 | THE SWARAJ OF MY IDEAL Swaraj in one year |  |
THE SWARAJ OF MY IDEAL
[The following is the full text of the speech
delivered by Mahatma Gandhi at Calcutta
in December, 1920:—]
Lord Ronaldshay who has done me the
honour of reading my booklet on Home Rule
has warned my countrymen against engaging
themselves in a struggle for a Swaraj such as
is described in that booklet. Now though I
do not want to withdraw a single word of it, I
would say to you on this occasion that I do
not ask India to follow out to-day the methods
prescribed in my booklet. If they could do
that they would have Home Rule not in a
year but in a day, and India by realising that
ideal wants to acquire an ascendency over the
rest of the world. But it must remain a day
dream more or less for the time being. What
I am doing to-day is that I am giving the
country a pardonable programme not the
abolition of law courts, posts, telegraphs and
of railways but for the attainment of Parliamentary
Swaraj. I am telling you to do that
so long as we do not isolate ourselves from
through schools, law courts and councils
through service, civil and military, and
payment of taxes and foreign trade.
The moment this fact is realised and
non-co-operation is effected, this Government
must totter to pieces. If I knew that the
masses were prepared for the whole programme
at once, I would not delay in putting it at once
to work. It is not possible, at the present
moment, to prevent the masses from bursting
out into wrath against those, who come to
execute the law. It is not possible, that the
military would lay down their arms without
the slightest violence. If that were possible
to-day, I would propose all the stages of non-co-operation
to be worked simultaneously. But
we have not secured that control over the
masses; we have uselessly frittered away
precious years of the nation's life in mastering
a language which we need least for winning
our liberty; we have frittered away all those
years in learning liberty from Milton and
Shakespeare, in deriving inspiration from the
pages of Mill, whilst liberty could be learnt at
our doors. We have thus succeeded in isolating
ourselves from the masses; we have been
to utilise our education in order to permeate
the masses. We have sat upon the pedestal
and from there delivered harangues to them
in a language they do not understand and we
see to-day that we are unable to conduct large
gatherings in a disciplined manner. And
discipline is the essence of success. Here is
therefore one reason why I have introduced
the word `progressive' in the non-co-operation
Resolution. Without any impertinence I may
say that I understand the mass mind better
than any one amongst the educated Indians.
I contend that the masses are not ready
for suspension of payment of taxes. They
have not yet learnt sufficient self-control.
If I was sure of non-violence on their part I
would ask them to suspend payment to-day
and not waste a single moment of the nation's
time. With me the liberty of India has become
a passion. Liberty of Islam is as dear to
me. I would not therefore delay a moment if
I found that the whole of the programme
could be enforced at once.
It grieves me to miss the faces of dear and
revered leaders in this assembly. We miss
here the trumpet voice of Surendranath
to the country. And though we stand as poles
asunder to-day, though we may have sharp
differences with him, we must express them
with becoming restraint. I urge non-violence
in language and in deed. If non-violence is
essential in our dealings with the Government,
it is more essential in our dealings with our
leaders. And it grieves me deeply to hear of
recent instances of violence reported to have
been used in East Bengal against our own
people. I was pained to hear that the ears of a
man who had voted at the recent elections had
been cut, and nights oil had been thrown into
the bed of a man who had stood as a candidate.
Non-co-operation is never going to succeed in
this way. It will not succeed unless we create
an atmosphere of perfect freedom, unless we
prize our opponent's liberty as much as our own.
The liberty of faith, conscience, thought and
action which we claim for ourselves must be
conceded equally to others. Non-co-operation
is a process of purification and we must continually
try to touch the hearts of those who
differ from us, their minds, and their emotions,
but never their bodies. Discipline and restraint
are the cardinal principles of our conduct and
social ostracism. I was deeply grieved therefore
to hear of the insult offered to a dead body
in Delhi and feel that if it was the action of
non-co-operators they have disgraced themselves
and their creed. I repeat we cannot
deliver our land through violence.
It was not a joke when I said on the congress
platform that Swaraj could be established
in one year if there was sufficient response from
the nation. Three months of his year are
gone. If we are true to our salt, true to our
nation, true to the songs we sing, if we are
true to the Bhagwad-Gita and the Koran, we
would finish the programme in the remaining
nine months and deliver Islam, the Punjab
and India.
I have proposed a limited programme
workable within one year, having special regard
to the educated classes. We seem to be labouring
under the illusion that we cannot possibly
live without councils, law courts and schools
provided by the Government. The moment
we are disillusioned we have Swaraj. It is
demoralising both for Government and the governed
thata hundred thousand pilgrims should
dictate terms to a nation composed of
can thus dictate terms. It is because we
have been divided and they have ruled. I
have never forgotten Humes' frank confession
that the British Government was sustained
by the policy of "Divide and Rule." Therefore
it is that I have laid stress upon Hindu
Moslem Unity as one of the most important
essentials for the success of Non-co-operation.
But it should be no lip unity, nor bania unity, it
should be a unity broadbased on a recognition
of the heart. If we want to save Hinduism I say
for God's sake, do not seek to bargain with the
Musalman. I have been going about with
Maulana Shaukat Ali all these months, but I
have not so much as whispered anything about
protection of the cow. My alliance with
the Ali Brothers is one of honour. I feel that
I am on my honour, the whole of Hinduism is
on its honour, and if it will not be found
wanting, it will do its duty towards the
Musalmans of India. Any bargaining would
be degrading to us. Light brings light not
darkness, and nobility done with a noble purpose
will be twice rewarded. It will be God
alone who can protect cow. Ask me not to-day,
`what about the cow,' ask me after Islam is
they do to entertain their English guests. Do
they not provide beef and champaigne for their
guests? Persuade them first to stop cow killing
and then think of bargaining with Musalmans.
And how are we Hindus behaving ourselves
towards the cow and her progeny? Do we treat
her as our religion requires us? Not till we
have set our own house in order and saved the
cow from the Englishmen, have we the right
to plead on her behalf with the Musalmans.
And the best way of saving the cow from them
is to give them unconditional help in their
hour of trouble.
Similarly what do we owe the Punjab?
The whole of India was made to crawl on her
belly in as much as a single Punjabi was made
to crawl in that dirty lane in Amritsar; the
whole womanhood of India was unveiled in
as much as the innocent women of Manianwalla
were unveiled by an insolent officer; and
Indian childhood was dishonoured in that, that
school-children of tender age were made to
walk four times a day to stated places within
the Martial area in the Punjab and to salute
the Union Jack, through the effect of which
order two children, seven years old, died of sun
sun. In my opinion it is a sin to attend
the schools and colleges conducted under the
ægis of this Government so long as it has not
purged itself of these crimes by proper
repentance. We may not with any sense of
self-respect plead before the courts of the
Government when we remember that it was
through the Punjab Courts that innocent men
were sentenced to be imprisoned and hanged.
We become participators in the crime of the
Government by voluntarily helping it or being
helped by it.
The women of India have intuitively
understood the spiritual nature of the
struggle. Thousands have attended to
listen to the message of non-violent non-co-operation
and have given me their
precious ornaments for the purpose of
advancing the cause of Swaraj. Is it any
wonder if I believe the possibility of gaining
Swaraj within a year after all these wonderful
demonstrations? I would be guilty of want of
faith in God if I underrated the significance
of the response from the women of India. I
hope that the students will do their duty. The
country certainly expects the lawyers who
the new awakening.
I have used strong language but I have
done so with the greatest deliberation. I am
not actuated by any feeling of revenge. I do
not consider Englishmen as my enemy. I
recognise the worth of many. I enjoy the
privilege of having many English friends, but
I am a determined enemy of the English rule
as is conducted at present and if the power—
tapasya—of one man could destroy it, I would
certainly destroy it, if it could not be mended.
An Empire that stands for injustice and
breach of faith does not deserve to stand if its
custodians will not repent and Non-co-operation
has been devised in order to enable the
nation to compel justice.
I hope that Bengal will take her proper
place in this movement of self-purification.
Bengal began Swadeshi and national education
when the rest of India was sleeping. I hope
that Bengal will come to the front in this
movement for gaining Swaraj and gaining
justice for the Khilafat and the Punjab
through purification and self-sacrifice.
| THE SWARAJ OF MY IDEAL Swaraj in one year | |