University of Virginia Library

H2. APPENDIX H2.

[Page 266.]

Towne's recantation first appeared in London's New York Packet,
published at Fishkill, October 1, 1771; and, afterwards, in the works
of Dr. Witherspoon, of Philadelphia, by whom it was written.

Recantation of Benjamin Towne.

"The following facts are well known: 1st. That I Benjamin
Towne, used to print the Pennsylvania Evening Post, under the protection
of Congress, and did frequently and earnestly solicit sundry
members of the said Congress for dissertations and articles of intelligence,
professing myself to be a very firm and zealous friend to
American Liberty. 2d. That on the English taking possession of
Philadelphia, I turned fairly round, and printed my Evening Post
under the protection of General Howe and his army, calling the Congress
and all their adherents, Rebels, Rascals, and Raggamuffins,
and several other unsavoury names, with which the humane and
Polite English are pleased to honor them—neither did I ever refuse
to insert any dissertation however scurrilous, or any article of intelligence
sent to me, altho' many of them I well knew to be, as a certain
gentleman elegantly expresses it, facts that never happened.
3d. I am now willing and desirous to turn once more, to unsay all
that I have last said, and to print and publish for the United States
of America, which are likely to be uppermost, against the British
Tyrant; nor will I be backward in calling him, after the example of
the great and eminent author[1] of Common Sense, The Royal Brute,
or giving him any other name more opprobrious, if such can be found.
The facts being thus stated, (I will presume to say altogether fully
and fairly) I proceed to observe, that I am not only proscribed by the
President and supreme executive Council of Pennsylvania, but that

several other Persons are for reprobating my paper, and allege that instead
of being suffered to print, I ought to be hanged as a Traitor to
my Country. Oil this account I have thought proper to publish the
following humble confession, declaration, recantation, and apology,
hoping that it will assuage the wrath of my enemies, and in some
degree restore me to the favor and indulgence of the Public. In the
first place then, I desire it may be observed, that I never was, nor
ever pretended to be a man of character, repute or dignity. I was
originally an understrapper to the famous Galloway[2] in his infamous
squabble with Goddard,[3] and did in that service contract such a habit
of meanness in thinking, and scurrility in Writing, that nothing exalted,
as brother Bell,[4] provedore to the sentimentalists, would say,
could ever be expected from me. Now, changing sides is not any
way surprising in a person answering the above description. I remember
to have read in the Roman History, that when Cato of Utica
had put himself to death, being unable to survive the dissolution of
the Republic, and the extinction of Liberty, another senator of inferior
note, whose name I cannot recollect, did the same thing. But
what thanks did he receive for this? The men of reflection only
laughed at his absurd imitation of so great a personage, and said—
he might have lived tho' the Republic had come to its period. Had
a Hancock or an Adams changed sides, I grant you they would
have deserved no quarter, and I believe would have received none;
but to pass the same judgment on the conduct of an obscure Printer
is miserable reasoning indeed. After all, why so much noise about
a trifle? what occasion is there for the public to pour out all its
wrath upon poor Towne; are turncoats so rare? do they not walk on
every side? have we not seen Dr. S—, J—A—, T—C—,[5]
and many others who were first champions for Liberty; then friends
to government—and now discover a laudable inclination to fall into
their ranks as quiet and orderly subjects of the commonwealth of
Pennsylvania.

The rational moralists of the last age used to tell us that there
was an essential difference between virtue and vice, because there
was an essential difference to be observed in the nature and reason
of things. Now, with all due deference to these great men, I think
I am as much of a Philosopher as to know that there are no circumstances
of action more important than those of time and place, therefore,
if a man pay no regard to the changes that may happen in these
circumstances, there will be very little Virtue, and still less Prudence
in his behavior. Perhaps I have got rather too deep for common
readers, and therefore shall ask any plain Quaker in this city, what
he would say to a man who should wear the same coat in summer as
in winter in this climate? He would certainly say, "Friend thy
wisdom is not great." Now whether I have not had as good reason
to change my conduct as my coat, since last January, I leave to every
impartial person to determine. 2dly, I do hereby declare and confess,
that when I printed for Congress, and on the side of Liberty, it was
not by any means from principle, or a desire that the cause of Liberty
should prevail, but purely and simply from the love of gain. I
could have made nothing but tar and feathers by printing against
them as things then stood. I make this candid acknowledgment
not only as a penitent to obtain pardon, but to show that there was
more consistency in my conduct than my enemies are willing to
allow. They are pleased to charge me with hypocrisy in pretending
to be a Whig when I was none. This charge is false; I was neither
whig nor tory but a Printer. I detest and abhor hypocrisy. I had
no more regard for General Howe or General Clinton,[6] or even for
Mrs. Lowring,[7] or any other of the Chaste Nymphs, that attended
the féte Champêtre,[8] alias Mischianza when I printed in their behalf,
than for the congress on the day of their retreat. It is pretended
that I certainly did in my heart incline to the English, because that
I printed much, bigger lies and in greater number for them, than

for the Congress. This is a most false and unjust insinuation. It
was entirely the fault of the Congress themselves, who thought fit
(being but a new potentate upon the earth,) to be much more modest,
and keep nearer the truth than their adversaries. Had any of them
bro't me in a lie as big as a mountain it should have issued from my
press. This gives me an opportunity of showing the folly as well as
malignity of those who are actuated by party spirit; many of them
have affirmed that I printed monstrous and incredible lies for General
Howe. Now pray what harm could incredible lies do? the only
hurt, I conceive, that any lie can do, is by obtaining belief, as a truth;
but an incredible lie can obtain no belief, and therefore at least
must be perfectly harmless. What will those cavillers think, if I
should turn this argument against them, and say that the most effectual
way to disgrace any cause is to publish monstrous and incredible
lies in its favor. In this view, I have not only innocence, but some
degree of merit to plead. However, take it which way you will,
there never was a lie published in Philadelphia that could bear the
least comparison with those published by James Rivington,[9] in New
York. This in my opinion is to be imputed to the superiority not
of the Printer, but of the Prompter or Prompters. I reckon Mr.
T—[10] to have excelled in that branch; and he had probably many
coadjutors.—What do you think of 40,000 Russians and 20,000
Moors, which Moors too were said by Mr. Rivington to be dreadful
among the women? as also the boats building at the forks of the
Monongahela to carry the Congress down the Ohio to New Orleans?
these were swingers.—As to myself and friend H——s.[11] we
contented ourselves with publishing affidavits to prove that the king
of France was determined to preserve the friendship that subsisted
between him and his good brother the King of England, of which
he has given a new proof by entering into and communicating his
treaty with the United States of America. Upon the whole I hope
the public will attribute my conduct, not to disaffection, but to attachment
to my own interest and desire of gain in my profession; a
principle, if I mistake not, pretty general and pretty powerful in the present
day. 3dly. I hope the public will consider that I have been a timorous
man, or, if you will, a coward, from my youth, so that I cannot
fight—my belly is so big that I cannot run—and I am so great a lover
of eating and drinking that I cannot starve. When those three things
are considered, I hope they will fully account for my past conduct,
and procure me the liberty of going on in the same uniform tenor
for the future. No just judgment can be formed of a man's character
and conduct unless every circumstance is taken in and fairly
attended to; I therefore hope that this justice will be done in my
case. I am also verily pursuaded that if all those who are cowards
as well as myself, but who are better off in other respects, and therefore
can and do run whenever danger is near them, would befriend
me, I should have no inconsiderable body on my side. Peace be
with the Congress and the army; I mean no reflections; but the
world is a wide field, and I wish everybody would do as they would
be done by. Finally, I do hereby recant, draw back, eat in, and
swallow down, every word that I have ever spoken, written or printed
to the prejudice of the United States of America, hoping it will not
only satisfy the good people in general, but also all those scatterbrained
fellows, who call one another out to shoot pistols in the air,
while they tremble so much they cannot hit the mark. In the mean
time I will return to labor with assiduity in my lawful calling, and
essays and intelligence as before shall be gratefully accepted by the
Public's most obedient humble servant,