 | Tales of the puritans |  |
APPENDIX.
THE REGICIDES.
For the benefit of those who are not familiar with the
history of the Regicides, I have collected the following
authentic information. Some slight liberties have been
taken with the dates, but with this and one or two exceptions
more, the events will be found to be substantially
those which form the outline of the story.
“Of about one hundred and thirty judges, appointed
in the original commission by the commons' House of
Parliament, for the trial of king Charles I. only seventy-four
sat, and of these sixty seven were present at the
last session, and were unanimous in passing the definitive
sentence upon the king; and fifty-nine signed the
warrant for his execution, 1649. Of these fifty-nine,
about one third, or twenty-four, were dead at the restoration,
1660. Twenty-seven persons, judges and others,
were then taken, tried and condemned; some of whom
were pardoned, and nine of the judges, and five others,
as accomplices, were executed. Only sixteen judges
fled, and finally escaped; three of whom, Major General
Edward Whalley, Major General William
Goffe, and Colonel John Dixwell, fled and secreted
themselves in New-England, and died here.”
—Stiles'
History of the Judges. p. 7.
With regard to the antiquity of the Whalleys, the
Rev. Mark Noble gives some very voluminous details,
in his Memoirs of the family of Cromwell. The substance
of the matter however is, that General Whalley
was descended from an illustrious family of that
name, who figured in England in the reign of Henry the
Sixth, and that his father married the daughter of Henry
Cromwell the grandfather of Oliver, the Protector.
“Edward Whalley Esq. the judge, being a second
son, was brought up to merchandise. No sooner did the
contest between king Charles and his Parliament blaze
out, than he (though in the middle age of life) took up
arms in defence of the liberties of the subject; and this
in opposition to the sentiments of his nearest relations.
Probably his religious opinions determined him as much
or more than any other consideration. And though the
usage of arms must have been new to him, yet he early
distinguished himself in the parliament service, in many
sieges and battles.” p. 9.
“Cromwell confided so much in him, that he committed
the person of the king to his care. The loyalists
have charged him with severity to his royal prisoner;
but the monarch himself, in a letter he left behind him
when he made his escape, fully exculpates him from
that charge.”
“He was one of the commissioners appointed and authorized
by Parliament, as the High Court of Justice,
and sat in that august and awful tribunal, to which Majesty
was rendered amenable, and which had the intrepidity
and fortitude to pass judgment on the life of a
king; one of whose judges he thus was, and the warrant
for whose execution he signed.
“At the battle of Dunbar, Sept. 3, 1650, he with
Monk, commanded the foot, and greatly contributed to
the complete defeat of the Scotch army.—“Cromwell
left him in Scotland with the rank of Commissary General,
and gave him the command of four regiments of
horse, with which he performed many actions that gained
him great honor.”
He continued a steady friend to his cousin Oliver,
after he had raised himself to the sovereignty; and
was entrusted by him with the government of the counties
of Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Warwick, and Leicester,
by the name of Major General. He was one
of the representatives of Nottinghamshire, in the Parliament
held in 1654 and 1656. The Protector made
him Commissary General for Scotland, and called him
up to his other House.
“He was looked upon with jealousy by Parliament
after the resignation of Richard the Protector, especially
as he leaned so much to the interests of the army.
For this reason they took from him his commission.
This still endeared him the more to the army, who when
Monk's conduct began to be problematical, deputed
him one of their commissioners, to agree to terms of
peace and amity with that in Scotland. But Monk,
who knew his hatred to the royal family, and how much
reason he had to dread their return, absolutely refused
to treat with him.”
The restoration of monarchy soon after becoming
visible, he saw the danger of his situation. For besides
the loss of the estate he possessed of the Duke of
Newcastle, and the manors of West-Walton and Torrington,
in the county of Norfolk, part of Queen Henrietta
Maria's jointure, which he had purchased, and
whatever else estate he had, he knew even his life would
be offered up at the shrine of the king, whom he had
condemned to death; he therefore prudently retired.—
Sept. 22, 1660, a proclamation was published, setting
forth that he had left the kingdom, but as there was
great reason to suppose he had returned, £100 was
offered to any one who should discover him in any of
the British dominions, and cause him to be brought in
alive, or dead, if he made any resistance. Col. Goffe
was included in this proclamation.”
Here the European historians are lost. They represent
that these two exiles escaped to the continent, and
were at Lucerne, in Switzerland, in 1664; where some
privately wandered about for some years, and died in a
foreign clime, but when or where unknown. But truly
their remaining history, after they left England, 1660,
is to be traced only in America.” Ibid. p. 10, 11.
“The heroic acts and achievments of Gen. Whalley
are to be found in all the histories of those times, in
the records of Parliament, and the other original memoirs
of Whitlock, Wellwood, Rushworth, and the periodical
publications of that day, now before me. From
all which it appears, that he was a man of true and
real greatness of mind, and of abilities equal to any
enterprize, and to the highest councils of state, civil, political
and military; that he was a very active character
in the national events, for twenty years in the great period
from 1640 to 1660. He was a man of religion. It
has been the manner of all the court historians, ever
since the licentious era of Charles II. to confound all the
characters of religion with the irrational and extravagant
fanaticism of that day, and of every age. But
candor ought to confess, at least to believe, and even to
know, that in the cause of liberty, in the Parliamentary
cause, while there were many mad enthusiasts
both in religion and politics, the great and noble transactions
of that day, show there was also great wisdom,
great abilities, great generalship, great learning,
great knowledge of law and justice, great integrity, and
rational, sincere religion, to be found conversant among
the most vigorous and active characters of that era.
Among these, Whalley ought to be ranked; and to be
considered as a man of firmness in a good cause, and like
Daniel at the Court of Persia, of a religion of which he
was not ashamed; of an open, but unostentatious zeal,
of real, rational and manly virtue, a determined servant
and worshipper of the most high God; of exemplary
holiness of life; of fervent indeed, but sincere and
undissembled piety. The commissioners of Nottinghamshire
give this testimony: “They think themselves
happy in having a person of so high merit sent down
countryman, a gentleman of an honorable family, and
of singular justice, ability, and piety.” ” pp. 13, 14.
The following is the character of Gen. Whalley as
delineated by the biographer of Cromwell.
“His valor and military knowledge were confessedly
great; his religious sentiments wild and enthusiastic.
From a merchant's counter to rise to so many and so
high offices in the state, and to conduct himself with
propriety in them, sufficiently evinces that he had good
abilities; nor is his honesty questioned by any, which,
as one of the king's judges, and a Major General, would
lay him open to a very narrow scrutiny.”
Little is recorded of Whalley's children, it is certain,
however, that “he had a daughter who was married to
Gen. Goffe; whom Goffe left in England, and with
whom he kept up a constant correspondence, by the
name of mother Goldsmith, while in exile in New-England.”
p. 12.
“William Goffe, Esq. was the son of the Rev. Stephen
Goffe, a puritan divine, rector of Stammer, in
Sussex. Disliking trade, and the war opening, he repaired
to the parliamentary army; where his merit raised
to be a quarter master, and then a colonel of foot,
and afterwards a general. He was a member of parliament;
and one of those who took up accusation
against the eleven members, and who sentenced the
king, and signed the warrant for his execution. He
rendered the Protector great service, in assisting Colonel
White in purging the parliament. For this and his
other services, he received Lambert's post of Major
General of foot. He was returned for Great Yarmouth
in the Parliament of 1654; and for the county
of Southampton in 1656. Last of all he was called up
into the Protector's House of Lords. He was grateful
to the Cromwell interest, and signed the order for proclaiming
the Protector Richard. This attachment
made him to be regarded by the Parliament, as well as
by the army with jealousy, after they began to be disposed
he was an enemy to the king's return, refused to admit
him to treat with him, though sent by the English army.
At the restoration he left the kingdom with Whalley,
whose daughter he married, and came with him to Boston,
in New-England, 1660.
The following account of the Regicides after their arrival
in America, may be relied on as authentic. It was
compiled by Gov. Hutchinson from the diary and other
papers of Goffe then in his possession, and was first
published by him, as a marginal note, in his history of
Massachusetts, vol. p. 215.
“In the ship which arrived at Boston from London,
the 27th of July, 1660, there came passengers, Colonel
Whalley and Colonel Goffe, two of the late king's judges.
Colonel Goffe brought testimonials from Mr. John
Row and Mr. Seth Wood, two ministers of a church in
Westminister. Colonel Whalley had been a member
of Mr. Thomas Goodwin's church. Goffe kept a journal,
or diary, from the day he left Westminister, May 4,
until the year 1667; which together with several other
papers belonging to him, I have in my possession. Almost
the whole is in characters, or short hand, not difficult
to decypher. The story of these persons has never
yet been published to the world. It has never been
known in England. Their papers after their death,
were collected, and have remained near an hundred
years in a library in Boston. It must give some entertainment
to the curious. They left London before the
king was proclaimed. It does not appear that they
were among the most obnoxious of the Judges; but as
it was expected that vengeance would be taken of
some of them, and a great many had fled, they did not
think it safe to remain. They did not attempt to conceal
their persons or characters when they arrived at
Boston, but immediately went to the governor, Mr.
Endicot, who received them very courteously. They
were visited by the principal persons of the town; and
among others, they take notice of Col. Crown's coming
did not disguise themselves, yet they chose to reside
at Cambridge, a village about four miles distant from
the town, where they went the first day they arrived.
They went publicly to meetings on the Lord's day, and
to occasional lectures, fasts, and thanksgivings, and were
admitted to the sacrament, and attended private meetings
for devotion, visited many of the principal towns,
and were frequently at Boston; and once when insulted
there, the person who insulted them was bound to his
good behavior. They appeared grave, serious and devout;
and the rank they had sustained commanded respect.
Whalley had been one of Cromwell's Lieutenant
Generals, and Goffe a Major General. It is not
strange that they should meet with this favorable reception,
nor was this reception any contempt of the
authority in England. They were known to have been
two of the king's judges; but Charles II. was not proclaimed,
when the ship that brought them left London.
They had the news of it in the Channel. The
reports afterwards, by way of Barbadoes, were that all
the judges would be pardoned but seven. The act of
indemnity was not brought over till the last of November.
When it appeared that they were not excepted,
some of the principal persons in the government were
alarmed; pity and compassion prevailed with others.
They had assurances from some that belonged to the
General Court, that they would stand by them, but were
advised by others to think of removing. The 22d of
February, 1661, the governor summoned a court of assistants,
to consult about securing them, but the court
did not agree to it. Finding it unsafe to remain any
longer, they left Cambridge the 26th following, and arrived
at New-Haven the 7th of March, 1661.
They were well treated at New-Haven by the ministers,
and some of the magistrates, and for some days
seemed to apprehend themselves out of danger. But
the news of the King's proclamation being brought to
New-Haven, they were obliged to abscond. The 27th
there in the day time, and made themselves known;
but at night returned privately to New-Haven, and lay
concealed in Mr. Davenport the minister's house, until
the 30th of April. About this time the news came to
Boston, that ten of the judges were executed, and the
governor received a royal mandate, dated March 5,
1660, to cause Whalley and Goffe to be secured. This
greatly alarmed the country, and there is no doubt that
the court were now in earnest in their endeavors to apprehend
them; and to avoid all suspicion, they gave
commission and instruction to two young merchants
from England, Thomas Kellond and Thomas Kirk,
zealous royalists, to go through the colonies as far as
Manhados, in search of them.
“They made diligent search, and had full proof that
the regicides had been seen at Mr. Davenport's, and
offered great rewards to the English and Indians who
should give information, that they might be taken; but
by the fidelity of their friends they remained undiscovered.
Mr. Davenport was threatened with being called
to an account, for concealing and comforting traitors,
and might well be alarmed. They had engaged to
surrender, rather than the country or any particular
persons should suffer upon their own account; and upon
intimation of Mr. Davenport's danger, they generously
resolved to go to New-Haven and deliver themselves
up to the authority there. The miseries they had
suffered, and were still exposed to, and the little chance
they had of finally escaping, in a country where every
stranger is immediately known to be such, would not
have been sufficient to have induced them. They let
the deputy governor, Mr. Leete, know where they
were; but he took no measures to secure them; and
the next day some persons came to them to advise them
not to surrender.
“On the thirteenth of October, 1564, they removed
to Hadley, near an hundred miles distant, travelling only
by night; where Mr. Russel, the minister of the place,
concealed fifteen or sixteen years, very few persons
in the colony being privy to it.
“The minister was no sufferer by his boarders. They
received more or less remittances every year, for many
years together, from their wives in England. Those
few persons who knew where they were, made them
frequent presents. Richard Saltonstall, Esq. who was
in the secret, when he left the country and went to England
in 1672, made them a present of fifty pounds at
his departure; and they take notice of donations from
several other friends. They were in constant terror,
though they had reason to hope after some years, that
the inquiry for them was over. They read with pleasure
the news of their being killed, with other judges, in
Switzerland.
“A letter from Goffe's wife, who was Whalley's
daughter, I think worth preserving. After the second
year, Goffe writes by the name of Walter Goldsmith,
and she of Frances Goldsmith; and the correspondence
is carried on, as between a mother and son. There is
too much religion in their letters for the present day;
but the distresses of two persons, under these peculiar
circumstances, who appear to have lived very happily
together, are strongly described.”
A far more detailed account of their sojourn in New-Haven
is furnished by President Stiles in his History of
the Judges. I shall make only a few extracts.
“About the time the pursuers came to New-Haven,
and perhaps a little before, and to prepare the minds of
the people for their reception, the Rev. Mr. Davenport
preached publicly from this text, Isai. xiv. 3. 4. “Take
counsel, execute judgment, make thy shadow as the
night in the midst of the noon day; hide the out-casts,
bewray not him that wandereth. Let mine out-casts
dwell with thee; Moab, be thou a covert to them from
the face of the spoiler.” This doubtless had its effect,
and put the whole town upon their guard, and united
them in caution and concealment.
As Kellond and Kirk, besides the royal mandate, received
a warrant from Gov. Endicot at Boston, to make
search through the colony of Massachusetts; so passing
out of that jurisdiction into the jurisdiction of Connecticut,
they obtained a similar warrant from the governor,
Winthrop, at New-London, and upon entering into
the colony of New-Haven, they applied to Gov. Leet,
at Guilford, for a like warrant to search this jurisdiction
also. They lodged at Guilford, and the next day
rode to New-Haven, and might enter about noon.”
p. 32.
The governor and magistrates convened there the
same day, and under great pressure and perplexity, the
pursuivants demanding a warrant in the king's name
for a general search—which was refused.” p. 44.
There is some doubt as to the length of the pursuers'
stay in New-Haven. President Stiles says.
“On the one hand, it is improbable they would spend
but one day in a town where they did not doubt the regicides
they came three thousand miles in quest of,
were; and on the other hand, 'tis doubtful whether
they would themselves do much at actual searching
without the governor's warrant, which was refused.
They might however go into a few houses, as Mr. Davenport's,
Mr. Jones's, and Mrs. Eyers's, and finding it
in vain, give over further search. Governor Hutchinson
says, “they made diligent search.” And this has
always been the tradition in New-Haven.'` p. 61.
A few anecdotes of that day's search, have floated
down to us in all their original quaintness. There are
two, which the reverend biographer seems to dilate upon
with peculiar satisfaction, and though not intimately
connected with the story may perhaps afford some
amusement to the curious.
“While the pursuers were searching the town, the
judges, in shifting their situations, happened by accident,
or design, at the house of a Mrs. Eyers, a respectable
and comely lady; she seeing the pursuivants coming,
ushered her guests out at the back door, who walking
and were hid and concealed by her in her apartments.
The pursuers coming in, inquired whether the regicides
were at her house? She answered they had been there,
but were just gone away, and pointed out the way they
went into the fields and woods, and by her artful and
polite address, she diverted them, put them upon a false
scent, and secured her friends.” p. 31.
“The family of the Sperrys always tell this story;
that while the judges were at the house of their ancestor,
Mr. Richard Sperry, they were surprized with an
unexpected visit from the pursuers, whom they espied
at a distance coming up a long causeway to the house,
lying through a morass, and on each side an impassible
swamp, so that they were seen perhaps fifty or sixty rods
before they came up to the house. But the judges escaped
into the woods and mountains, and eluded their
search.” pp. 31, 32.
To the same date the president is disposed to refer
the anecdote of the bridge. But the accounts of this
circumstance are extremely contradictory; the only certainty
with regard to it is, that the regicides were at one
time concealed beneath a small bridge near New-Haven,
while the royal pursuivants rode over it, and perhaps
there is as little fiction in the particulars I have
given of the affair, as in those which have found a
place in graver pages.
The commissioners' own account of their journey will
perhaps be read with some interest.
Extract from a Report made to Gov. Endicot by Thomas
Kellond and Thomas Kirk.
—We, according to your honor's order,
departed in search after Colonels Goffe and Whalley
(persons declared traitors to his Majesty) from Boston,
May 27th, 1661, about six o'clock at night, and arrived
at Hartford the 10th day, and repaired to Governor
Winthrop, and gave him your honor's letter and
his Majesty's order for the apprehending of Colonels
Whalley and Goffe, who gave us an account that they
informed us that one Symon Lobden guided them to
the town. The honorable governor carried himself very
nobly to us, and was very diligent to supply us with all
manner of conveniences for the prosecution of them,
and promised all diligent search should be made after
them in that jurisdiction, which was afterwards performed.
The 11th day we arrived at Guilford, and repaired
to the deputy governor, William Leet, and delivered
him your honor's letter and the copy of his Majesty's
order for the apprehending of the aforesaid persons,
with whom at that time were several persons. After
the perusal of them, he began to read them audibly,
whereupon we told him it was convenient to be more
private in such concernments as that was; upon which
withdrawing to a chamber, he told us he had not seen
the two colonels not in nine weeks. We acquainted
him with the information we had received that they were
at New-Haven since that time he mentioned, and there-upon
desired him to furnish us with horses, &c.
which was prepared with some delays, which we took
notice of to him, and after parting with him out of
his house and in the way to the ordinary, came to us one
Dennis Scranton, and told us he would warrant that
Colonels Goffe and Whalley at the time of his speaking
were harbored at the house of one Mr. Davenport,
a minister at New-Haven, and that one Goodman Bishop,
of the town of Guilford, was able to give us the like
account, and that, without all question, Deputy Leet
knew as much, and that Mr. Davenport had put in ten
pounds worth of fresh provisions at one time into his
house, and that it was imagined it was purposely for the
entertainment of them.
“And the said Scranton said further, that Goffe
and Whalley should say, that if they had but two hundred
friends that would stand by them, they would not
care for Old or New-England; whereupon we asked
if he would depose to that: he replied he would, that it
was openly spoken by them in the head of a company
by several others, as also information that Goffe
and Whalley were seen very lately betwixt the houses
of Mr. Davenport and one Mr Jones, and it was imagined
that one lay at one of their houses, and the other
at the other's. Upon which we went back to the Deputy's
and required our horses, with aid and a power to
search and apprehend them; the horses were provided
for us, but he refused to give us any power to apprehend
them, nor order any other, and said he could do nothing
until he had spoken with one Mr. Gilbert and the rest
of the magistrates; upon which we told him we should
go to New-Haven and stay till we had heard from him,
but before we took horse the aforesaid Dennis Scranton
gave us information, there was an Indian of the town
wanting, which he told us was to give notice of our
coming.
“And being at New-Haven, which was the thirteenth
day, the deputy arrived within two hours or thereabouts
after us, and came to us to the Court Chamber, where
we again acquainted him with the information we had
received, and that we had cause to believe they were
concealed in New-Haven, and there upon we required
his assistance and aid for their apprehension; to which
he answered that he did not believe they were there.
Whereupon we desired him to empower us, or order
others for it; to which he gave us this answer, that he
could, nor would not make us magistrates; we replied,
that we ourselves would personally adventure in the
search and apprehension of them in two houses where
we had reason to imagine they lay hid, if they would
give way to it and enable us; to which he replied, he
neither would nor could not do any thing until the freemen
met together. To which we set before him the
danger of that delay and their inevitable escape, and
how much the honor and service of his Majesty was
despised and trampled on by him, and that we supposed
by his unwillingness to assist in the apprehension,
he was willing they should escape. After which he
together five or six hours in consultation, and upon
breaking up of their council, they would not nor could
not do any thing until they had called a general court of
freemen. Whereupon we represented to them your
Honor's and Governor Winthrop's warrants as precedents,
who upon the receipt of his Majesty's pleasure
and order concerning the said persons, stood not upon
such niceties and formalities, but endeavored to make
all expedition in seizing on them, if to be found in their
government, and also how your honor had recommended
this grand affair to him, and how much the honor and
justice of his Majesty was concerned, and how ill his
sacred Majesty would resent such horrid and detestable
concealment and abettings of such traitors and regicides
as they were, and asked him whether he would
honor and obey the king or no in this affair, and set before
him the danger which by law is incurred by any one
that conceals or abets traitors; to which the deputy
Leet answered, we honor his majesty, but we have tender
consciences.
“This was the substance of our proceedings, there
were other circumstantial expressions, which are too
tedious to trouble your honor withall, and which we have
given your honor a verbal account of, and conceive it
needless to insist any further; and so finding them obstinate
and pertinacious in their contempt of his Majesty,
we came away the next day in prosecution after
them, according to instructions, to the governor of Manhados,
from whom we received civil respects, and a
promise, if they were within his jurisdiction, we should
command what aid we pleased, but for sending of them
according to your honor's request, he could not answer
it to his masters at home, but if they came there he should
give your honor timely notice. Whereupon we requested
his honor, the governor of Manhados to lay a restraint
upon all shipping from transporting them, which
he promised should be done, and also to give order to
vessels for them that were going thence.
Upon which finding any other means ineffectual,
we made our return hither by sea, to give your honor
an account, and to which (when your honor shall
require it) are ready to depose to the truth of it, and
remain,
Your honor's humble servants,
Thomas Kirk,
Mr. Thomas Kellond and Mr. Thomas Kirk having
delivered this paper to the governor, as their return, in
answer to what they were employed, deposed before
the governor and magistrates, that what is there expressed
is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but
the truth.
Per Edward Rawson, Secretary.”
The pursuivants state in this report, that they came
to Boston by water, the constant tradition however is
that they visited New-Haven on their return; probably
they passed through it to Governor Winthrop at New-London,
and proceeded from thence by water.
After the pursuivants were gone, and before the 17th
of May, the magistrates caused a thorough though fictitious
search to be made through the jurisdiction.
They sent to Totoket, or Branford.
“While it is certain that the pursuivants came here,
had an interview with the magistrates to no purpose;
and that the judges ceased to lodge in town on the 11th
of May, two days before they came; and so Governor
Leet might say very truly on the 13th, that he did believe
they were in town, and indeed might have every
reason to think at that time, that they were absconded
into the environs or the woods beyond the West-Rock.
All tradition agrees that they stood ready to surrender
on their account; and they doubtless came into town
from Saturday till Monday for this end, and Mr. Gilbert
expected their surrendery. But in this trying time
their friends, for their sakes adventured to take the
danger upon themselves, and risk events. A great, a
noble, a trying act of friendship! For a good man,
one would even dare to die! Great was the peril especially
of Leet, Davenport, and Gilbert! Inveterate the
resentment of Kellond and Kirk! and pointed and
pressing the remonstrances of the governor and secretary
of Boston. The magistrates of New-Haven colony
were truly brought into great straits—the fidelity of
their friendship heroic and glorious! Davenport's fortitude
saved them!” pp. 62, 63.
“At a meeting of the General Court for the Jurisdiction,
May 17, 1661.
“The deputy governor declared to the court the
cause of the meeting, viz. that he had received a
copy of a letter from his Majesty with another letter
from the governor of the Massachusetts, for the apprehending
of Colonel Whalley and Colonel Goffe,
which letters he shewed to the court, acquainted them
that forthwith upon the receipt of them, granted his letter
to the magistrate of New-Haven, by the advice and
concurrence of the deputies, there to make present and
diligent search throughout their town for the said persons
accordingly; which letters the messengers carried
but found not the magistrate at home; and that he himself
followed after the messengers, and came into New-Haven
soon after them, the 13th May, 1661, bringing
with him Mr. Crane, Magistrate at Branford, who when
they were come, sent presently for the magistrates of
New-Haven, and Milford, and the deputies of New-Haven
Court. The magistrates thus sent for not being
yet come, they advised with the deputies about the matter,
and after a short debate with the deputies, was writing
a warrant for search of the above said colonels, but
the magistrates before spoken of being come, upon further
to call the General Court, for the effectual carrying
on of the work. The deputy governor further informed
the court, that he himself and the magistrates
told the messengers, that they were far from hindering
the search, and they were sorry that it so fell out, and
were resolved to pursue the matter, that an answer
should be prepared against their return from the Dutch.
The court being met, when they heard the matter declared,
and had heard his Majesty's letter, and the letter
from the governor of the Massachusetts, they all declared
they did not know that they were in the colony,
or had been for divers weeks past, and both magistrates
and deputies wished a search had been sooner made,
and did now order that the magistrates take care and
send forth the warrant, that a speedy diligent search be
made throughout the jurisdiction, in pursuance of his
Majesty's commands, according to the letters received,
and that from the several plantations a return be made,
and that it may be recorded. And whereas there have
been rumors of their being known at New-Haven, it
hath been inquired into, and several persons examined,
but could find no truth in these reports, and for any that
doth appear, are but unjust suspicions, and groundless
reports against the place, to raise ill surmises and reproaches.”
pp. 47, 48.
The following is Stiles' account of their residence
at the cave.
“In 1785, I visited Mr. Joseph Sperry, then living,
aged 76, a grandson of the first Richard, a son of Daniel
Sperry, who died 1751, aged 86, from whom Joseph
received the whole family tradition. Daniel was the
sixth son of Richard, and built a house at the south end
of Sperry's farm, in which Joseph now lives, not half a
mile west from the cave, which Joseph shewed me.
There is a notch in the mountain against Joseph's house,
through which I ascended along a very steep acclivity
up to the cave. From the south end of the mountain
for three or four miles northward, there is no possible ascent
so steep is the precipice of the rock. I found the
cave to be formed, on a base of perhaps forty feet
square, by an irregular clump or pile of rocks, or huge
broad pillars of stone, fifteen and twenty feet high,
standing erect and elevated above the surrounding superficies
of the mountain, and enveloped with trees
and forest. These rocks coalescing or contiguous at
top, furnished hollows or vacuities below, big enough
to contain bedding and two or three persons. The
apertures being closed with boughs of trees or otherwise,
there might be found a well covered and convenient
lodgment. Here, Mr. Sperry told me, was the
first lodgment of the judges, and it has ever since gone
and been known by the name of Judges' Cave to this
day. Goffe's journal says, they entered this cave the
15th of May, and continued in it till the 11th of June
following. Richard Sperry daily supplied them with
victuals from his house, about a mile off; sometimes
carrying it himself, at other times sending it by one of
his boys, tied up in a cloth, ordering him to lay it on a
certain stump and leave it; and when the boy went for
it at night he always found the basons emptied of the
provisions, and brought them home. The boy wondered
at it, and used to ask his father the design of it, and
he saw nobody. His father told him there was some
body at work in the woods that wanted it. The sons
always remembered it, and often told it to persons now
living.” pp. 76, 77.
“In 1664 they arrived at Hadley, and took up their
abode at the house of the Rev. Mr. Russel. At this
house, and at the house of Mr. Peter Tilton, Esq. they
spent the rest of their lives, for fourteen or sixteen years,
in dreary solitude and seclusion from the society of the
world.” p. 108.
It would be quite inexcusable to omit in this connection
the universal tradition of a singular and romantic
incident, that occurred during that period. It is thus related
by President Stiles.
“During their abode at Hadley, the famous and most
memorable Indian war that ever was in New-England,
called King Philip's war, took place, and was attended
with exciting a universal rising of the various Indian
tribes, not only of Narragansett and the Sachemdom of
Philip, at Mount Hope, or Bristol, but of the Indians
through New-England, except the sachemdom of Uncas,
at Mohegan, near New-London. Accordingly the Nipmug,
Quanbaug, and northern tribes were in agitation,
and attacked the new frontier towns along through
New-England, and Hadley among the rest, then an exposed
frontier. That pious congregation were observing
a fast at Hadley, on the occasion of this war; and
being at public worship in the meeting-house there on a
a fast day, Sept. 1, 1675, were suddenly surrounded
and surprized by a body of Indians. It was the usage
in the frontier towns, and even at New-Haven, in
those Indian wars, for a select number of the congregation
to go armed to public worship. It was so at
Hadley at this time. The people immediately took to
their arms, but were thrown into great consternation
and confusion. Had Hadley been taken, the discovery
of the judges had been inevitable. Suddenly, and in
the midst of the people there appeared a man of a very
venerable aspect, and different from the inhabitants in
his apparel, who took the command, arranged, and ordered
them in the best military manner, and under his
direction they repelled and routed the Indians, and the
town was saved. He immediately vanished, and the inhabitants
could not account for the phænomenon, but
by considering that person as an angel sent of God upon
that special occasion for their deliverance; and for
some time after said and believed that they had been
delivered and saved by an angel. Nor did they know
or conceive otherwise, till fifteen or twenty years after,
when it at length became known at Hadley that the
two judges had been secreted there; which probably
they did not know till after Mr. Russel's death, in 1692.
This story, however, of the angel at Hadley, was before
of the memorable Indian war of 1675. The mystery
was unriddled after the revolution, when it became not
so very dangerous to have it known that the judges had
received an asylum here, and that Goffe was actually in
Hadley at that time.” pp. 109, 110.
“General Whalley died at Hadley certainly after
1674, probably about 1678. And Gen. Goffe is to be
heard of no more after 1679. p. 113.”
“The tradition is that after Whalley's death, Goffe
went off, first to Hartford, afterwards to New-Haven,
where he was suspected and in danger of being known
by his extraordinary dexterity with the sword, shewn
on a particular occasion. And in apprehension of danger,
he went off from New-Haven. Here tradition ends
with respect to Goffe.” p. 199.
“I was at Hadley, May 21, 1792, making inquiries
only for gratifying my own curiosity, and without a
thought of compiling this history. The Rev. Mr. Hopkins
carried me to Mr. Russel's house, still standing. It
is a double house, two stories and a kitchen. Although
repaired with additions, yet the chamber of the judges
remains obviously in its original state unmutilated, as
when these exiled worthies inhabited it. Adjoining to
it behind, or at the north end of the large chimney, was
a closet, in the floor of which I saw still remaining the
trap door, through which they let themselves down into
an under closet, and so thence descending into the cellar
for concealment, in case of search or surprise. I
examined all those places with attention, and with heartfelt
sympathetic veneration for the memories of those
long immured sufferers, thus shut up and secluded from
the world for the tedious space of fourteen or sixteen
years, in this voluntary Bastile. They must have been
known to the family and domestics; and must have
been frequently exposed to accidental discoveries, with
all their care and circumspection to live in stillness.
That the whole should have been effectually concealed
truly astonishing.” pp. 206, 207.
The fate of Goffe after leaving Hadley is quite uncertain.
There are some circumstances however, which
render my conjecture extremely probable. The idea
of his openly residing at New-Haven was first suggested
by the facts relative to Dixwell, another of the fugitive
regicides, who was also for a short period secreted
in Hadley. The latter had lived for many years in New-Haven
under the assumed name of Davids, unsuspected,
in a contented and happy retirement, loved and honored
by many, though his real name and condition were
known to but few. He was the correspondent and intimate
friend of Goffe, and to whom would the latter be
so likely to go, upon the death of his aged companion,
as to him who had sympathized in his deepest misfortunes,
and why should not his success and safety encourage
him to make trial of the same experiment? Certain
it is, that the low, rude stone, which bears the initials of
the real and assumed name of Dixwell stands by another
no less low, and rude, and still more mysterious in its
inscriptions. And it needs but a slight stretch of imagination
in those who look upon it, to believe that the
exiled stranger sleeps beneath, with his brother exile,
and but a faint tinge of romantic feeling, to read in those
ancient and moss grown letters a more touching eulogy
than any that can adorn the monument of his kingly persecutors.
Much conjecture at one time existed with regard to
the sepulture of Whalley. All doubt was removed a
few years since by the discovery of his remains in the
house of Mr. Russel at Hadley. They were found in
the cellar, inclosed and concealed within the stone wall.
THE FAIR PILGRIM.
“In 1620, the same month the Puritans arrived on the
coast from England, James I. issued a charter to the
Duke of Lenox, Marquis of Buckingham, and others,
styling them the “Grand Council of Plymouth, for
planting and governing New England, in America.”
This patent granted to them the territory between the
40 ° and 48 ° of north latitude.”
“From the tranquility which the Brownists had en
joyed at New Plymouth, and the sufferings to which
those who held the same opinion were exposed in England,
an association was formed by Mr. White, a clergyman
at Dorchester, in England, for the purpose of
leading a new colony to that part of America where the
brethren were settled. They obtained from the Grand
Council of Plymouth, that part of New England which
lies three miles to the south of Charles river, and three
miles to the north of Merrimac river.
“As the patent of the Council of Plymouth conveyed
no powers of government, king Charles, by their urgent
solicitation, granted them these powers by charter.
The new adventurers were incorporated by the council
as the body politic; they were empowered to dispose of
their lands, and to govern the people who should settle
on them. The first governor and his assistants, were
to be named by the crown; the right of electing their
successors was vested in the members of the corporation.
In consequence of this alteration, seventeen vessels
sailed for America in 1629. When they arrived at
New-England, they found there the remains of a small
body of Puritans, who had left their country the year
before under Endicot; and uniting with these, they settled
at a place to which Endicot had given the name of
Salem. This was the first permanent town in Massachusetts.
better station, and laid the foundation of many towns,
among which were Boston and Charlestown.”
“On no part of the history of the United States, perhaps
we might say of the world, does the eye of the
philanthropist rest with more interest, than on the account
of this little devoted band, now commonly spoken
of under the touching appellation of the Pilgrims. They
possessed a much higher cast of moral elevation, than
any who had before sought the new world as a residence.
The hope of gain was the motive of former settlers,—
the love of God was theirs. In their character and in
their institutions, we behold the germ of that love of
liberty, and those correct views of the natural equality of
man, which are now fully developed in the American
constitution.”
—Willard's Republic of America. pp.
48, 51, 46.
“Gentlemen of ancient and worshipful families, and
ministers of the gospel, then of great fame at home, and
merchants, husbandmen, artificers to the number of some
thousands, did for twelve years together carry on this
transplantation. It was indeed a banishment rather than
a removal, which was undergone by this glorious generation,
and you may be sure sufficiently afflictive to men
of estate, breeding and conversation. As the hazard
which they ran in this undertaking was of such extraordinariness,
that nothing less than a strange and strong
impression from heaven could have thereunto moved the
hearts of such as were in it; so the expense with which
they carried on the undertaking was truly extraordinary.
Briefly, the God of heaven served as it were, a summons
upon the spirits of his people in the English nation;
stirring up the spirits of thousands which never saw the
faces of each other, with a most unanimous inclination
to leave all the pleasant accommodations of their native
country, and go over a terrible ocean, into a more terrible
desart, for the pure enjoyment of all his ordinances.”
“General Considerations for the Plantation of New
England.
“It will be a service unto the Church of great consequence,
to carry the gospel into those parts of the world,
and raise a bulwark against the kingdom of antichrist,
which the Jesuites labor to rear up in all parts of the
world.
“All other churches of Europe have been brought under
desolations; and it may be feared that the like judgments
are coming upon us; and who knows but God
hath provided this place to be a refuge for many, whom
he means to save out of the general destruction.
“What can be a better or nobler work, and more
worthy of a christian, than to erect and support a reformed
particular church in its infancy, and unite our
forces with such a company of faithful people, as by a
timely assistance may grow stronger and prosper; but
for want of it, may be put to great hazards, if not be
wholly ruined.
“If any such as are known to be godly, and live in
wealth and prosperity here, shall forsake all this to join
with this reformed church, and with it run the hazard of
a hard and mean condition, it will be an example of great
use, both for the removing of scandal, and to give more
life unto the faith of God's people in their prayers for
the plantation, and also to encourage others to join the
more willingly in it.”
—Mather's Magnalia, Vol. I. pp. 64, 65.
By copying the following extract we do not intend to
assert that the outline of this story is true, but merely to
show that the example of devotedness here exhibited, is
not unparalleled in the history of the Pilgrims.
“Being happily arrived at New-England, our new
planters found the difficulties of a rough and hard wilderness
presently assaulting them: of which the worst
was the sickliness which many of them had contracted
by these other difficulties. Of those who soon died after
their first arrival, not the least considerable was the lady
Arabella, who left an earthly paradise in the family of
for the entertainments of a pure worship in the house of
God; and then immediately left that wilderness for the
heavenly paradise, whereto the compassionate Jesus, of
whom she was a follower, had called her. The mortality
thus threatening of this new plantation so enlivened
the devotions of this good people, that they set themselves
by fasting and prayer to obtain from God the removal
of it; and their brethren at Plymouth also attended the
like duties on their behalf; the issue whereof was, that
in a little time they not only had health restored, but they
likewise enjoyed the special directions and assistance of
God, in the further prosecution of their undertakings.”
Mather's Magnalia, Vol. I. p. 71.
CASTINE.
A considerable proportion of this story is fictitious.
The following facts, however, are interwoven with other
incidents, designed to illustrate some peculiarities in the
condition of the New-England settlers.
“The peace of Ryswick was of short duration. In
May, 1702, war was proclaimed by England both against
France and Spain. The American colonies of both nations
took an active part. While the English colonies
were at war with the Spanish in the south, they had a
more formidable enemy to encounter in the French at
Canada. Notwithstanding the eastern Indians had
given a solemn assurance of their determination to remain
at peace with New-England, yet they soon commenced
hostilities, and the whole country from Casco to
Wells was devastated.”
—Willard's Republic of America.
p. 97.
To the living witnesses of these atrocities, the name
of Hertel de Rouville was fearfully familiar. He was
pre-eminent among the French officers in Canada, for
records of that period show, the chief agent in
scenes of bloodshed even more dreadful than any I have
attempted to describe.
“At an early period, the Baron Castine, a Frenchman,
had seated himself on the Penobscot, and opened a trade
with the natives. He was a nobleman of distinction, a
man of intrigue and enterprise; and had formed an alliance
with the savages in that part of the country, in order,
it is supposed, to break up the settlements of the
English in New England. To promote his designs, he
married and had living with him at one time, six Indian
wives. He had at the same time several Roman Catholic
priests, at his palace on the east side of the Penobscot,
in the present town of Castine. By the aid of
these priests, and the efforts of his own genius, he acquired
great influence over the natives, and not only
furnished them fire arms, but taught them their use;
and such was his success, that at the commencement of
Philip's war, the knowledge of gunpowder and fire arms
was universally extended among the savages in the northern
part of New-England. The Baron was considered
the most dangerous enemy of the English, and they at
various times attempted to capture him; but though his
fortress was taken and plundered, he escaped to the
wilderness.”
—Willard's Republic of America. p. 91.
With regard to the residence of the Baron Castine, it
was certainly a place of considerable splendor and dignity
in the eyes of that generation, and was known
throughout the colonies by the name of Castine Palace.
One of the daughters of the Baron is mentioned in
history, though not as acting in the events here desscribed.
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