,
16,896 dollars; 4,283 gallons of wine, of
which Rockbridge made 981, and Rockingham 697
gallons; and, of home-made fabrics, an amount valued
at 955,684 dollars, of which Rockingham made,
in value, 67,901, and Rockbridge 61,682 dollars.[217]

The estimated agricultural wealth of Virginia
will be noted under another head of this chapter.
We may now speak of the Manufacturing interest
of the state. For many years this branch of industry
was carried on almost entirely by private
families, and was inconsiderable in its results; but
within the present century, it has drawn the resources
of wealthy individuals, and of incorporated
companies, and within twenty years past, it has
rapidly expanded in its operations. We hail this
result with unalloyed pleasure. It is vain to speak
of the disadvantages of engaging in such pursuits
with slave labour, and of the false principles of
economy that would suggest the attempt. If Virginia
has lately shown any evidence of returning
prosperity, in nothing is this evidence more satisfactory
than in her attention to manufactures.
They are both the cause and the effect of revived
energy.

The largest amount of capital thus invested in
the state, is in mills for grain. Flour mills are
abundantly scattered through the east and west
sections, and at Richmond they have been erected
and employed on the most extensive scale.[218] The

capital applied in milling throughout the state is
estimated to amount to 5,184,669 dollars, while
in Massachusetts not more than 1,440,152 dollars
are thus appropriated.[219] The manufacture of tobacco
is next in amount in Virginia; it employs a
capital of 1,526,080 dollars. Next is cotton, which
employs 1,299,020 dollars of capital. Manufactures
of leather are next, employing a capital of
1,180,098 dollars. Besides these, Virginia manufactures
wool, silk, flax, and hemp, hats and caps,
soap and candles, distilled spirits, powder, glass,
earthenware, paper, carriages, wagons, and furniture,
in respectable quantities. We shall presently
give a full estimate on the subject.

The Mining interest of our state is considerable.
No man can tell what amount of wealth her
mineral resources would produce, were they fully
developed. Deep in her bosom there are hidden
treasures, which well-directed labour would bring
forth. We do not know that her gold mines have
yet compensated for the lost investments, blasted
hopes, and chilled hearts that have been expended
upon them. Nevertheless, she has gold in abundance,
which is yearly obtained in increasing
quantities. Her most profitable mineral is coal,
which in 1840 employed a capital of 1,302,000
dollars. Next is iron, which in the same year employed
a capital of 1,247,000 dollars.

Some remarks shall be devoted to the Finances

of Virginia. On this subject it would be easy to
fill many pages with reasonings and surmises, and
to offer theories which would have at least the
charm of novelty; but it is happily unnecessary.
There may be statesmen in England who esteem
her national debt a public blessing, and who admire
to enthusiasm the complicated fiscal machinery
necessary to support it; but in America we
have learned a different philosophy. In general,
the more simple that may be the financial system
of a country, the more happiness it will enjoy, if
unaffected by other causes. To administer government
with economy, to tax her people with discrimination,
to make debts with caution, and to
pay them with punctuality,—these are the duties
of a wise state; and by their neglect, nations have
been convulsed, and kings have perished on the
scaffold.

Like the other states of the Union, Virginia came
out of the Revolutionary War embarrassed by a
huge debt for unredeemed paper money. She was
gradually relieved by her own exertions, and by
the working of the funding system, established
during the first presidential term. Since that time,
though she has experienced financial vicissitudes,
she has never suffered under the imputation of bad
faith in her monetary duties. She has never repudiated.
She looks upon such conduct with unmingled
abhorrence. She has even verged to the
other extreme. She has thought it better to remain
poor and inactive, rather than endanger her credit

by contracting enormous debts for purposes of internal
development.

On the 30th September, 1845, the state had productive
stocks and funds amounting to 6,595,844
dollars, and nearly the same amount in stocks and
funds unproductive, because generally invested in
improvements not completed, or complete but not
profitable. The whole amount of state debt was
7,384,794 dollars, requiring provision for an annual
interest of 451,746 dollars. Besides this interest,
which is regularly paid, a sinking fund of nearly
6,000 dollars, is annually applied to the principal.
Beyond these, the chief items of expenditure are
the expenses of the General Assembly, which
amount yearly to about 75,200 dollars, the officers
of government, the contingent expenses of courts,
the Public Guard at Richmond, annuities to the
University, the Military Academy, school quotas,
Lunatic Hospitals, and the institutions for the deaf
and dumb, and the blind. The total expenditure
for 1845, was estimated at 1,443,388 dollars.[220]

The proceeds of productive stocks, fines, forfeitures,
and other sources, other than taxes, amounted
to 846,352 dollars. The balance of 685,051 dollars,
making up the public income, was raised by taxes
on persons and property. Persons, as such, are
taxed when enjoying special privileges, professional
or otherwise, as physicians, attorneys, merchants,
dentists, pedlers, hotel and tavern-keepers, venders
of lottery tickets, and exhibiters of shows. Property
in general is taxed as follows: slaves, horses

and mules, gold and silver watches, metallic and
other clocks, coaches and other vehicles, pianos,
gold and silver plate, interest on money loaned, income
over four hundred dollars, bridges, ferries, and
newspapers. The tax bill is remodelled each year
in the Legislature, that it may be accommodated
as skilfully as possible to the ability and feelings
of the people.

The Population of Virginia has not grown as
rapidly as her internal resources would have authorized
us to expect. Her ratio of increase has
fallen below that of most of her sisters, and when
compared with some of the western and northern
states, the difference has been striking. In 1790
Virginia was the most populous member of the
Union; she had then a total of 748,308 souls, of
whom 293,427 were slaves, and 12,776 were free
coloured persons. At that time, the second state
in population was Pennsylvania, who had 434,373
inhabitants. In 1800 Virginia had 880,200, of
whom 345,796 were slaves, and 20,124 free coloured
persons. In 1810 she had 974,622, of whom
392,518 were slaves, and 30,570 free coloured persons.
In 1820 her total was 1,065,379, of whom
425,153 were slaves, and 36,889 free coloured
persons. In 1830 she had 1,211,405, of whom
469,757 were slaves, and 47,348 free coloured. In
1840 her total population was 1,239,797, of whom
449,087 were slaves, and 49,852 were free coloured
persons.[221] We shall have occasion again to refer to

some branches of this subject, in closing this
chapter.

After having presented the varied estimates from
which the condition of a people is generally to be
inferred, the question arises, has Virginia prospered
as her physical resources would warrant us in
expecting? Has she held her place in the great
march of the American States, during the present
century? It has long been the sad conviction of
her most enlightened children, that these questions
must be answered in the negative. But enough
has been shown to encourage her, and to prove that
she has within her bounds every element of prosperity
that a people need desire. If then it be
true that she has fallen behind her sisters in any
thing pertaining to a nation's welfare, her defects
ought to be made known, that they may, if possible,
be supplied. Her wounds must be probed
in order that they may be healed, and however
painful may be the process, her real friends will
not shrink from its accomplishment. To this end,
an attempt shall here be made to compare Virginia
with one of the wealthiest and most prosperous
states in the American Confederacy. If this comparison
shall prove unfavourable to our state, the
circumstances under which it is made will exclude
the idea of prejudice or partiality. There may be
in it much for our encouragement, as well as for
our humiliation.

Massachusetts was first settled in 1620,—Virginia
in 1607; Massachusetts in winter has a cold,
harsh atmosphere,—Virginia has at all times a

temperate and pleasant climate; Massachusetts has
a hard, sterile soil, little grateful for attention,—
Virginia has a soil generous even to prodigality,
and repaying twenty-fold the labour of the husbandman;
Massachusetts is cut by small streams,
and has but one river that may claim the first dignity,—Virginia
has six of the finest rivers whose
waters reach the Atlantic; Massachusetts has,
comparatively, a flat country, and supplies water-power
by artificial means,—Virginia has a surface
of mountains, from which she obtains a natural
water-power, exhaustless in capacity; Massachusetts
has some iron and granite, but beyond these,
her minerals are as nothing,—Virginia has iron,
lead, copper, gold, salt, and coal, in quantity which
no one has yet ventured to estimate; Massachusetts
has indeed splendid harbours, and every thing
essential to the expansion of shipping,—but Virginia
has an inland sea, and harbours that might
be made as good as any in the world; Massachusetts
has seven thousand eight hundred square
miles of surface,—Virginia has sixty-six thousand
square miles of horizontal area.

From this statement of familiar facts, we infer
that, if Virginia has not equalled her northern
sister in her ratio of progress, the fault is in her
people, and not in her physical condition. That we
may see the truth on this subject, the following
comparative view will be presented.

First, as to population. In 1790, Massachusetts
had 378,717 souls. In 1800 she had 423,245. In
1810 she had 472,040. In 1820, she had 523,287.

In 1830, her total number was 610,048. And in
1840, her population amounted to 737,669. Thus
it will be perceived, that in 1840, Virginia had a
population of nineteen and Massachusetts of ninety-five
souls to the square mile.[222] This great difference
deserves attention. For, if other causes of disparity
do not intervene, population will present the
same test of progress in civilized life, in enlightened
as in savage nations. If, in the same series of
years, one country has become much more densely
peopled than another, the former has given evidence
that it is far before the latter in the possession
of materials for prosperity.

We will next offer a comparison of the actual
wealth of the two states, estimated in reference to
the same articles, at the same time, under the same
circumstances, and upon the same arithmetical
principles. In 1840, in Massachusetts, the amount
computed to be invested in mining, was 2,345,310
dollars. In agriculture, the produce for the past
year had been 22,097,429 dollars. In horticulture,
43,170 dollars. In commerce, foreign and domestic,
the amount invested was 28,016,765 dollars. In
fisheries, 11,725,850 dollars. The products of the
forest, for a year, had been 377,054 dollars. The
capital invested in manufactures of all kinds, was
45,891,524 dollars, making a total of national
wealth which might be considered as active, of
110,497,102 dollars. In the same year, in Virginia,
the amount invested in mining was 3,024,000 dollars.
In agriculture, the produce of the past year

had been 92,400,583 dollars in value. In horticulture,
19,900 dollars. In foreign and domestic commerce,
the amount invested was 21,197,803 dollars.
In fisheries, 28,383 dollars. The products of the
forest, for the past year, had been 619,673 dollars.
The capital invested in manufactures of all kinds,
was 12,865,061 dollars, making a total of active
wealth of 130,155,403 dollars.[223]

Thus it appears that the wealth of Virginia, really
indicative of public industry, only exceeds that of
her northern sister by about thirty millions of dollars.
Had her productive labour been profitable,
in proportion to her excess of area over Massachusetts,
her active wealth in 1840, would have been
nine hundred and thirty-five millions, instead of one
hundred and thirty millions of dollars. And if her
more abundant natural riches be taken into consideration,
her increase ought to have been much
greater. It must, therefore, be regarded as a truth
but too fully established, that Virginia has fallen
below her duty; that she has been indolent, while
others have been laborious; that she has been content
to avoid a movement positively retrograde,
while others have gone rapidly forward. Her motion,
compared with that of Massachusetts or Ohio,
might, in familiar terms, be likened to the heavy

stage-coach of the past century, competing with the
flying steam-car of the present.

For this sluggishness and imbecility, many causes
might be assigned, and ingenious arguments might
be urged in their support. The cause may be
complex: action and reaction are constantly taking
place: causes become effects, and, in their turn,
effects are converted into causes. But there are
three sources from which, as we believe, the evil
disposition of our state so naturally flow, that they
ought to receive special notice.

The first of these is the Want of Education among
the people. Lord Bacon has said that "Knowledge
is power." He did not say that knowledge
is virtue, or that knowledge would necessarily
bring happiness to its possessor. Yet the experience
of all ages has proved that an educated
people will, other things being equal, be the most
industrious, most prosperous, most virtuous, and
therefore most happy. And since the light of revealed
knowledge has dawned upon the world, the
necessity for education has become more and more
apparent. Great learning may not be essential, but
in the present century, to read, and write, and use
figures intelligently, are qualifications without
which the great body of any people will find it
difficult to perform their positive duties. An uncultivated
mind will be lethargic and inefficient in
its movements; polish it by education, and you
immediately give it activity and power.

Adopting these views, it is with pain we are
compelled to speak of the horrible cloud of ignorance

that rests upon Virginia. In the eastern
section, there are twenty-nine thousand eight hundred
and sixty-three, and in the western, twenty-eight
thousand nine hundred and twenty-four,
making a total of fifty-eight thousand seven hundred
and eighty-seven white persons, over twenty
years of age, who can neither read nor write.[224]
This, however, is not all. It is computed that
there are in the state 166,000 children, between
seven and sixteen years of age, and therefore fit for
school. Of these, about 28,000 poor children attend
the free and Lancastrian schools, an average
of twelve weeks in a year for each child. 12,000
more children are sent to colleges, academies, and
classical schools. The remaining one hundred and
twenty-six thousand children attend no school at
all, and receive no education except what can be
imparted by poor and ignorant parents![225] But yet
farther,—there are in Virginia 449,087 slaves, and
49,852 free negroes, who are, with few exceptions,
wholly uneducated. They are human beings, with
intellects, passions, wills, all perverted by original
depravity, and they are sunk in ignorance. Happily,
they are permitted to hear the public ministrations
of our religion, and affecting examples of
its good influence upon them are often seen. The
policy which discourages farther extension of knowledge
among them is necessary; but the fact remains
unchanged, that they exist among us, a huge
mass of mind, almost entirely unenlightened. We
fear, then, that the most favourable estimates will
leave in our state six hundred and eighty-three
thousand rational beings, who are destitute of the
merest rudiments of knowledge.

This deplorable condition has long been felt and
mourned by Virginia's most virtuous sons. Efforts
have been made to ameliorate it. Education conventions
have assembled, and many animated debates
have taken place. The Legislature has
moved from time to time, and during the session of
1845-46 its movement was decided and beneficial.
Nevertheless, the evil remains almost untouched.
We pretend not to suggest any remedy. But it will
be pertinent to the subject to add, that in the whole
state of Massachusetts, containing in 1840 seven
hundred and thirty-seven thousand six hundred
and ninety-nine persons, there were but four thousand
four hundred and forty-eight white persons,
over twenty years of age, who could neither read
nor write.

The next cause of the inefficiency of Virginia is
the Want of Internal Improvement. Her native
wealth is boundless, and if it were furnished with
means for its development, would make her rich
in a quarter of a century. But, thus far, by a concurrence
of untoward circumstances, all that she
has done in establishing lines of internal communion,
has effected little in bringing out her real
resources. As early as May, 1784, the Legislature
granted an act of incorporation to the Old James
River Company, and authorized them to raise one

hundred thousand dollars to improve the navigation
of the James.[226] But their labours were never
extensive, and their means were always too limited
to accomplish objects of much importance. In
February, 1820, the Legislature passed an act, under
which the James River Company, with its own
consent, was made a trustee to carry on the work
for the state. The plan then proposed was to render
the James River, from Richmond to the mouth
of Dunlap's Creek, in the present County of Allegany,
navigable for boats by a series of locks and
canals; to make the Great Kanawha navigable in
the same manner, from the Great Falls to the Ohio
River, and to connect the Great Falls and Dunlap's
Creek by a turnpike road.[227] Under this act, improvements,
more or less important, were applied to parts
of the line of three hundred and sixty-five statute
miles, thus designated; but no portion of the route
was completed so far as to open the wealth of the
finest section of Virginia.

Finally, in March, 1832, the stockholders of the
James River and Kanawha Company, were incorporated
by act of Assembly.[228] The object of this
Company was to connect the tide-water of the
James with the Ohio River; and it was to be done
either by canal to Lynchburg, and railroad to the
Great Falls of the Kanawha, or by railroad from
the highest improvement of the James to the Ohio,
or by a continuous railroad from Richmond to the
Ohio. Their works were to be commenced within

two years after the passing of the act, and to be
completed within twelve years from the first general
meeting of stockholders; otherwise their charter
was to be forfeited.

We have to record that after a period of fifteen
years from its incorporation, the Company has not
accomplished the task for which it was formed.
It has constructed a large and well-made canal
from Richmond to Lynchburg, a distance of about
one hundred and forty-six miles; it has advanced,
nearly to completion, a line of works from Lynchburg
to the mouth of North River, a distance of
twenty-seven miles.[229] Beyond this, it has not been
able to do more than keep in good condition the
works previously constructed. Its charter has
been extended, and legislative aid has from time
to time been bestowed on it. During the period
from the 27th June, 1835, to the 31st October,
1845, the "Old Improvements" of the Company
have yielded an amount of revenue which exceeded
the disbursements on their account by 218,825
dollars. And the Richmond Dock, purchased by
the Company, has yielded a net revenue of 16,058
dollars. But the "New Improvements" during
this period, have required an expenditure, direct
and indirect, of 5,975,398 dollars, and to meet this,
beyond the net revenue of the "Old Improvements"
and the Dock, the Company has been compelled
to rely chiefly upon payments on the stock
made by individuals, by the state, and by several

corporations.[230] It will, therefore, be apparent that,
thus far, the work has not been profitable to the
stockholders.

Neither has it developed the resources of the
state, to an extent proportioned to its cost. It
would be unjust to charge the Company with negligence
and inefficiency for the failure. They
have contended with physical obstacles far more
formidable than had been anticipated, and they
have felt the same want of abundant capital in
money, that Virginia as a state experiences. Yet
it is sad to think that so much has been expended,
and so little has been done. It is believed by many
that the canal now brings to the head of tide-water
very little produce that would not find its way thither
by the natural laws of trade. The improvement
has not yet struck the Great Valley, and opened
an avenue through which its wealth may flow to
the East: above all, the Allegany range has not
been crossed, the Ohio has not been reached, and
Virginia's frontier is literally pressed by agricultural
products which seek outlets in every direction
except through her veins.

The railroads which have been completed within
the state are convenient for travel, but do not effect
much for trade. A line of magnetic telegraph
from the North, has been finished to Richmond,
within a few months past, and has already advanced
far to the South. By means of this miracle of the
age, Virginia may converse with her distant sisters,

and hear their voices urging to energy. And it is
true, that within the present year she has shown
symptoms of a disposition to awake from her long
slumber.

Several lines of railroad are now contmplated
by the enterprising of our state. It is proposed
that one of these shall run continuously from Richmond
City to the Ohio River. Another is to be
carried from the present terminus of the Louisa
Railroad, at Gordonsville, to the eastern base of
the Blue Ridge; another is to run from the metropolis
southward, through the tobacco region of the
state, to Danville, in Pittsylvania County. For
this last object heavy subscriptions have been
already made, and many things seem to indicate
that it will be accomplished.

The last and most important cause unfavourably
affecting Virginia which we shall mention, is the
existence of Slavery within her bounds. We have
already seen the origin and progress of this institution.
As to its evils, we have nothing new to
offer; they have long been felt and acknowledged
by the most sagacious minds in our state. "It is
the common remark of all who have travelled
through the United States, that the free states and
the slave states exhibit a striking contrast in their
appearance. In the older free states are seen all
the tokens of prosperity; a dense and increasing
population; thriving villages, towns, and cities; a
neat and productive agriculture; growing manufactures,
and active commerce. In the older parts
of the slave states, with a few local exceptions, are
seen, on the contrary, too evident signs of stagnation,

or of positive decay; a sparse population,
a slovenly cultivation, spread over vast fields
that are wearing out, among others already worn
out and desolate; villages and towns `few and
far between,' rarely growing, often decaying, sometimes
mere remnants of what they were, sometimes
deserted ruins, haunted only by owls; generally
no manufactures, nor even trades, except the
indispensable few; commerce and navigation abandoned,
as far as possible, to the people of the free
states; and generally, instead of the stir and bustle
of industry, a dull and dreary stillness, broken, if
broken at all, only by the wordy brawl of politics."[231]

Were we called to declare what we believe to be
the sentiments of a large majority of our people
on the subject of slavery, we would attempt it
under two heads. First. We hold that this institution,
as it exists among us, is lawful, and that we
only have the right to control it. The Constitution
of the United States has solemnly guarantied the
rights of slaveholders in their property. Any interference
by the General Government, or by particular
states, or by classes of individuals in other
states, with her right to this property, will be resisted
by Virginia, even to the end. A dissolution
of the Union is an evil which she regards with
horror, but a dissolution of the Union would be

preferable to submission to measures which would
violate the most solemn pledges upon which the
Union was founded.

Secondly. We apprehend that, in general, the
people of Virginia hold slavery to be an enormous
evil, bearing with fatal power upon their prosperity.
This sentiment has been gaining ground during
many years. Within a very short time past, a
citizen of East Virginia, intelligent, highly educated,
and possessed of great wealth in this species
of property, has spoken out plainly, and urged
owners in our state to get rid of their slaves as
rapidly as possible.[232] And in West Virginia, expressions
of opinion have been even more decided,
and incipient means have been adopted to provide
for the gradual destruction of the evil.[233]

Under these circumstances we hail with pleasure
any indications that this part of our population is
decrasing in number, and that the time shall come
when Virginia shall be a free state. In 1790, the
slaves of the state amounted to 293,427; in 1800,
to 345,796; in 1810, to 392,518; in 1820, to
425,153; in 1830, to 469,757; and in 1840, to
449,087. Thus it appears, that in the first ten
years above noted, the slaves increased about 18
per cent.; in the second ten years, 13·3 per cent.;
in the third ten years, 8·4 per cent.; in the fourth
ten years, 10·6 per cent.; and in the last ten years,
they diminished 4·5 per cent. During the same
period, the free population increased in the first ten
years, 17·4 per cent.; in the second ten years, 9·2

per cent.; in the third ten years, 9·8 per cent.; in
the fourth ten years, 13·6 per cent.; and in the last
ten years, 6·7 per cent.

The principal source of decrease in our slaves is
in the number exported to cultivate the cotton and
sugar lands of the South. Hardly a day passes in
which large companies may not be seen traversing
the roads of Virginia, on their way to her southern
frontier. Melancholy as may be the thoughts suggested
by such scenes, they will at least bring with
them some solace. The condition of the slaves in
the South is not probably worse than upon the impoverished
plantations of our state, and their gradual
removal by this means gives place to a better
population. Already German and New York
farmers have occupied large tracts of land in Fairfax
County, and an English company has been
formed, whose professed design is to transport
emigrants from Great Britain to the inviting fields
of Virginia.[234] In her lattr days, as in her infancy,
our state seems destined to draw her inhabitants
directly from the mother country.

We have now completed a review of the past
history and present condition of Virginia. The
future is yet before her, and its revelations to her
must depend greatly upon her own preparation to
meet them. By the exercise of diligence and
virtue, she may obtain a glory more substantial,
and a happiness more pure, than any she has ever
enjoyed. May such be her conduct and her
destiny!