 | CHAPTER III History of Virginia |  |
CHAPTER III
MILITARY ACTIVITIES
III. Proposed Expedition Against Detroit and War with Indians
on Western Border—Cornwallis in Virginia
In the meantime, while eastern Virginia was being invaded,
stirring scenes were enacted in the region beyond the Ohio.
After completing his capture of Vincennes, February 24, 1779,
Clark turned his mind to the capture of Detroit, near Lake
Huron, which was the capital of British power in the Northwest
Territory. This he thought himself able to effect, with
the recruits expected from Virginia, but not more than half
the number counted on by Clark arrived, and he felt compelled
by this fact and a fresh outbreak of the Indians on the Ohio
to postpone his cherished expedition.
Though abandoned, the influence of the preparation for the
expedition proved of great significance. Threatenings from
Vincennes caused the British officials at Detroit to give up
their plan for the recapture of that post. A similar campaign
of regulars and Indians against Fort Pitt was likewise abandoned.
The British were too busy strengthening their different
posts to think of harassing the American settlers on the
Ohio.
Instead, therefore, of leading a force against Detroit, Clark
went up to the mouth of the Ohio, where, in accordance with instructions
of Governor Jefferson, he constructed a fort, which
he called Fort Jefferson. The idea of a post at this place for
facilitating intercourse with the Spanish at New Orleans had
occurred to Patrick Henry, and Jefferson's reasons for endorsing
the project at this time were that the fort would
supplies to that territory, and that this fort, together with
others to be established on the Ohio, would furnish a chain of
defense for the western frontier and at the same time protect
the trade with New Orleans.
On April 14, Clark set out from Louisville for the purpose
of building this fort, which he finally located five miles below
the mouth of the Ohio on the Iron Banks. Settlers were attracted
to the locality through the present of 400 acres to each
family. About this time Spain declared war against Great
Britain, whereupon the British authorities organized a
thorough-going attack on the Illinois territory and the Spanish
posts in Louisiana. Colonel Clark hastened to the defense
and the British were repulsed both at Cohokia and St. Louis,
the latter a Spanish settlement.
The main body of the attacking force retreated rapidly in
two divisions, one by the Mississippi, and the other directly
across the country to Mackinac. Clark sent at once a force
of 350 regular troops, aided by French volunteers from the
Illinois posts, and Spaniards from St. Louis, under Col. John
Montgomery against the Sauk and Foxes. Montgomery proceeded
up the Mississippi and Illinois in boats as far as Peoria,
from which they marched to the Indian villages on Rock River.
After burning the towns Montgomery returned to his boats
and the march back of 400 miles was accomplished after much
suffering.
In the meantime scouting parties of Delawares and Shawnees
were harassing the settlements in Kentucky, and early
in May, 1780, Col. Henry Bird, with 150 whites and 1,000 Indians
from Detroit, attacked Ruddle's and Martin's Stations,
two small stockaded posts on the Licking. Resistance was
hopeless against the British cannon and Bird set out for Detroit
with much plunder and 100 prisoners. Many of the
women and children, unable to bear the strain of the march,
were killed by the Indians on the way to Detroit. Clark began
at once the organization of a retaliatory expedition, and, closing
crowd who wanted an assignment of land. In spite of some
discontent the call for volunteers was promptly met and 1,000
men were soon under arms. He was joined at the mouth of
the Licking by Colonel Harrod, with 200 men and by Col. Benjamin
Logan, second in command, who lead his regiment from
Boonesborough and adjacent towns in Kentucky to the same
place. The soldiers took four days to march some seventy
miles to the old Indian town of Chilicothe, where the crops
and town were burnt. The army then pushed on to Piqua, a
few miles distant on the Big Miami, where a battle ensued in
which the Indians were defeated. After the destruction of
Piqua with its corn fields, Clark returned to the mouth of the
Licking and disbanded his army. There he learned that, during
his absence, Fort Jefferson had been attacked by a force of
Chickasaw and Choctaw Indians, lead by Colbert, a Scotchman.
There were only a few men in the fort at the time, commanded
by Capt. Robert George, but they fought desperately
and after six days the Indians withdrew.
The letters of Governor Jefferson at the time show the
interest which he took in the conquest of the West, and his instructions
to Clark and others are splendid proofs of his
mastery of the situation.[25]
With a full appreciation of the
significance of the capture of Detroit, he proceeded, notwithstanding
the many difficulties by which he was surrounded, to
make provision for a renewal of the attack upon the seat of
British power in the Northwest. Full instructions were drawn
up by him under which Clark was to advance with 2,000 men
into the hostile territory at the earliest practicable moment
after the opening of navigation in 1781. The Western army
was to be composed of the Illinois Regiment, Crockett's battalion,
Major Slaughter's corps and detachments from the
militia of the counties of Fayette, Lincoln, Jefferson, Ohio,
Monongalia, Hampshire, Berkeley, Frederick and Greenbrier.
bodies of troops were to rendezvous at the Falls of the Ohio by
March 15, 1781. Clark proceeded to Richmond to consult with
Jefferson over the matter, and while there took part in the
defense of the State against the invasion of Benedict Arnold.
Washington cordially responded to the appeal of Jefferson
and ordered Colonel Brodhead at Fort Pitt to give the enterprise
every possible assistance, by furnishing upon Clark's
order the supplies asked for and a detachment of continental
troops, including a company of artillery as large as could be
spared. On January 22, 1781, Jefferson, with the advice of his
council, made Clark a Brigadier-General of the "forces to be
embodied on an expedition west of the Ohio."
This action completed an effective military organization in
the West. In the preceding November, the Legislature of
Virginia divided Kentucky into three counties—Fayette, Jefferson
and Lincoln. John Todd, Jr., was appointed county
lieutenant of Fayette County, with Daniel Boone for his
lieutenant colonel; John Floyd was made county lieutenant
in Jefferson County; and Benjamin Logan in Lincoln County.
Clark was put over the three as supervising officer.
Clark set out for Fort Pitt to take charge of the expedition,
but all sorts of difficulties arose. The militia of Berkeley,
Frederick, Greenbrier and Hampshire counties showed decided
opposition to the draft, and an attempt to collect provisions
and men in the last county resulted in an armed
mutiny. Lest an attempt at enforcement of his orders should
lead to general disobedience, Jefferson issued a call for volunteers,
but many did not respond. Moreover, the men constituting
the regiment of regular troops under Colonel
Crockett, suffered for want of suitable clothing and were
without shoes. Brodhead, at Fort Pitt, was opposed to parting
with any of the Continental troops, and Clark, despairing
of accomplishing his designs in the face of so many difficulties,
set out in August, 1781, for Louisville with only 400 men. This
number was little more than adequate to guard the boats which
set back when a body of 107 Pennsylvania volunteers
under Col. Archibald Lochry, who were descending the Ohio
to join him, were attacked by the Indians and were either
killed or made prisoners.
Under these conditions, by order of the Assembly, the
expedition against Detroit was again postponed; but Clark's
activities had served at least as a defense to the frontiers.
Rumors of his expedition against Detroit put the British and
their allies on the defensive and served as a protection to the
settlements.
More success attended the efforts of Col. Arthur Campbell
in the Southwest. In January, 1781, he led an expedition into
the country of the Cherokees, who were preparing for fresh
hostilities. Their towns were destroyed, their fields ravaged,
several of their warriors were slain, and many others taken
prisoners. The two Carolinas inflicted similar blows on their
turbulent neighbors, and a peace necessary on both sides was
the consequence.
At the beginning of the year 1781 Virginia took the initial
step of devolving upon the United States the responsibility
for preserving order and peace in the territory acquired by
her across the Ohio.
Besides Virginia, Connecticut, Massachusetts and New
York put forth claims to the Western territory. Maryland,
thereupon, declared her unwillingness to sign the Articles of
Confederation without a surrender to the United States on the
part of Virginia and the other three of their claims to the
Western country. She contended that whatever was gained
by the war was in the nature of "a common estate to be granted
out on terms beneficial to all of the United States." Other
states took sides with Maryland, and on September 6, 1780,
Congress, through resolutions, expressed the hope that those
states which had claims to the Western country would make a
liberal surrender in favor of peace and Federal union.
Now, as a matter of fact, Virginia was the only one that
and had it in actual possession by a line of forts commanded
by Virginia troops. The claims of Connecticut, Massachusetts
and New York were about as shadowy as they could
be; and when therefore Virginia agreed on January 2, 1781, to
yield all her right, title and claim to the lands northwest of the
Ohio, she made a real sacrifice in the interest of peace and
union. The claims of Massachusetts and Connecticut were
mere charter claims without actual possession, and the claims
of New York were based on old Indian treaties, which were of
no real importance. As to Maryland, her plea for the Union
was one originating only in jealousy of her neighbor, Virginia.
Maryland had done nothing to acquire the Northwest territory,
and by withholding her signature from the Articles of
Confederation she acted, to say the least, in no very patriotic
manner. And even if her course led to a "national sovereignty,"
so much commended by John Fiske, Herbert Adams,
and other writers, it was only incidental to the real motive
which governed her and she deserved no great credit for it.
As early as July 9, 1778, Virginia had ratified the Articles
of Confederation, which proposed the first written form of
government for the new nation, and later the General Assembly
offered to furnish land, free of cost, out of the territory
acquired by Clark to the Continental troops of such of the
Confederated States as had no lands appropriated to that
purpose.
Governor Jefferson heartily endorsed the resolutions surrendering
the Northwest Territory to the Union and was probably
the instigator of the measure. From the very first he had
stood by Clark in his plan of extending Virginia sovereignty
to the far West, and his eager patriotism sympathized with its
alienation to Congress for the common benefit of a Union
which his hopeful nature idealized.
Taking up the events in Eastern Virginia again, when
Cornwallis entered the state he found for his antagonist the
youthful LaFayette. He belonged to a noble family in France,
age. In 1776, when 19 years of age, he was stationed on
duty at Metz as an officer in the French army, and it was
there that he first understood the merits of the American
struggle. His curiosity was deeply excited by what he heard,
and the idea of a people fighting for liberty had a strong
influence upon his imagination. He determined to go to
America and offer his services to the people who to him seemed
to be enlisted in a noble cause. On his intention becoming
known to the French Government, his departure was prohibited,
but, after failing in one attempt, he succeeded in quiting
France in the disguise of a courier, and with De Kalb
and other foreign officers he sailed to this country from the
Spanish port of Passage, in April, 1777. Congress made him
a Major-General and soon he became a warm friend of General
Washington. At Brandywine he fought his first engagement,
in 1777, and was wounded. He shared in the hardships of the
army at Valley Forge in the winter of 1778, and fought at
Monmouth and in Rhode Island in the same year.
In 1779 he returned to France, where his influence was
exerted to obtain the first French reenforcements for America,
under Rochambeau, and in 1780 he came again to the United
States. He was placed by Washington at the head of a select
body of troops, known as the Corps of Light Infantry. With
these troops he appeared as we have seen in Virginia and was
in Richmond at the time Cornwallis reached Petersburg.
The British had a formidable army comprising, inclusive
of the garrison at Portsmouth, 7,000 trained troops. To this
body LaFayette could only oppose the 900 men of the Light
Infantry and about 2,100 men of the militia, that being the
whole number that Governor Jefferson could fully arm until
the arrival of 1,100 stand of arms belonging to the state, from
Rhode Island. Very few days elapsed between the arrival
of Lord Cornwallis in Petersburg and the commencement of
his offensive operations. He crossed James River at Westover,
employing nearly three days in the transportation.
York; one of these joined Cornwallis and the other two were
ordered to Portsmouth, of which the defense was entrusted
to General Leslie. Arnold returned to New York, whence he
not long after led an expedition to devastate his native state
of Rhode Island. The object with Lord Cornwallis was to
bring LaFayette to an action and as LaFayette, with his much
inferior force, did not care for this, there occurred in Virginia
between LaFayette and Cornwallis a race similar to that which
occurred between Greene and Cornwallis in South and North
Carolina.
When Cornwallis crossed the James, LaFayette retired
from his position below Richmond across the Chickahominy
and advanced towards Fredericksburg to form a junction with
General Wayne, who had received orders from Congress many
weeks back to reenforce the Southern Army with his Pennsylvania
contingent, and now by order of General Greene was
placed under LaFayette in Virginia.
Twenty miles east of LaFayette, marched the British. On
the 27th they encamped near White Oak Swamp, and on the
28th they were at Bottom's Bridge on the Chickahominy. On
the 29th they reached New Castle on the Pamunky, and on the
30th they arrived at Hanover Court House. At Page's, the
present Hanover Town, and Aylett's Warehouse, a large
quantity of tobacco was destroyed. Cornwallis then pushed
on to the North Anna, encamped in the vicinity of Hanover
Junction on the 1st of June, and threw Tarleton and Simcoe
with their cavalry forward to ascertain LaFayette's position.
LaFayette had retreated rapidly and could not be overtaken.
On the 27th he encamped at Winston's Bridge on the
Chickahominy, twenty miles west of Bottom's Bridge, and
eight miles north of Richmond. From Winston's Bridge he
turned on the 28th to the left and marched to Dandridge's,
where Gold Mine Creek runs into the South Anna. On June
2, he was at Mattapony church in Spottsylvania County, and
on the 3rd he reached Corbin's Bridge on the Po in that county,
from the Shenandoah Valley into Maryland as soon as possible
as Cornwallis might attempt their rescue. Not long
before these prisoners had been removed from Charlottesville
to Winchester.
On the 4th, continuing his march through Spottsylvania,
LaFayette crossed the Rapidan at the well-known Ely's Ford,
twenty miles from Fredericksburg, and here Wayne was heard
from, marching down from the North to the Potomac. The
union was effected on the 10th of June, about twelve miles
south of Raccoon Ford, on the Rapidan.
Wayne's forces, organized since its mutiny in January,
consisted of three regiments, in all 1,000 men, commanded by
the brave and experienced Colonels Richard Butler, Walter
Stewart and Richard Humpton. Nine officers and 90 men,
with 6 field pieces from Proctor's Fourth Continental Artillery
completed the detachment. Like the troops of LaFayette, they
came to Virginia very unwillingly. Certain leaders among
them went so far as to manifest the old dangerous spirit of
insubordination, which called for and received prompt and
effective treatment. A drumhead court martial was held in
camp and seven of their number tried and executed.
On the retreat, LaFayette received a most important addition
to his number through Lieut.-Col. John Fenton Mercer,
who had served with distinction in the Northern Army, and
brought with him a troop of dragoons mounted and equipped
at their own expense, who served the valuable purpose of
observation. The need of such a body was strikingly manifested
after their arrival. Just before they came, LaFayette
was overtaken on the north side of Pamunkey River by a detachment
of the British light troops under Tarleton. He supposed
that the main body of the pursuing army was upon him,
and, with presentiments necessarily of a gloomy nature, he
drew up his little army in order of battle. The arrival of
Colonel Mercer soon enabled him to discover the true state of
additional vigor and celerity.[26]
When Cornwallis reached the North Anna in the County of
Hanover, seeing that his pursuit was unavailing, he suddenly
altered his plan of operations. As he could not force a battle
he determined to do all the damage he could, and in the execution
of this design he sent out two considerable detachments
from his army. One of these amounted to 500 men, part of
the Queen's Rangers, Infantry and Cavalry, and part of
Yagers, placed under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe,
an officer of great activity and singular fitness for
strategem or surprise. The other detachment was placed
under the dashing Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton, and consisted
of 180 cavalry of the Legion, and 70 mounted infantry of the
Third Regiment, headed by Captain Champagne.
The former of these commands was sent to the Point of
Fork, where the Fluvanna enters the James. At this place a
state arsenal had been established and military stores collected
for the aid of the Southern army in the Carolinas.
Baron Steuben had the protection of this important post, with
about 600 new levies, originally intended for the Southern
army. To this rendezvous the militia under General Lawson,
amounting to the same number almost, had been directed to
march.
Tarleton, on the other hand, received orders to surprise,
take or disperse the members of the General Assembly, then
convening at Charlottesville, and to seize on the person of
Governor Jefferson, who resided in the neighborhood. After
destroying all military stores and other resources likely to
enable the Americans to pursue the existing struggle, he was
to join Simcoe and assist his intended operations.
This double movement left Steuben's situation unusually
perilous. The want of cavalry rendered it a matter of extreme
difficulty to the Baron to obtain the correct information respecting
rapid advance, and imagining himself the immediate object of
it, he lost no time in transporting his stores to the south side
of the Fluvanna, and followed them with the whole division
under his command.
Simcoe's main object was thus frustrated, but by advantageously
displaying his force on the heights opposite to
Steuben, and by making numerous fires, he induced the Baron
to believe that the whole British army was upon him. Retreating,
therefore, precipitately during the night, the Baron never
stopped until he had gone thirty miles from the Point of Fork,
abandoning to the British such stores as could not be removed.
The advance of Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton on Charlottesville
was no less rapid than the movements of Simcoe. He took
the road to Louisa Court House on June 3rd and by 11 o'clock
at night he reached its neighborhood, where he stopped only
three hours. Resuming his march at 2 in the morning and
moving onward with his usual celerity, he soon captured twelve
wagons laden with clothing for the Southern army, which he
immediately burnt. Further on near Charlottesville, he
captured a number of gentlemen who had taken refuge in the
county from the lower country. The capture of these gentlemen
and the time required in parolling a part and placing the
rest under an escort entailed a delay, which, with another circumstance,
rendered his incursion of inconsiderable effect.
That circumstance was this: A private gentleman, John
Jouett, happened to be at the Cuckoo Tavern in Louisa when
the detachment under Tarleton passed along the main road.
Acquainted with every path and by-road, in that part of the
country, and mounted on a very fleet horse, Jouett hastened to
Charlottesville by a disused and shorter route, and made
known the approach of the British several hours before they
actually arrived. The speaker of the Assembly, Benjamin
Harrison, was dining with Mr. Jefferson at the time, and
warned by Jouett of the impending danger, he hastened to
Charlottesville and called the Assembly together, who
County of Augusta, on the 7th of June. Most of the members,
hastening away, eluded Tarleton's grasp, but a few fell into
his hands, as well as some officers and soldiers, whom a laudable
desire to remove or otherwise secure the public stores
made unmindful of their personal safety.
Elated with his prospects, Tarleton, before reaching Charlottesville,
had detached McLeod to Monticello, the well-known
seat of Mr. Jefferson. Mr. Jefferson no longer was to be considered
as the governor of the State, since his constitutional
term of office had expired on June 1. He managed to move
his family in time, and McLeod after remaining about eighteen
hours, retired and rejoined Tarleton. Tarleton had given
strict orders that nothing at Monticello should be injured and
McLeod seems to have carried them out to the letter.[27]
It is too bad that this honorable regard for private property
was not persisted in by the British. Everywhere else
great excesses were committed and by an estimate made at
this time the State of Virginia lost through devastation of the
British during the six months previous to their surrender at
Yorktown property amounting in value to £3,000,000 sterling.
30,000 slaves were also lost during the British invasion, of
whom 27,000 are said to have died of smallpox and camp
fever. And yet these losses were nothing compared to the
depredations suffered by Virginia at a later time at the hands
of the troops of the United States in the war for Southern
independence.
Tarleton, rejoined by McLeod, recrossed the Rivanna and
proceeded towards the Point of Fork in compliance with his
instructions to rejoin Cornwallis and Simcoe. "Elk Hill,"
where his lordship was encamped, was one of the estates of Mr.
Jefferson, and during the four days of his stay he carried away
practically all the stock, growing crops of corn and tobacco,
and burned the fences and all the barns so as to leave it an
absolute waste.
On the other hand, the Marquis de LaFayette, having effected
his junction with General Wayne, lost no time in advancing
towards James River so as to throw himself between Lord
Cornwallis and Albermarle Old Court House, where great
quantities of supplies were stored. Reaching Mechunk Creek,
thirteen miles east of Charlottesville, he entrenched himself
in an impregnable position behind it, commanding the direct
route from the British camp to the Old Court House.
Here LaFayette was reenforced by 600 mountain riflemen
from Augusta and adjacent counties, under the command of
General William Campbell, of King's Mountain fame.
Interest centered now on the enemy's next move. The increasing
numbers of LaFayette's army appears to have impressed
Cornwallis with the danger of making any further
detachments, and it remained to be seen whether Cornwallis
would advance upon and engage LaFayette, or whether he
would turn back towards the coast.
All doubt upon these points was solved on the 15th when
Cornwallis broke camp at "Elk Hill," and faced eastward towards
Richmond. Here finally was a retrograde march by the
enemy, a favorable turn apparently for affairs in Virginia.
The American troops and people alike regarded it with relief
and satisfaction, and naturally construed the movement into
an admission on the part of Cornwallis that he had been disappointed
in failing to destroy all the magazines or finding a
loyal element in Virginia ready to support the king's authority
when established. The growing proportion of LaFayette's
forces was also supposed to have moderated his inclinations,
but, of course, Cornwallis had not suffered any defeat and he
still retained a decided superiority over his opponent in numbers
and equipment. Doubtless he supposed he had done all
the damage that was prudent at this time, and that it was the
part of wisdom now to retire to some station convenient on the
coast, where he might arrange further plans with the commander-in-chief,
Sir Henry Clinton, in New York. As he
detachments covered the flanks and rear of the army.
LaFayette followed, hanging upon Cornwallis' rear, but at
a safe distance, for his forces were still weak in quality compared
to the British regulars, and he could do little more than
watch and skirmish. His strength increased hourly, however,
as fresh accessions of riflemen swelled his numbers.
On the 16th of June, Lord Cornwallis entered Richmond
where his troops were allowed a few days repose. At this time
LaFayette was encamped on Allen's Creek, in Goochland
County, at a distance of only twenty-two miles from the main
hostile army. On the 17th, his camp was once more at Dandridge's
on the South Anna, in Hanover County, northwest of
Richmond, with detachments and patrols well thrown out towards
the enemy. One of these parties, 400 strong, under
Muhlenberg, tempted Tarleton who was posted at Meadow
Bridge on the Chickahominy, and on the 18th he made a forced
march to surprise them. Hearing of this, LaFayette dispatched
Wayne with the Pennsylvania troops and light infantry
to intercept him, but Tarleton missed Muhlenberg, who
retreated in time, and Wayne missed Tarleton, who had also
turned back.
On the 19th General Steuben with about 450 Virginia eighteen
months men joined LaFayette, increasing the American
force to 2,000 continental and 3,200 militia and riflemen. In
point of numbers, however, and efficiency, LaFayette was still
inferior to the British.
After a short halt in Richmond, on the 20th of June, Cornwallis
resumed his retrograde march moving directly towards
Williamsburg, his action having the appearance of neither
haste nor fear. LaFayette, who changed his camp every day,
continued to follow, his advance entering the town twenty
hours after the enemy had left.
It had now been a month since the arrival of Lord Cornwallis
in Petersburg. The immediate and obvious result was
things during the invasions of Leslie, Arnold and Phillips.
It was Mr. Jefferson's fortune to fill the executive office in
Virginia during the most perilous and disastrous period of the
Revolutionary War. In Continental affairs, north and south,
things appeared to be at the last ebb. There was a small northern
army under Washington and a small southern army under
Greene, and while the former was largely dependent upon supplies
from Virginia, the latter was dependent on her not only
for supplies but for recruits. The result was that practically
everything was sent out of the state men, cannon, powder,
bayonets and all other military equipment. This was done at
Washington's request and with his approval. Men drafted
for the regular regiments and considerable detachments of
militia were sent to the south, while hundreds of wagons conveying
provisions went the same way. While such exertions
were made to assist other states and to defend our eastern
borders, Virginia had also to oppose a powerful enemy on her
western frontier. The English and Indians by threats of attack
paralyzed the energies of the western counties.
Thus the state exhausted by her efforts to assist her sister
states, almost stripped of arms, without money, harassed on
on all sides with formidable invasions, became dissatisfied and
discouraged. It is natural that some people not informed
of the facts should hold Mr. Jefferson accountable. He
could not be blind to this, and at an early date expressed his
determination to decline a re-election when his second year
was out.
When Cornwallis invaded the state and forced the Legislature
to flee from Richmond to Charlottesville, and from Charlottesville
to Staunton, this discontent, and anxiety, it may be
said, to find a victim, took shape in a resolution of the House of
Delegates, offered by George Nicholas and adopted on June
12, 1781, that "an inquiry be made into the conduct of the
Executive of this State for the last twelve months." Some
dropped, in face of the violent opposition which developed.
Mr. Jefferson would not offer for re-election and demanded
an inquiry, so in November of the next session, the House appointed
a committee consisting of John Banister, John Tyler,
George Nicholas, Turner Southall and Haynes Morgan, to
report to the House any charge against Mr. Jefferson, if any
could be found, and although Mr. George Nicholas, as has been
seen, was a member, the committee unanimously reported that
the rumors in question were "groundless," and thereupon on
December 19, 1781, the sincere thanks of the Senate and House,
constituting the General Assembly, were voted Mr. Jefferson
for his "impartial, upright and attentive administration of
the powers of the executive while in office."
John Tyler, a member of the committee, was made speaker
December 1, 1781, and when the committee reported, he voiced
the thanks of the Assembly to Mr. Jefferson, from the speaker's
chair, in a "warm and affectionate manner."[28]
As to Mr. Nicholas, he not only failed to press any charges,
but afterwards made a full retraction, and became one of the
stanchest and most efficient of Mr. Jefferson's band of devoted
personal and political friends.
In after years, the enemies of Mr. Jefferson were very fond
of recalling his resignation at this time as evidence of his
inefficiency or incapacity, making many ugly additions to the
story; but history affords many instances of popular clamor
demanding a victim in similar circumstances. Probably one
of the severest misfortunes which befell the South in the war
for Southern Independence was the removal of Gen. Joseph E.
Johnston from command of the army opposed to Sherman.
This was done reluctantly by President Davis to satisfy a
senseless public clamor which threatened serious consequences.
During 1780, the depression was so great in continental
affairs that there were many criticisms of Washington, and
some looked around for a successor.
The matter of Mr. Jefferson's resignation would not be
considered further except for a criticism of Dr. H. J. Eckenrode,
in his Virginia in the Revolution. This criticism, unlike
those of so many who have given no real study to the matter, is
worthy of special notice, because Dr. Eckenrode is a scholar
and thinker, who clothes himself with an air of fairness that
gives weight to his language. Thus he admits that Mr. Jefferson
had an exceptionally difficult position to fill and rejects
with contempt the malicious charge brought by Goldwin Smith
of a lack of bravery on the part of Jefferson. He recognizes
the geographical weakness of the state, which enabled an
enemy having a superior naval force to strike almost anywhere
by means of the great rivers and navigable creeks which
penetrated the country. He recognizes the difficulty of having
to contend with a currency which about this time had dreadfully
depreciated, and he even says that "few more conscientious
and industrious executives than Jefferson ever lived."
Nevertheless he proceeds to charge, what is not exactly in
harmony with these admissions, that "Jefferson did not do all
that an able and tactful man might have done to prepare for
invasion." His grounds for this decision appear to be as follows:
1. Mr. Jefferson should have pleaded with the Legislature
for a "stronger policy" and caused them to remedy the
confusion which reigned in all the departments, but Dr. Eckenrode
gives himself the answer to this complaint. "Perhaps
the evils were too great to be remedied," and he further says
that "it would have been a great, perhaps an impossible task
to provide an adequate defense for the state." Now why
should Jefferson have attempted to do something which Dr.
Eckenrode regards as "perhaps impossible?" The lack of
system prevailed in all the other states and in continental matters
as much as it did in Virginia. It was unfair to put on
for which he was in nowise responsible.
2. The next objection of Dr. Eckenrode seems to consist
in Jefferson's not providing "a small well-trained force" for
the defense of the state in preference to the militia. Calling
out the militia for short terms was not only a very expensive
mode of providing defense, but a very precarious and unsatisfactory
one. That was true, but the answer to this is evident.
The treasury being raided by all sorts of demands, was always
in a depleted condition, and no adequate force could have been
kept up, without the willingness of the legislature to provide
the means. The accessibility of the state to invasion would
have required a very large force to have been of any protection
whatever against such sudden attacks as were made by
the British. The only real defense would have been a superior
naval force which would have prevented the ubiquity of attack
that the rivers and creeks of the Commonwealth rendered
possible. This geographical weakness of the state to provide
against sudden inroads was as much admitted[29]
by Gen.
Thomas Nelson when governor as by Jefferson. If Jefferson
abdicated his duty as an executive, as Dr. Eckenrode seems
to think, it is very evident that he had in mind the treasury,
which was the special duty of the legislature, not the governor,
to keep intact. Moreover, policy had to be considered. Hatred
of a standing army and faith in the militia amounted with the
people of Virginia to principles inherited from past experience
with governmental tyranny. They long prevailed in the politics
of the State.
3. As to the next objection of Dr. Eckenrode that Jefferson
"lacked the quality of assuming responsibility in a crisis"
and in fact was not autocratic enough, it may be answered
that Jefferson had taken an oath to support the constitution,
and this constitution associated with him in the administration
of affairs both the council and the legislature. Now I do not
suppose that Dr. Eckenrode would have wished Mr. Jefferson
how far he wanted Mr. Jefferson to go in ignoring these factors
in the government. Jefferson himself justified an assumption
of power when a mere form was considered, and
his administration shows that he did repeatedly assume authority
when such was the case. Indeed, it is rather amusing
to see him condemned by Dr. Eckenrode for not exceeding his
power as governor and by Federalistic writers, like Henry
Adams, for exceeding his powers as president.
4. Finally Dr. Eckenrode claims that in the great danger
threatening the state under invasion, Jefferson should have
stopped sending supplies and men to the Southern army and
saved them for the state of which he was governor. But
the answer to this is that in acting as he did he obeyed the
wishes of the commander-in-chief, General Washington. Governor
Jefferson understood perfectly the danger to which his
own state was exposed, but what was he to do when the Commander-in-chief
of the army made imperative his duty of
providing for Greene's battalions?
In a letter to Governor Jefferson, dated February 6, 1781,
Washington wrote:
"But as the evils you have to apprehend from these
predatory incursions are not to be compared to the
injury of the common cause, and with the danger to
your State in particular, from the conquest of the
States to the southward of you, I am persuaded the
attention to your immediate safety will not divert you
from the measures intended to reinforce the Southern
army, and put it in a condition to stop the progress
of the enemy in that quarter. The late accession
to force makes them very formidable in Carolina, too
powerful to be resisted without powerful succors
from Virginia; and it is certainly her policy, as well
as the interest of America, to keep the weight of the
war at a distance from her. There is no doubt that
a diversion in favor of Cornwallis, and to remove
this motive, by disappointing the intention, will be
one of the surest ways of removing the enemy."
And in a letter to Baron Steuben, then in military command
in Virginia, dated February 20, 1781, Washington used
the following language:
"The effect of deranging the measures of the state
for succoring General Greene was to be expected.
It is however an event of the most serious nature;
and I am persuaded, if the enemy continue in the
State, as their force is not large, you will do everything
in your power to make the defence of the State
as little as possible interfere with an object of so
much the more importance, as the danger is so much
the greater. From the picture General Greene gives
of his situation, everything is to be apprehended if
he is not powerfully supported from Virginia."
These letters were written while Arnold was in Virginia with
his army entrenched at Portsmouth.
It is to be observed that General Washington based his
habitual advice to the Virginia Executive on two grounds.
One was that "the common cause" demanded every sacrifice
ahead of any special interests, and the second was that
after all the immediate safety and policy of Virginia required
her to spend her last effort "to keep the weight of the war at a
distance from her."
The comparative feebleness of the states to the south of
Virginia doubtless gave rise to Washington's belief that without
aid from somewhere they could be made subject permanently
to the British, but the actual subjugation of Virginia,
so strong and united, was a consequence only remotely to be
considered. Mere incursions, or invasions by the British,
securing what they had taken possession of, never could result
in a conquest of the "Old Dominion."[30]
At the session at Staunton, General Thomas Nelson, Jr.,
was elected governor of the State. He had all along under
Henry and Jefferson practically the control of the militia,
and his elevation to the governorship did not make much
material change in his authority. Obedient, however, to the
voices of complaint he exercised without stint the power
vested not in him alone, but in him and his council, of impressing
provisions and equipment for the French and American
armies, who soon arrived to besiege the British at Yorktown.
But though he appears to have been successful, it was often
regrettably at the price of the liberty of the citizen and the
encouragement of a host of pillagers in the shape of "many
continental officers, soldiers, commissaries, quartermasters,
and other persons," making a pretense of authority.[31]
Indeed,
despite his disinterested and patriotic purposes, it was probably
a fortunate thing that General Nelson's ill health compelled
his resignation only a few months after his election;
otherwise he might have been overwhelmed with the resentments
of the people.
How far others were affected by Nelson's disregard for
the law was shown by the actions of General Wayne and his
Pennsylvania troops, who were almost as bad as the British
in plundering private property and taking to themselves supplies
intended for the Virginia militia. Nelson was compelled
piratical conduct.[32]
But to return to the American army which we left several
pages back following Cornwallis and his army down the Williamsburg
Peninsula, LaFayette's army at this date was
composed of about 4,500 men, divided as follows: the continental
soldiers, 1,550 men, consisting of the New England light
infantry under Muhlenberg and the Pennsylvania line under
Wayne; three Virginia brigades, commanded by General
Edward Stevens, 650 men, Gen. Thomas Lawson, 750 men,
Gen. William Campbell, 780 men; and a Virginia continental
regiment of 18 months men commanded at the time by
Col. Christian Febiger, but generally by Lieutenant-Colonel
Thomas Gaskins, 425 men. The artillery detachment from the
Second and Fourth Continental Regiment was 200 strong, with
8 or 10 guns. The regular cavalry was represented by only
about 120 horsemen, including volunteer dragoons.
The retirement of Cornwallis was marked by a skirmish
which occurred at Spencer's Ordinary, near Williamsburg, on
the 26th of June. On the day before, Simcoe's rangers had
been collecting cattle and burning stores in the country and
LaFayette dispatched some 50 of the light infantry on horseback
behind as many dragoons to cut him off from Williamsburg,
where Cornwallis had arrived on June 25th. A brief
hand to hand cavalry skirmish ensued, in which the loss on
each side was about 30.
During the 10 days of his stay in Williamsburg Cornwallis
did not appear improved in his conduct. If we may believe St.
George Tucker, a lieutenant-colonel of militia and a resident of
the city, "pestilence and famine took root and poverty brought
up the rear. The British plundered the houses and scattered
smallpox everywhere they went." Lord Cornwallis turned
Mr. Madison, the president of the College and his family out of
their house, and forbade them to get water from their own
his lordship departed.[33]
To add to the catalogue of mortifications, the British constrained
all the inhabitants of the town to take paroles which,
because it made the takers subject to the penalties of treason,
had been found by experience to have a weakening effect upon
the allegiance of the citizens. Jefferson during his term of
office as governor had found it necessary to meet this policy
of the British by a proclamation that such paroles had no
binding effect upon the people and would not be respected
by him.
July 4, 1781, Cornwallis left Williamsburg and proceeded
to Portsmouth by way of Jamestown. On the way to the latter
place, he was attacked by the Americans under LaFayette at
the "Church on the Main," near Green Spring but the assailants
were driven back with considerable loss. Afterwards,
Cornwallis, under orders from Sir Henry Clinton at New
York, transported his troops from Portsmouth by water to
Yorktown and threw up intrenchments. Here he fell a victim
to the strategy of General Washington and the combined power
of America and France. LaFayette, who commanded the
American troops in Virginia, watched him at a safe distance,
and on September 6, his army, reinforced by 3,000 men, under
General St. Simon from the French fleet under Count de
Grasse, lay in small detachments encamped on the road from
Green Spring to the "half-way house," six miles from Yorktown.
General Washington's army was at the head of the
Chesapeake Bay, preparing to move by water, and the commander-in-chief
and General Rochambeau were on the way by
land, in advance of their troops.
September 15, Colonel St. George Tucker wrote as follows:
"I wrote you yesterday that General Washington had
not yet arrived. About four o'clock in the afternoon
his approach was announced. He had passed our
before we had time to parade the militia. The French
line had just time to form. The Continentals had
more leisure. He approached without any pomp or
parade, attended only by a few horsemen and his
own servants. The Count de Rochambeau and General
Hand, with one or two more officers were with
him. I met him as I was endeavoring to get to camp
from town, in order to parade the brigade; but he had
already passed it. To my great surprise, he recognized
my features and spoke to me immediately by
name. General Nelson, the Marquis, etc., rode up immediately
after. Never was more joy painted in any
countenance than theirs. The Marquis rode up with
precipitation, clasped the General in his arms, and
embraced him with an ardor not easily described. The
whole army and all the town were presently in motion.
The General, at the request of the Marquis de
St. Simon, rode through the French lines. The troops
were paraded for the purpose, and cut a most splendid
figure. He then visited the Continental line. As
he entered the camp the cannon from the Park of
Artillery and from every brigade announced the
happy event. His train by this time was much increased;
and men, women and children seemed to
vie with each other in demonstrations of joy and
eagerness to see their beloved countryman. His
quarters are at Mr. Wythe's (George Wythe's)
house. Aunt Betty has the honor of the Count de
Rochambeau to lodge at her house. We are all alive
and so sanguine in our hopes that nothing can be conceived
more different than the countenances of the
same men at this time and on the first of June. The
troops which were to attend the General are coming
down the bay—a part, if not all, being already embarked
at the Head of Elk. Cornwallis may now
interposition of his guardian angels seems
capable of saving him and the whole army from captivity."
September 22, the army of General Washington arrived at
Jamestown and camped on the banks of the river. September
27 they marched through the city of Williamsburg, and Dr.
James Thacher, a surgeon, gave this account of his impressions
of the place:
"This is (was) the capital of Virginia, but in other
respects is of little importance. It is situated on a
level piece of land, at an equal distance between two
small rivers, one of which falls into York, the other
into James River. The city is one mile and a quarter
in length, and contains about two hundred and fifty
houses. The main street is more than one hundred feet
in width, and exactly one mile[34]
in length, at one of
the extremities, and fronting the street, is the Capitol,
or State House, a handsome edifice, and at the
other end is the college, capable of accommodating
three hundred students, but the tumult of war has
broken up the institution. The college is about one
hundred and thirty feet in length and forty in
breadth, with two handsome wings fifty by thirty.[35]
Their library is said to consist of about three thousand
volumes. Near the centre of the city is a large
church, and not far from it the palace, the usual residence
of the Governor, which is a splendid building.
The water in this vicinity is extremely brackish and
disagreeable. This part of the State of Virginia is
celebrated for the excellent tobacco which it produces,[36]
though the culture of cotton receives some attention."
After camping for the night three-quarters of a mile east
of Williamsburg, (near Fort Magruder), the combined armies
took up their march, Sept. 28th to Yorktown, and about noon
the heads of the columns reached their respective stations.
The French corps consisting of about 7000 men, extending
from the banks of the river on the west of Yorktown to Beaverdam
Creek, began the investment. The next day the American
army completed the investment by occupying the space
between the east side of Beaverdam Creek and the banks of the
river below the town. On the west side of the river opposite to
Yorktown 3000 men were stationed under the command of
General de Choisy.
Gen. Nelson was present at the siege with 3500 Virginia
militia.
On October 19, occurred the surrender of the British,
which practically terminated hostilities in America. Succeeding
this the larger part of the American troops were returned
to New York, and the remainder sent to reinforce General
Greene in the South. These included the Pennsylvania troops
under Wayne who disgraced themselves by another mutiny
after reaching South Carolina. Most of the French marched
to Williamsburg, where they encamped at the Rock Spring,
north of the city, the headquarters of the Count de Rochambeau
being in the city at the Wythe house, previously the headquarters
of General Washington. A large French garrison
remained at Yorktown to protect the stores there, and when the
French army departed in the summer of 1782 their place was
taken by Virginia militia.
Governor Nelson, who had been in bad health a long time,
resigned his office on November 29, 1781, and was succeeded
by Benjamin Harrison, of Berkeley, in Charles City County;
against Nelson's enforcement of the act allowing impressments
made itself heard. On November 23rd, the inhabitants
of the County of Frederick presented a petition to the House
complaining of the oppressiveness of the present mode of
impress and praying for the repeal of the act.
This was followed on December 10th, after the resignation
of Nelson, by a petition and remonstrance from the people of
Prince William County "against the action of the late governor
in assuming a dispensing power over the laws, disregarding
their necessary and proper restraints and authorizing impresses,
without the authority of the Council." The revulsion
was so great that while the legislature passed an act
indemnifying Nelson, they repealed the laws on impress and
embargo, and refused to re-enact the law permitting the governor
to send the militia out of the State.
The disgust felt in Virginia with Congress was profound.
Had not Virginia fed the French and Northern armies in Virginia
they would have starved, and the same thing was true of
Greene's army. Writing to General Greene, January 21, 1782,
Governor Harrison said: "It has been a matter of wonder
and indignant surprise to me that Congress and its ministers
have not taken the same measures for supplying your army
that they have taken in every State to the northward, that is
by contract. With us they depend on the State for everything,
though they know it can only be obtained by force; they even
refuse to give us credit for what they have obtained but insist
on our full quota being paid into the treasury. It is this kind
of partial conduct which is the cause of your distresses, and
they will in the end, if not amended, be attended with ruin
to both you and us." In another letter of the same date addressed
to the President of Congress, Harrison wrote: "I
hope the Honorable Congress will excuse me for requesting
their attention to their officers and men now in this State, not
one of which has ever received for the support of himself or
his Department but what has come from this State."[37]
Hostilities with the Indians continued in the West. Bryan's
Station in Kentucky was attacked and several men were killed
and much stock destroyed. One hundred and eighty-two men
of Lincoln and Fayette Counties, commanded by Colonel John
Todd and Lt. Col. Stephen Trigg, followed them and a battle
ensued August 19, 1782, at the Blue Licks with the Shawanese,
supposed to number 600. The whites were completely defeated
with a loss of seventy-five men, including their two gallant
leaders, and many other officers of approved valor and experience.
This ill success spread dismay throughout all the frontiers,
but confidence was restored when a week later Col.
Benjamin Logan, with 500 men from Lincoln County, marched
to the battle ground and found the enemy departed.
In the East Harrison's hopes of speedily filling Virginia's
quota in the Continental army suffered a great disappointment.
Despite dissatisfaction with Congress, the exhaustion
resulting from the war and the feeling of confidence after the
surrender at Yorktown that the war had practically ceased,
the Virginia legislature proceeded by legislative act to fill its
continental quota of troops with 3,000 men, who were to be
induced to enlist for two years or the war by the usual bounty
of $750 and 300 acres of land, the highest offered in any of
the States. Governor Harrison wrote cheerfully to Greene
that he had every reason to believe that the movement for
enlistments would prove a success. But some of the old Continental
veterans, whose terms had expired, appeared about
this time in the State in such a ragged condition that they resembled
more scarecrows than men. Their appearance was
a melancholy criticism on Congress which had the care of
them in the field. Harrison wrote that the clothes of 24 veterans
were so tattered that they could have been put in one
small bag. Men shrunk from volunteering with such wrecks of
war before them, but fortunately soon after, in December, 1782,
came the news of the signing of the provisional articles of a
treaty of peace at Paris November 30, 1782, and on April 23,
1783, the Continental Army was furloughed and allowed to
go home.
On September 3, 1783, the definitive treaty of peace was
formally signed.
Before this time Governor Harrison on April 23, 1783, in
pursuance of a declaration of the Continental Congress, issued
a proclamation for the cessation of hostilities within the State.
He communicated his proclamation to the mayors of the different
towns, and on May 1, 1783, American Independence was
duly celebrated in the City of Williamsburg, where it had its
birth with the adoption of Patrick Henry's resolutions against
the Stamp Act, May 30, 1765:
Governor Benjamin Harrison to the Mayor of Williamsburg
It gives me pleasure to have it in my power to congratulate
you on the important event of a general peace and
American independence as announced in the inclosed proclamation
of Congress, & I have to request that you will cause
the said proclamation, together with the one issued by me
for the strict observance of it, publicly read in your city.
I am, sir,
(On the inside of this letter is written in another hand the
"Order of the Procession on the Great Day," as below.)
Order of the Procession on the Great Day, Thursday,
May 1st.
1st Two attendants, in front, supporting two staffs, decorated
with Ribbons, &c, &c.
2d The Herald mounted on a Gelding neatly Caparisoned.
3d Two Attendants, as at first.
4th Sergeant bearing the mace.
5th Mayor, Recorder, with Charter.
6th Clerk, Behind, carry the Plan of the City.
7th Aldermen, two and two.
8th Common Council, in the same order.
9th The Citizens in the same order.
The Citizens to be convened on Thursday at 1 o'clock at
the Court House by a Bell man.
After the convention of the citizens they are to make proclamation
at the C. House, after which the Bells at the Church,
College & Capitol are to ring in peal.
From the Ct House the Citizens are to proceed to the College,
and make proclamation at that place, from whence they
are to proceed to the Capitol and make proclamation there;
and from thence Proceed to the Raleigh & pass the rest of
the Day.
George Rogers Clark Papers, By James Alton James, Illinois Historical Collections,
October, 1912.
Dr. Eckenrode entitled his chapter detailing the incidents of Cornwallis'
invasion "The Fall of Jefferson." About a year after his declination, Jefferson
was elected by the Legislature to Congress; from Congress he was sent as ambassador
to France; from which place he returned to become leader of the Democratic
Party, not in Virginia alone but in the United States, and with a promise of honors
still to come that few men have attained. If Jefferson "fell," the law of
gravitation must have some way gotten turned upside down, for he fell upwards
instead of downwards.
Nelson's Letter Book, Letter to LaFayette, August 3, 1781. (Published in
Tyler's Historical and Genealogical Quarterly, IV, p. 416.)
The front of the college was 136 feet by 40 feet, and the wings (chapel and
hall) were 60 by 25 feet, outside measurement.
| CHAPTER III History of Virginia | |