University of Virginia Library


180

Page 180

ARTICLE XIV.

Williamsburg, Bruton Parish.—No. 4.

According to promise, I proceed to some notices of a few of
the vestrymen of Bruton parish. There are doubtless others
equally worthy of praise, but I have no information from which
to speak. Mr. Daniel Parke, whose name stands first on the list
of the first vestry in 1676, was from Surrey, England, and
married a Miss Evelyn.[50] A tablet of him was placed in the
first church at Williamsburg, and afterwards was transferred to
the second. He appears to have been a man of worth and distinction.
Mr. John Custis, of Arlington, Northampton county,
Eastern Shore of Virginia, married his daughter, and was also a
vestryman. George Washington Parke Custis, of Arlington, Fairfax
county, grandson of Mrs. General Washington, was descended
from the above-mentioned Daniel Parke and John Custis. It
could be wished that the record of Daniel Parke his son, whose
name is also on the vestry-book, were as worthy of notice. He
was indeed more notorious than his father, but for other reasons.
He conceived a great dislike to Mr. Blair, the minister of Jamestown,
the President of the College, and who was living near
Williamsburg. Having no pew in the church at Williamsburg, his
wife was indebted to the kindness of Mr. Ludlow, of Green Spring,
whose daughter Mr. Parke married, for a seat. On a certain Sunday,
Mr. Parke, determined to mortify Mr. Blair by insulting his
wife, in his absence (and doubtless in the absence of Mr. Ludlow,
who afterward complained of it) came into the church, and, rudely
seizing Mrs. Blair by the arm, drew her out of the pew, saying


181

Page 181
she should not sit there. He was a man of great violence of
character, as otherwise appears. This is recorded in the archives
of Lambeth, and speaks ill for the decorum and chivalry of the
times. In the Rev. Mr. Anderson's Colonial History of this period,
we have the following account of a Mr. Daniel Parke, which
answers but too well to the foregoing:—

"The offences of Parke's early life had compelled him to flee from Virginia,
the land of his birth, to England, where he purchased an estate in
Hampshire and obtained a seat in Parliament. Not long afterward, he
was expelled the House for bribery; and the provocation of fresh crimes
drove him again a fugitive to Holland, where he entered as a volunteer
in the army of the Duke of Marlborough, and was made his aid-de-camp.
He carried home, in a brief note written upon the field by Marlborough to
his Duchess, the first tidings of the victory of Blenheim, and, through the
interest which then prevailed at the Court of Anne, obtained the Government
of Antigua. His arbitary and oppressive conduct in public matters
and the gross licentiousness of his private life soon stirred up against him
the hatred of all classes of its inhabitants. The home Government ordered
his recall; but he, refusing to obey it, persisted with arrogant insolence
in his course of tyranny. At length it could be endured no longer, and
on the morning of the 7th of December, 1710, a body of five hundred men
with numbers of the Assembly at their head, marched to the Government-House,
determined to drive him from it by force. The orders of Parke
that they should disperse, and the attempts of his enemies to negotiate,
were alike fruitless. The attack was made, and resisted with equal violence
by the soldiers and others whom Parke had summoned to his aid;
but the assailants in a few hours conquered, and Parke fell a victim to
their fury. It was a lawless punishment of a lawless act, and excited great
indignation in England. But the catalogue of Parke's offences had been
so enormous, and the effusion of blood would have been so great had the
sentence of capital punishment gone forth against all, or even the leaders
of those who had been concerned in his violent death, that it was judged
expedient to issue a general pardon."

Of old Mr. Page, who stands next to Colonel Daniel Parke the
elder, I have already spoken. Early on the list of vestrymen was
Mr. John Randolph, alias Sir John Randolph, who was the father
of Mr. John Randolph and Mr. Peyton Randolph, all of whom
were in succession Attorney-Generals of Virginia. The father is
spoken of as a most eminent man in his profession, and of high
character. His son Peyton Randolph was also a vestryman of
the church, and gave early signs of a too independent spirit to be
very acceptable to the English Government. Being sent over to
England on account of some of our complaints, and speaking his
mind too freely for the Court and Cabinet, he was displaced from
his office, and his brother John, who had been acting in his absence,
was installed. At the breaking out of the war, John went to England


182

Page 182
and was succeeded by his son Edmond. The former, bitterly
repenting of his choice, died of a broken heart, and directed his
remains to be brought back to Virginia. They are interred in the
College Chapel. Mr. Peyton Randolph ever showed himself the
warm and steady friend of the Church as well as of his country.
He went by the name of Speaker Randolph, being for a long time
the presiding officer in the House of Burgesses. He was also
chosen Speaker of the first, second, and third Congress, but suddenly
died of apoplexy, during the last. He was buried for a time
in Philadelphia, but afterward removed to Williamsburg. In connection
with the foregoing notice of Mr. Peyton Randolph, I add
something concerning his nephew and adopted son, Edmund Randolph,
of whose religious sentiments I have spoken in a former
number.

Extract from a paper written by Edmund Randolph, soon after the
death of his wife, and addressed to his children.

"Up to the commencement of the Revolution, the Church of England
was the established religion, in which your mother had been educated
with strictness, if not with bigotry. From the strength of parental example,
her attendance on public worship was unremitted, except when
insuporable obstacles occurred; the administration of the sacrament was
never without a cause passed by; in her closet, prayer was uniformly addressed
to the throne of mercy, and the questioning of the sacred truths
she never permitted to herself or heard from others without abhorrence.
When we were united, I was a deist, made so by my confidence in some
whom I revered, and by the labours of two of my preceptors, who, though
of the ministry, poisoned me with books of infidelity. I cannot answer
for myself that I should ever have been brought to examine the genuineness
of Holy Writ, if I had not observed the consoling influence which
it wrought upon the life of my dearest Betsey. I recollect well that it
was not long before I adopted a principle which I have never relinquished:
—that woman, in the present state of society, is, without religion, a
monster. While my opinions were unsettled, Mr. — and Mr. — came
to my house on Sunday evening to play with me at chess. She did
not appear in the room; and her reproof, which from its mildness was
like the manna of heaven, has operated perpetually as an injunction from
above; for several years since I detected the vanity of sublunary things,
and knew that the good of man consisted in Christianity alone. I have
often hinted a wish that we had instituted a course of family prayer for
the benefit of our children, on whose minds, when most pliant, the habit
might be fixed. But I know not how the plan was not enforced, until
during her last illness she and I frequently joined in prayer. She always
thanked me after it was finished; and it grieves me to think that she
should suppose that this enlivening inducement was necessary in order
to excite me to this duty."

It is sad to think that ministers of the Gospel should contribute
to infidelity by recommending the examination of infidel works.


183

Page 183
Who they were I am unable to ascertain. I have other reasons
for knowing that infidelity, under the specious garb of Universalism,
was then finding its way into the pulpit. Governor Page,
Colonel Nicholas, and Colonel Bland made complaints against
some one preaching in or near Williamsburg about this time, for
advocating the doctrine with its usual associates, and prevented
his preferment. The Rev. Mr. Yancey, of Louisa, also published
a sermon on universal salvation, which has been recently
republished by some of that school. A Rev. Mr. Tally, of Gloucester,
taught the same, and afterward gave a fit comment on his
doctrine by dying the death of the drunkard, as one informed
me who closed his eyes. At such a time, when the writings of
French philosophers — falsely so called — were corrupting the
minds of the Virginia youth, the testimony of such men as Peyton
Randolph, Mr. R. C. Nicholas, Colonel Bland, President Nelson,
Governor Page, and the recovery of Edmund Randolph from the
snare, has peculiar weight. In the worst of times, God never
leaves himself without a witness.

There appears on the vestry-list the two names of George
Nicholas and his son, Robert Carter Nicholas. The former came
to this country a physician,—doubtless duly qualified. He married
the widow of Mr. Burwell, of Gloucester, a descendant of the Carters.
His son, Robert C. Nicholas, was distinguished at the bar in Williamsburg,
in the House of Burgesses, in the Council, as Treasurer
of the State, and as a patriot in the Revolutionary War. But he
had a higher praise than all these offices could give him; for he
was a sincere Christian, and a zealous defender of the Church of
his fathers when he believed her rights were assailed. Mr. Hugh
Blair Grigsby, in his eloquent description of the Burgesses of
1776, thus describes him:—

"He loved, indeed, a particular form of religion, but he loved more
dearly religion itself. In peace or war, at the fireside, or on the floor
of the House of Burgesses, a strong sense of moral responsibility was
seen through all his actions. If a resolution appointing a day of fasting
and prayer or acknowledging the providence of God in crowning our arms
with victory, though drawn by worldly men with worldly views, was to
be, it was from his hands it was to be presented to the House, and from
his lips came the persuasive words which fell not in vain on the coldest
ears. Indeed, such was the impression which his sincere piety—embellishing
as it did the sterling virtues of his character—made upon his
own generation, that its influence was felt upon that which succeeded it;
and when his youngest son, near a quarter of a century after his death,
became a candidate for the office of Attorney-General of the Commonwealth,
a political opponent, who knew neither father nor son, gave him


184

Page 184
his support, declaring that no son of the old Treasurer could be unfaithful
to his country. Nor was his piety less conspicuous in a private
sphere. Visiting, on one occasion, Lord Botetourt, with whom he lived
in the strictest friendship, he observed to that nobleman, `My lord, I
think you will be very unwilling to die;' and when asked what gave rise
to that remark, `Because,' said he, `you are so social in your nature, and
so much beloved, and have so many good things around you, that you must
be loath to leave them." His lordship made no reply; but a short time
after, being on his death-bed, he sent in haste for Colonel Nicholas, who
lived near the palace, and who instantly repaired thither to receive the
last sighs of his dying friend. On entering his chamber, he asked his
commands. `Nothing,' replied his lordship, `but to let you see that I
resign those good things, of which you formerly spoke, with as much
composure as I enjoyed them.' After which he grasped his hand with
warmth, and instantly expired."[51]

The children of R. C. Nicholas were blessed with a mother who
was equally worthy. Let the following letter to her son, Wilson
Cary Nicholas, on his entering public life, bear witness:—

"Dear Wilson:

I congratulate you on the honour your county has
done you in choosing you their representative with so large a vote. I
hope you are come into the Assembly without those trammels which some
people submit to wear for a seat in the House,—I mean, unbound by
promises to perform this or that job which the many-headed monster may
think proper to chalk out for you; especially that you have not engaged
to lend a last hand to pulling down the church, which, by some impertinent
questions in the last paper, I suspect will be attempted. Never, my
dear Wilson, let me hear that by that sacrilegious act you have furnished
yourself with materials to erect a scaffold by which you may climb to the
summit of popularity; rather remain in the lowest obscurity: though, I
think, from long observation, I can venture to assert that the man of
integrity, who observes one equal tenor in his conduct,—who deviates
neither to the one side or the other from the proper line,—has more of the
confidence of the people than the very compliant time-server, who calls
himself the servant—and, indeed, is the slave—of the people. I flatter
myself, too, you will act on a more liberal plan than some members have
done in matters in which the honour and interest of this State are concerned;


185

Page 185
that you will not, to save a few pence to your constituents, discourage
the progress of arts and sciences, nor pay with so scanty a hand
persons who are eminent in either. This parsimonious plan, of late
adopted, will throw us behind the other States in all valuable improvements,
and chill, like a frost, the spring of learning and spirit of enterprise.
I have insensibly extended what I had to say beyond my first
design, but will not quit the subject without giving you a hint, from a
very good friend of yours, that your weight in the House will be much
greater if you do not take up the attention of the Assembly on trifling
matters nor too often demand a hearing. To this I must add a hint of
my own, that temper and decorum is of infinite advantage to a public
speaker, and a modest diffidence to a young man just entering the stage
of life: the neglect of the former throws him off his guard, breaks his
chain of reasoning, and has often produced in England duels that have
terminated fatally. The natural effect of the latter will ever be procuring
a favourable and patient hearing, and all those advantages that a
prepossession in favour of the speaker produces.

"You see, my son, that I take the privilege of a mother in advising
you, and, be assured, you have no friend so solicitous for your welfare,
temporal and eternal, as your ever-affectionate mother,

"Anne Nicholas."

The author of the above letter was the daughter of Colonel
Wilson Cary, of Hampton, a descendant of one of the first
families who settled in the lower part of Virginia. Tradition says
that Mrs. Nicholas, after the death of her husband, R. C. Nicholas,
at his seat in Hanover, was visited by some British officers,
and received them with great dignity. Her daughter-in-law, wife
of her son George, and sister of Governor Samuel Smith, of Baltimore,
being recognised by one of the officers as an old acquaintance
in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, secured polite treatment for the
family; but the officers, on discovering that there were some jewels
and other valuables in the house, seized upon them and carried
them off.

Although I have not continued the list of vestrymen beyond
the period of the Revolution, there are two who must have been
added to it soon after that event, of whom I wish to take a passing
notice. The first of these is Mr. Burwell Bassett. His name
may be seen on one or more of the earlier journals of the Church
of Virginia, when it was first organized on the American platform.
He is also to be seen, for a long time, as the representative of the
Williamsburg district in the American Congress, and very often as
filling the Speaker's chair in the absence of that officer. I knew
him from my very boyhood as my father's friend and visitor. The
name of Bassett is an ancient and honourable one on the page
of Virginia history, and Mr. Burwell Bassett did not dishonour it.


186

Page 186
He was loved and esteemed for his integrity and friendly qualities.
An anecdote was related to me, more than forty years ago, by
that worthy man, Mr. Stanford, member of Congress from North
Carolina, which showed his generosity of character. On a certain
occasion, a poor old soldier of the Revolution presented himself in
Washington and asked an alms of the members of Congress.
Mr. Stanford, seeing something really touching and worthy in the
case, undertook a collection for him in the hall of Congress. He
was mortified at the refusal of some, and at the small and reluctant
contribution of others, but when he came to Mr. Bassett
the scene was changed. He was just receiving of some one a
number of bank-notes, and, on the mention of the subject, immediately
opened both his hands, in which he held the bank-notes,
and said, "Certainly," bidding him take whatever he wanted. His
hospitality was proverbial. You could do him no greater favour
than to go to his house and take as many others with you as you
pleased. He was, however, though a very ultra republican in
theory, pertinacious in having his own way in some things. An
instance of this was once displayed in the Board of Visitors of
William and Mary College, with which he had been connected for
a long time, and where his will had generally governed. On a certain
occasion, when, after much debate, he failed to carry his point
against the younger members, he left the room, shaking his coattail,
instead of the dust of his feet, against them. The Board
could not think of thus parting with their old friend, and, at the
suggestion of one of their number, contrived that evening to let
him know that they wished to dine with him next day. This was
enough. A hospitable feast was given, and nothing more heard
of the difference. The democratic principle of Mr. Bassett,
united with this pertinacity of character, was also evident in his
opposition to the canon of the Virginia Convention excluding from
that body all non-communicants. He held that the vestries had a
right to send whom they pleased, and that it was interfering with
their rights to impose any conditions. He came to the Convention
in Fredericksburg, at which the question was finally settled,
and spoke nearly one whole day against it. Being old and
infirm, when he was tired of standing he asked leave to sit, which
was freely granted. From a seat in the middle aisle, near the
chancel where the bishops sat, he still talked until toward the
close of the day. As I had read a written (and afterward published)
argument in its favour in the morning, his address was
chiefly to myself, and in a very plain style; but we allowed him

187

Page 187
all liberties, and, at the close, passed the canon by a majority of
two-thirds or more. His vestry, sympathizing with him or unwilling
to differ, resolved to send no more delegates or contributions
while this canon continued, and were encouraged in their course
by the strictures upon our canon in two of our Northern Episcopal
papers. Bishop Moore and myself did not change our relation
to the parish, but continued to visit the congregation as
usual, and said not a word to persuade the vestry to change their
course. At the death of Mr. Bassett, not many years after, of its
own accord a delegate was sent to the Convention, and all the back
dues honourably sent with him. The kindness of Mr. Bassett to
myself was increased during this period. He not only was most
attentive to me when in Williamsburg, but, as I always came to it
through New Kent, he would meet me in his carriage, more than
twenty miles off, at old Colonel Macon's, and carry me thence to
his hospitable home in Williamsburg, and, when my services
there were ended, insist on sending me to the next point. From
him I learned much of the character of the old church and its
ministers.

MR. ROBERT SAUNDERS.

The other person to whom I alluded was the elder Mr. Robert
Saunders, and father to the one of the same name now living in
Williamsburg. Whether he was descended from either of the two
ministers of that name on the list of the Virginia clergy, (one of
early date,) or related to them, I know not. Mr. Saunders was a
lawyer of distinction in Williamsburg, and highly esteemed by Dr.
Wilmer and Dr. Empie for his religious character. He furnished
Dr. Hawks a lengthy statement about the Church in Virginia, and
especially about the parish of Bruton. The following is his opinion
of the conduct of the Virginia Legislature in relation to the sale
of the glebes:—

"It was not, I am persuaded, the result either of covetousness, infidelity,
or sectarianism, but proceeded from the same spirit which gave
rise to the bill of rights and the Constitution bottomed upon them. I
remark, further, that it is manifest, from the history of the day and the
journal of the Legislative proceedings, that a great majority of both
Houses were, at the time of passing these statutes, Episcopalians, and
they clung to the Episcopal clergy as long as they could properly do so
under the pressure of public opinion. As an individual I was opposed
to the sale of the glebes, because I wished the Episcopal Church to be
predominant; and, as no direct injury was done to the Dissenters by keeping


188

Page 188
the glebes as appendages to the Church, I thought it was prudent to
preserve this property in the channel in which it had passed for so many
years, as an encouragement to the clergy of the Episcopal Church, to
whom the people had been mainly attached by habit and education. But
I cannot admit that the Legislature illegally seized and violated the
rights of the Episcopal Church. The property belonged to the parish,
and not to the clergy; and it is certainly now known that in very many,
if not the larger number, of parishes in Virginia, the Episcopalians were
not the majority, but a small minority at the time when this law was
enacted."—Letter to Dr. Hawks.

I entirely concur with Mr. Saunders, that covetousness did not
promote this law; for, as I shall show hereafter, the glebes were
not worth contending for. Infidelity and sectarianism, I think,
must have had their share in the work. I shall have occasion to
consider this question at a future time.

CONCLUSION.

Some thoughts on the formation of the Virginia character, as
displayed in the American Revolution and previously, may with
propriety follow after the history of the Church and College at
Williamsburg, and the foregoing list of vestrymen. As London
and the Universities were in one sense England, Paris and its University
France, so Williamsburg, while it was the seat of Government,
and the College of William and Mary, were, to a great extent,
Virginia. Here her Governor and chief officers resided; here her
Council often repaired and her Burgesses annually met. What
was their character? Whence did their ancestors come, and who
were they? Happily for the Colony, they were not Lords, or their
eldest sons, and therefore heirs of lordship. With one or two exceptions,
none such ever settled in Virginia. Neither were they in
any great numbers the ultra devotees of kings,—the rich, gay, military,
Cavalier adherents of Charles I.,—or the non-juring believers in
the divine right of kings, in the days of Charles II. and of James II.
Some of all these there were in the Colony, doubtless. Some dainty
idlers, with a little high blood, came over with Captain Smith at
first, and more of the rich and high-minded Cavaliers after the
execution of Charles I.; but Virginia did not suit them well
enough to attract and retain great numbers. There was too much
hard work to be done, and too much independence, even from the
first, for those who held the doctrine of non-resistance and passive
obedience to kings and others in authority, to make Virginia a


189

Page 189
comfortable place for them and their posterity.[52] And yet we must
not suppose that the opposite class—the paupers, the ignorant, the
servile—formed the basis of the larger and better class of the Virginia
population, when it began to develop its character at the Revolution,
and, indeed, long before. These did not spring up into
great men in a day or a night, on touching the Virginia soil. Some
of the best families of England, Ireland, Scotland, and France,
formed at an early period a large part of that basis. Noblemen
and their elder sons did not come over; but we must remember
how many of the younger sons of noblemen were educated for the
bar, for the medical profession, and the pulpit, and turned adrift
on the world to seek their own living, without any patrimony.
Some of those, and many more of their enterprising descendants,
came to the New World, especially to Virginia, in search of fortune
and honour, and found them here. Numbers of Virginia families,
who are almost ashamed or afraid in this republican age to own it,
have their genealogical trees, or traditionary records, by which
they can trace their line to some of the most ancient families in
England, Scotland, Ireland, and to the Huguenots of France.
Where this is not the case, still they can derive their origin from

190

Page 190
men of education, either in law, physic, or divinity, which things
were too costly in the old countries to be gotten by the poorer
classes, except in some few instances where charity was afforded.
Ministers could not generally be ordained without degrees from
Cambridge, Oxford, Dublin, or Edinburgh. Lawyers studied at
the Temple Bar in London; physicians at Edinburgh. For a long
time Virginia was dependent for all these professional characters
on English education. Those who came over to this country poor,
and ignorant, and dependent, had few opportunities of elevating
themselves; as has been happily the case since our independence,
by reason of the multiplication of schools and colleges, and of all
the means of wealth which are now open to us. Sir William
Berkeley in his day rejoiced that there was not a free school or
printing-press in Virginia, and hoped it might be so for a hundred
years to come; and perhaps it was not much otherwise as to
schools. In the year 1723, the Bishop of London addressed a
circular to the clergy of Virginia, then somewhat over forty in
number, making various inquiries as to the condition of things in
the parishes. One of the questions was, "Are there any schools
in your parish?" The answer, with two or three exceptions, (and
those in favour of charity-schools,) was, none. Private schools at
rich gentlemen's houses, kept perhaps by an unmarried clergyman
or candidate for Orders, were all the means of education in the
Colony, and to such the poor had no access. Another question
was, "Is there any parish library?" The answer invariably was,
none; except in one case, where the minister replied, "We have
the Book of Homilies, the Whole Duty of Man, and the Singing
Psalms." Such were the answers from thirty clergymen, whose
responses I have before me.[53] If "knowledge be power," Virginia
was, up to that time, so far as the poor were concerned, but a barren
nursery of mighty men. Would that it had been otherwise,
both for Church and State! Education was confined to the sons
of those who, being educated themselves, and appreciating the
value of it, and having the means, employed private teachers in
their families, or sent their sons to the schools in England and paid

191

Page 191
for them with their tobacco. Even up to the time of the Revolution
was this the case with some. General Nelson, several of the
Lees and Randolphs, George Gilmer, my own father and two of
his brothers, and many besides who might be mentioned, just got
back in time to prepare for the Revolutionary struggle. The College
of William and Mary, from the year 1700 and onward, did
something toward educating a small portion of the youth of Virginia,
and that was all until Hampden Sydney, at a much later
period, was established. But let any one look at the published
catalogue of William and Mary, and see how few were educated
there from 1720 to the Revolution, and let him notice who they
were. Let him also examine whatever lists of Burgesses, Henning's
volumes and the old Virginia almanacs furnish, and he will
see who they were that may be considered the chief men of Virginia.
I have been recently examining another set of records
which show who were considered her first men. I allude to the
vestry elections; and nine times in ten we are confident one of
their body was the delegate. They were the ruling men of the
parishes,—the men of property and education. As we have said
before, from an early period they were in training for the Revolution,
by the steady and ever-successful struggle with Commissaries,
Governors, Bishops of London, and the Crown, on the subject of
the calling and induction of ministers. They also spoke through
the House of Burgesses, which was made up of themselves. We
will venture to affirm that very few of the statesmen of the Revolution
went into it without this training. Even Mr. Jefferson, and
Wythe, who did not conceal their disbelief of Christianity, took their
parts in the duties of vestrymen, the one in Williamsburg, the other
in Albemarle; for they wished to be men of influence. In some
of the communications to England, the vestries are complained of
by the clergy as the aristocratic bodies,—the twelve lords or masters
of the parishes; and they did sometimes, I doubt not, rule
the poor clergy with a rod of iron; but they were not the men to
truckle to George III., Lord North, or the Parliament. Well did
Mr. Burke, in his celebrated speech on American affairs, reply to
some who said that the rich slaveholders of the South would not
stand a war, "that they were entirely mistaken; for that those
who had been long accustomed to command were the last who
would consent to obey."[54] In proof of my position that men of

192

Page 192
education, and that gotten chiefly in Europe, were the ancestors of
large numbers of those who formed at a later period the most
influential class, I would here insert a list of the earlier clergy of
Virginia which I got from some ancient documents, (most of them
unpublished,) and this is but a small part of those whose names
are lost to us forever. Let the reader compare these with names
on the civil and military list of Virginia's history, and he must
acknowledge the probability at least of consanguinity between
many of them. I begin with the names of Bucke, Whittaker, the
two Williamses, (names still common in Virginia,) Young, Key,
Berkeley, Hampton, Richardson, Teackle, Cotton, Palmer, Gordon,
the Smiths, Ware, Doyley, the Bowkers, Saunders, Holt,
Collier, Wallace, Walker, the Monroes, Slaughter, Blair, Ander
son, Ball, the Yateses, Hall, Latane, the Roses, the Joneses, Sharp,
Waggener, the Taylors, Stith, Cox, the Brookes, the Robertsons,
the Robinsons, Collings, Baylie, Bell, Warden, Debutts, Forbes,
Marshall, Preston, Goodwin, Cargill, Hughes, the Scotts, the
Fontains and Maurys, the Dawsons, Reid, White, Campbell, Graham,
the Thompsons, Fraser, Thacker, Wilkinson, the Navisons,
the Stewarts, the Dixons, Webb, Innis, Warrington, Cole, Purdie,
Marye, Mackay, Jackson, Green, McDonald, Moncure, Keith, Leland,
Craig, Grayson, Bland, Manning, Hamilton, Dick, Clay,
Lyons. Many of the foregoing belong to the first century of our
existence and to the early part of the second. Many of the families
of Virginia may have descended from some of the foregoing
without knowing it. I leave it to others to search out the civil
list of Virginia names, in order to ascertain as far as practicable
how many of their ancestors may have been well-educated doctors
and lawyers, or respectable merchants and farmers, when first
coming to this country. I hope I shall not be misunderstood. It
is no dishonour to be born of the poorest parents in the land. It
is a much greater honour to be descended from a poor and ignorant

193

Page 193
good man, than from a rich or learned bad man. I am only
speaking of a historical fact. It was the shame of our forefathers,
both here and in England, that they did not, by promoting education,
furnish more opportunities to the poor to become in a greater
degree the very bone and sinew of the State. It is our sin now
that more and better attention is not paid to the common schools
of Virginia, in order to make them nurseries of good and great
men.

 
[52]

It may very properly be called a mixed basis of Cavaliers, of the followers of
Cromwell and of the Pretender, and of the Huguenots, when persecuted and forced
to fly for refuge to other lands; and also of many respectable persons at other
times. The Test-Act, or subscriptions required of the vestrymen and other officers,
shows that no encouragement was held out, either to the followers of Cromwell or
of the Pretender, to expect honours and offices in Virginia. They always required
allegiance to the established Government, except during the temporary usurpation
of Cromwell. After the establishment of the House of Hanover, the Stuart Pretenders
and their followers were denounced in these test-oaths. Some specimens
of these subscriptions, or oaths, are presented in our sketches. So that, probably,
not many of either extreme came to Virginia, where they were thus stigmatized and
excluded from office unless on condition of abjuring their principles Dr. Hawks,
in his History of the Church in Virginia, says that its population before the protectorate
of Cromwell was twenty thousand; after the restoration of monarchy,
thirty thousand. There were only ten thousand added in ten or twelve years. If
we consider how many of this number were from natural increase in a new country,
how many not of the Cavalier class had come over, and how many of that class
returned on the accession of Charles II., it will not leave a large number to make
an impression on the Virginia character. Most of those Cavaliers who, by their birth
and talents, were most likely to make that impression, had gone to Surinam,
Barbadoes, Antigua, and the Leeward Islands. These "were to be men of the first
rate, who wanted not money or credit." (See Dr. Hawks's History, page 284.)
After the restoration of monarchy, some of the followers of Cromwell came over to
Virginia, but most probably in much smaller numbers than the Cavaliers had done,
as they would not find so welcome a home, for the loyalty of Virginia at that time
cannot be questioned.

[53]

Even the little establishment of Huguenots at Manakintown, whose compact
settlement so favoured education, and whose parentage made its members to desire
it, was so destitute, that about this time one of their leading men, a Mr. Sallie, on
hearing that the King was about to establish a colony in Ireland for the Huguenots,
addressed him a letter begging permission to be united to it, saying that there was
no school among them where their children could be educated.

[54]

In all that we say on this subject, concerning the patriots of the Revolution
and their connection with the Episcopal Church, and especially the vestries, it must
not be understood as excluding from their fair share in the assertion of the liberties
of the country those of other denominations. The Baptists as a body soon tendered
their services, and were accepted. They, however, were mostly descended
from Episcopalians, having for conscience' sake separated themselves from the
Established Church not long before the war. The same may be said of the Presbyterians
in Eastern Virginia; they were not numerous, being chiefly in Hanover,
Charlotte, and Prince Edward, but still they furnished most valuable men to the
cause. Those of Western Virginia, as well as the Germans, were descended from
European ancestors who were not of the Episcopal Church. They also were forward
and most effective in the Revolution.

 
[50]

If this Miss Evelyn whom Mr. Parke married was daughter or relative of the
Mr. Evelyn whose name appears among the pious benefactors of that day in England,
then was she connected with one of the truest friends of the Church of
America. In all that was done by the two great societies for the promotion of Christianity
in foreign lands,—the Propagation and Christian Knowledge Societies,—Mr.
Evelyn was among the foremost. Of him, at his death in 1705, it is said, "Evelyn,
full of years and honour, and breathing to the last the spirit of prayer and thankfulness,
entered into his rest."

[51]

Colonel Nicholas died at his seat in Hanover, leaving five sons,—George, who
moved to Kentucky; Lewis, who lived in Albemarle; John, who moved to New
York; Wilson Cary, who was member of the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States and Governor of Virginia; Philip Norborne, called
after Norborne, Lord Botetourt, his father's friend, and who, besides other offices,
held that of Judge of the General Court. One of the daughters of Colonel Nicholas
married Mr. Edmund Randolph; another Mr. John H. Norton, of Winchester.
She was the mother of the Rev. Mr. Norton, a venerable minister of the Episcopal
Church of New York, who has two sons in our ministry,—one in Virginia, the other
in Kentucky.