University of Virginia Library


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8. CHAPTER VIII.
THE MOB.

“TEARS, my dearest sister!” cried Fleming, regarding her
pale face with surprise and concern, the roseate reflection
from the sun-set sky falling upon it, scarcely overcoming its
deathly hue.

“It is nothing, Fleming!” she said, striving to look cheerful.

“I have thought it best to tell Fleming all,” said Landreth.

“For God's sake, let me hear all!” he cried with emotion.

Landreth then proceeded to relate what had passed. Fleming listened
with a dark frown upon his brow, and firmly compressed lips.
He did not utter a word, until Landreth had ended. He then remained
silent a moment, crossed the room, and affectionately kissed his
sister, and then grasped George Landreth's hand.

“Thanks, George, thanks! a brother's gratitude for what you have
done. But you have your own reward. Good evening. I shall not
return till late—perhaps not till morning. Remain here and leave
her not.” With these words he rushed from the room.

George laid his hand upon his arm as he was going out of the court
door.

“Fleming, where do you go?”

“To seek the villain Cleverling. I saw him not ten minutes before
I came home, getting out of a carriage at Mr. Oliver's. Little
did I guess for what purpose he had called it into his service. I hastened
home, not suspecting that he had been here, when I saw him in
the carriage, yet anxious to learn if he had, and also to tell Mary I
should be out to-night; for there is intense excitement in the town
about the arrival of the stamped paper.”

“You must not seek Cleverling, Fleming. You promised me that
you would leave him in my hands.”

“A brother alone should punish him.”

“Leave him with me. You have higher duties to call you to action.


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If the towns-people are excited, your influence and presence
will go far to prevent any outbreak.”

“What will you do. You must not call him out, George! He
is a villain, and your life is to valuable to be pitted against his.”

“I do not intend to call him out openly, because I do not wish
the affair made public, for Mary's sake. He, of course, will keep
silent.”

“I thank you for this consideration for her. But he must not go
unpunished.”

“He shall not. When next we meet, I shall be able to assure
you, I trust, that he has been dealt with as he merits.”

“What do you mean to do?”

“I have a plan in which Saul is to be my agent. To-morrow I
will let you know the result.”

“I trust to you wholly, George. Stay now and protect my sister.
You will not be needed at the governor's. I have been there and
seen Lucy. She tells me her father, though intimidated, is in great
glee at the arrival of the stamped paper, and intends to-morrow to
appoint his officers. One of them is certainly to be Mr. Oliver, who
is now with him. He resolves, I am sorry to say, to carry the law
into effect, notwithstanding the hostile demonstrations of the people
against it. He appears to me infatuated. He is, however, encouraged
by the officers who came in the ship, and by private letters from
Bute, Chatham, and Grenville, which Lucy heard him read aloud,
telling him to be firm in enforcing the law, and assuring him of being
sustained by the authorities at home. So his madness is sealed, and
I fear, his own fate.”

“I have, in my capacity as his private secretary, tried to show him
the impossibility of carrying the law into effect. But he would not
listen, or listening, only speak with contempt of any successful resistance
of the people, declaring that the first man who made resistance,
should be arrested as a traitor, and sent to England for trial.”

“For his lovely daughter's sake, I pity him!” said Fleming.

“She challenges all our sympathy,” answered Landreth, with
feeling.

“She is keenly alive to her father's weaknesses, and I may say
wickednesses,” said Fleming, “while all her heart is with the colonies.
She ought not to suffer with him; yet she must, as a daughter,
feel all her father's misfortunes.'


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“Do you apprehend any evil will befall him from the violence of
the people?”

“I cannot tell. I shall do all in my power to prevent it. The
only course we have to pursue, is to send a remonstrance to the crown
against the act, and petition its repeal. This is the sentiment of the
judicious and reflecting. But the majority of the people are too impatient
for such slow measures. They reflect but little, and act impulsively.
They feel the wrong as present, and wish to right themselves
upon the instant. Instead of applying for redress to the fountain
of the wrong, the crown, and waiting the result, they are prepared
to visit with vengeance, the agents of the wickedness. When I left
the governor's a little while since, where I went to see Lucy, and advise
her not to be alarmed at the concourse of people, and also to try
and obtain an interview with the governor, and prevail upon him to
send word to the committee of safety, that he would not for the present
land the stamp paper.”

“Did you see him.”

“No. Lucy advised me not to then, as he would be sustained in
his despotic intentions by the presence of the officers of the crown. I
fear the most painful consequences will follow the landing of the paper.
I shall endeavor to see him this evening, through Lucy's agency.
But what course do you intend to take to avenge Mary's wrong?”

“I have seen Saul, and told him what Cleverling has been guilty
of. I stated the whole affair to him clearly, and his strong affection
for her made him comprehend the wrong, and at the same time
aroused his feelings. I then told him where he would probably find
Cleverling, and instructed him to get possession of his person in any
way he could, whether in the house or street, and bear him off under
cover of the darkness, to the ruined Mill on the shore, west of the
Beacon Hill.”

“This is a strange proceeding, George! What do you intend to
do with him at the Mill?”

“To make him fight me in single combat, and with his life atone
for the insult he has offered to Mary. There can be no objection to
this private proceeding.”

“But he may slay you, Landreth!”

“No. Our combat shall be with swords. We are both masters
of the weapon; but I have on my side something to fight for, while he


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with have nothing but his miserable life. Say not a word, Fleming,
you know I am as resolved as you are when I purpose.”

“I will say nothing. God above will prosper the right. But if he
is slain by you.”

“The cause of his death will remain an impenetrable mystery.
But I shall not try to kill him. He is vain of his person—of his fine
walk, and his elegance in dancing. I shall punish him enough by
aiming to humble his vanity.” I would not have his death on my
hands, though he richly merits death.”

“The punishment you design for him, will be severer even than
death, if you are the victor.”

“Believe me, I shall be.”

“Be careful of yourself, George, for your life is dear to one whom
we both love.”

The two friends then parted. Fleming hastened towards the
State-house, where he heard the confused sounds of voices like the
first mutterings of a storm; and the lover returning into the lowly
dwelling of the maiden to whom he had committed his heart's keeping.

When Fleming entered Cornhill, he saw a dense mass of people
about the State-house, a short distance up the street. He heard loud
shouts break upon the air, and torches were brandished, casting a
wild glare over the agitated mass. The twilight had not yet deepened
into darkness, the rosy hues of the west still lingering in the
sky. The presence of torches so early therefore, indicated some
startling purpose on the part of those who bore them. He hastened
forward at first with a rapid walk, which he increased at a run as he
distinguished the cries of “Down with Hutchinson! Down with
the Stamp-Officers!”

“What is the meaning of this, Thomas Crafts?” he cried, as he
came up, laying his hand upon a man who carried a torch in his
hand.

“Ah, Fleming, are you here? But you are too late. You had
best let us have our own way,” answered the man kindly but firmly.

“Too late for what?”

“You see we have got possession of the two cannon in front
there, and have driven the soldiers down King street to their barracks.
Not a red coat dares show his face.”

“Who instigated this?” demanded Fleming, in a tone of mingled
grief and anger.

“No man more than another. We are all leaders, unless you


Illustration

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[ILLUSTRATION]

The Mob.


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choose to take the head. You are too moderate, by half, for a lover
of his country.”

Fleming made no reply, but hastening forward, forced his way up
to the cannon, around which were gathered a score of men with
flaming torches. He sprung upon one of the guns and, taking off
his cap, waved his hand and called for attention. A hundred voices
shouted his name in tones of welcome, and silence prevailed throughout
the vast and lately excited mob.

“My friends, my brothers. What is this you do? Are you consistent
when you call the king and ministry tyrants, and yet yourselves
do deeds that would level you with them whom you detest.
Because they would make us slaves, shall we make ourselves rebels
and insurgents? Are we not the subjects of Great Britain? Are
we not loyal Englishmen at heart? If we are not, whose subjects
are we? To what nation do we belong? Have we, is any one of
you so bold as to say, thrown off all allegiance to law and order, and
made anarchy our king?”

“No, no!” cried numerous voices.

“We are the king's loyal people,” answered a man near him; “but
the king has forgotten his duty, and we would teach him that if we
are his subjects, we are also a free people.”

“Yet it is not freedom to make yourselves the servants of misrule,”
replied Fleming in the same bold tone in which he had before
spoken. “The king has done us a grievous wrong. We cannot
make him repair it by guilt. We should show him by our forbearance
and by dignified remonstrances, that we are a people worthy
of his confidence and love; not confirm him in his opinion that we
are unworthy to hold the liberties which we inherited from our
fathers. The stamp act has been passed. It has become a law of
the land. The stamped paper has this day arrived in a king's ship,
and with it, two stamp officers. Now what is it you would do, for
no one of you will consent to use the stamp paper.”

“No, no! no stamp—no duties!” cried the multitude as the voice
of one man.

“This unanimous declaration is enough. Let the echo of your
voices reach the shores of England. Let it penetrate the palace of
St. James. Let every lord in the land hear it. Let it enter the
halls of Parliament in the shape of petitions for repeal and firm and
respectful remonstrances against the oppressive law. My word for
it, England will listen to it. The throne will heed it. The law will
be annihilated by the very hands that framed it, and we shall once


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more be free. We have friends in England, warm, eloquent, influential
friends, who will become our advocates and plead our case. The
immortal Chatham is himself a host. His voice, already lifted in our
behalf, shall yet be listened to, and the law will be repealed. Trust
to this, my friends, and think not of taking the cause in your own
hands. I have heard your cry against the governor and against one
of our own townsmen, whom he is said to have named as a collector
of the stamp duty. These are not your game, and torches and stones
and shouts of opprobrium, not the weapons a free people should use.
Aim higher. Use nobler weapons. Let your eyes be fixed steadily
upon the throne itself, and the instruments you would use, petitions.”

“No petitions! No base praying to our oppressors. Manly resistance
with fire and sword, if need be,” cried Thomas Crafts, in a
stern tone.

“This course will only bring ruin upon us. The king's armed
ships will fill our port, his armies overrun our streets. England is
too proud and powerful to be insulted. The conqueror of India,
the victor in a thousand wars, will not let idly pass forcible resistance
to her laws, whether we think them just or unjust.”

“What would you have us do? Tamely submit!” asked Crafts,
with a frown, and looking about him with the dogged determination of
a man who feels that he is the voice-piece of the majority. “In five
days the law will be in force. We must use paper; we must have
deeds, wills, bonds, marriage certificates, shipping papers, aye, we
must have cards and dice, and what is to be done? If we write on
paper not stamped nothing will be legal. If one man buys a single
sheet of stamped paper it will be confessing the right of the king to
put the duty.”

“Wait until the first of November comes,” answered Fleming,
calmly. “We shall then best see what steps to take. The governor
may find it expedient to take the responsibility of suspending the
operation of the law until our petitions and remonstrances reach
England.”

“He will never do this. If Governor Bernard were here he might,
but not the lieutenant governor!” cried several voices.

“Let us do nothing till the trial is made, my friends and fellow-townsmen,”
said Fleming. “For one, I have no doubt but he will
yield to the popular will, and suspend the operations of the law. But
this will depend much on your moderation. You have done wrong
to surround his house with menacing cries. You have done wrong
in taking possession of the cannon. Such steps only serve to widen


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the difficulty. If you retire peaceably to your homes and wait the
issue, I am very sure that the governor will suspend the law.”

Thomas Crafts and a few of the leaders of the mob conversed
apart a moment, and the former then addressed Fleming.

“You speak, Master Fleming, of the governor's suspending the operation
of the law. If he will do it on the first, he will promise us
to do it now. Will you wait on him in the name of all here present,
and put the question to him flat? We will escort you to the house
and wait outside for the answer.”

Fleming hesitated how to reply. He saw the firm position the
people had taken; and he trembled for the result, if the governor
should refuse to make the promise. His situation he felt to be a
trying one. But trusting that he might prevail upon him to give
the promise, though he hoped against hope, he answered,

“I will wait on the governor, but I will go unattended. You will
either remain here, or what is better, retire to your several homes.
The governor will not be menaced to it; and if he finds you are quiet
he may make the promise.”

“We want no favors of him,” answered Crafts, loudly. “Menace
or no menace, he must give the pledge! We will wait here for you,
Master Fleming, until the old South clock strikes seven. It is half an
hour to it now.”

“I will do the best I can,” answered Fleming sadly, as he sprung
to the ground from the cannon; for he felt that he was going like one
sent on a forlorn hope.

The crowd made way for him to pass, and then most of them went
homeward to get their suppers ere he should return; while a few of
the most determined partisans seated themselves upon the gun-carriages
and about the steps of the State-house. Many, of whom one
was Thomas Crafts, a wealthy blacksmith, were armed with clubs.
Crafts himself exhibited in a belt, a pistol and broad sword, which,
however, he kept covered in the presence of Fleming by his overcoat.
This man possessed a certain influence among his fellows;
and, employing some forty workmen in his shop, he had them now
about him ready to obey his will.

Fleming walked on in the direction of the governor's house, deliberately,
with no little anxiety of mind, upon the object of his mission.
With a clear judgment and uncommon foresight, he saw with regret,
what must be the ultimate issue of violent measures to obtain redress.
He thought he foresaw the vengeance of the crown resulting in the


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ruin of the colonies, and the final extinction of those privileges which
they enjoyed above the subjects of the king at home; while he believed
that mild measures would bring about a repeal of the act. He
also was solicitous for the happiness and safety of Lucy Hutchinson,
in case the vengeance of the mob should be visited upon her father.
Every motive of love and of patriotism prompted him to endeavor to
conciliate both parties and recommend on one side clemency, on the
other forbearance.

As he was passing Milk street, he was surprised to see a party of
men issuing from the door of a house which he knew to be the residence
of William Lee. At first he supposed it to be some five or
six of his journeymen; but as they continued to march out four and
four, till full seventy men had passed into the street, he began to suspect
some covert purpose; and when, as he walked near them, he
saw that every man's face was blackened, and that each bore some
weapon, he was convinced that William Lee meditated some secret
expedition. The last man that came forth was William Lee himself,
and he was the only one not disguised.

“William,” said Fleming, grasping the stout stick he carried;
“where are you going with such a party?”

“Ah, Master Fleming, I would like to have gone without your seeing
me; but you shall know. I have certain knowledge that Hutchinson
has sent off for the stamped paper to be brought on shore secretly
to-night under cover of the darkness. He intends to have it
stored in Oliver's new house at the foot of King street. That house
you see, he has been building for a stamp office, but not a king's stamp
ever goes into it.”

“What do you intend to do?”

“I will tell you frankly, Fleming, for I am resolved, and you
needn't say a word to move me. Peace and forbearance will do well
enough to talk about, but it won't answer in practice. I intend to take
the bales of stamped paper into my own keeping. If they don't
reach Hutchinson he isn't obliged to put the law into force; for no
stamped paper, no stamp law. This, you see, is taking the viper by
the tail and snapping his head off. It is laying the axe at the root.
It will save the governor a deal of trouble, and make all quiet. So
don't say a word, for as much as I love you I shan't listen to you.
That stamped paper shall never see the inside of Oliver's stamp office.”

Fleming reflected a moment. He saw from Lee's determined


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manner, that he could not dissuade him from his purpose; and it occurred
to him, that if the paper could be arrested in its progress to
the stamp office and destroyed, it might for the time serve to mollify
the public excitement, although its ultimate consequences might fall
heavily upon the colony. “But,” he said mentally, “in this dilemma
there seems no alternative. If the king sends troops to punish us,
we must resist with arms in our hands, and, if need be, sever our allegiance
to the crown.”

“I have nothing to say, William,” he added aloud; “only take no
man's life.” With this injunction he left him, and Lee led his men
towards the harbor.